Professional Documents
Culture Documents
liBRARY
VOL. 21, Nos. 2-3 $4.95
,IIIN 28 1988
EdilOrs: Margatet Cerullo, John Demeter, Rob Elias, Marla Erlicn, E]jzabcth Francis, Evelynn
Hammonds, Ann Holder, Bill Haynes, Judy Housman, Donna Penn, Cynthia Peters, Leigh Peake, Ken
Schlosser, Hassan Vakili, Kim Westheimer, and Deb Whippen.
Associate Editors: Peter Biskind, Carl Boggs, Frank Brodhead, Paul Buhle, Margery Davies, Ellen Du
Bois, Barbara Ehrenreich, John Ehrenreich, Phyllis Ewen, Dan Gcorgakas, Matthew Goodman, Ted
German, Martin Glabennan, Jeff Goldthorpe, Linda Gordon, Jim Green, Mike Hirsch, AJlen Hunler, Joe
InlelTante, Mike Kazin. Ken Lawrence. StaughlOn Lynd, Mark. Naison, Jim O'Brien, Sheila Rowbotham,
James Stark, Gail Sullivan, Annmarie Troger, Martha Vicinus. Stan Weir, David Widgery, Ann
Wilham, and Renner Wunderlich.
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RADICAL AMERICA is available on microfilm from Xerox University Microfilms,]OO North Z«b Road, An
Arbor, MI4BI06, and indexed in Allernative Press Center Index, P.O. Box 7229, Baltimore, MD 2121B. II is als·
indexed in Americo: flisiory and Life. SOCiological AbslrOC"ls. and Women's Sludi,s AbslroCIS.
There have been 17,000 more cases of AIDS diagnosed in the U.S. since OUf special issue.
"Facing AIDS," went to press in August 1987. and another 6,000 deaths. Much of what we
anticipated and feared has come to pass in the intervening eight months. Not only have the
numbers continued to rise, the shifting demographics of the disease are now unavoidable:
people of color account for an increasing proportion of total AIDS cases; and studies of new
infection indicate this paltern will continue and intensify. The endless numbers are numbing;
to keep in focus their human face has become a poiitical task. The "Names Project," the ex
traordinary quilt made square by square by lovers, friends and family of people who have
died of AJDS, has been one moving attempt to represent the dimensions of love and loss ex·
perienced as a result of this epidemic. The interview we present with the Multi·Cultural Con·
cerns Committee (MCC) of Boston's AIDS Action Committee unfolds a process whereby the
numbers and the demographics come into focus for community activists who realize that
large numbers of people in communities of color - young people - are becoming sick and
dying of AIDS in secrecy and isolation.
In our previous issue, we presented an overview of the epidemic, particularly challenging
the creation of "risk groups" as a way of describing the contours of the disease. We were
2
concerned that the identification of gay men, duct of a community, not merely of a group of
prostitutes, Lv. drug users and "the pro pre-existing homosexual individuals" new sex
miscuous" would produce certain kinds of ual identities afe being built to defeat the spread
reactions (expendability) and lock in a societal of AIDS. The degree of self-acceptance created
response that undermines efforts to hah within the community since Stonewall and
transmission - by promoting the idea that demonstrated in Washington, DC at the March
avoiding certain "kinds of people" would keep for Lesbian and Gay Rights has taken public
one "safe." In this issue, we begin a process of form in the massive confrontation with the
tryiog to get inside various community efforts medical establishment, state and federal govern
to confront the epidemic. From inside the com ments, and public consciousness. Margaret
munities, we can see how the portrayal of Cerullo in "Night Visions" identifies how gay
AIDS, the premise of expendability, and the identity, community and gay politics are in
characterization of various risk groups has separable from a public contest over the mean
shaped the ability of communities to mobilize. ing of gayness.
The articles in this issue demonstrate how the
Heterosexual Spread response to AIDS has begun shifting the
political landscape within the communities
Embedded in the notion of "risk groups" is most affected by the epidemic. At stake is who
the idea that the virus is spread into other parts will speak, whose voice will represenl the gay
of the population where it didn't already exist. community or communities of color.
That regular people only get it by contact with The question of race and how the dispropor
someone who is part of a group that harbors the tionate impact of AIDS on communities of col
disease. In recent months we have followed the or will be represented has been a much debated
continuing discussion of heterosexual AIDS. element among the "leadership" of the black
The relentless debate about whether "we" will and Latin communities. Hidden beneath that
be affected, whether "our" sexuality will be public discussion and exposed in the Multi
transformed. Many stories in the mainstream Cultural Concerns Committee interview is the
press note with relief that in fact, AIDS doesn't struggle to deal openly with AIDS and especial
seem likely to crossover, that is, into the white ly the Questions of sexuality raised by the high
middle-class heterosexual population. That percentages of male to male transmission
relief with its underpinnings of who is valuable within those communities. Who will speak for
and who is not becomes very stark when we see and to the communities? Caught between an
articles in the New York Times that declare AIDS organization that failed to become
heterosexuals safe juxtaposed with reports that multicultural and agencies within their own
one in sixty babies in the New York area are communities that have been slow to respnod.
born HIV positive. MCC attempts to present an alternative voice.
In challenging agencies to address sexual diver·
More than the Story of a Virus sity, MCC comes up against community pro
scriptions against homosexuality and bisexuali
The post-Stonewall development of a public ty. As Paula Johnson asks, will the established
world for gays sets the stage for the expansive leadership coopt such a discussion of AIDS to
mobilization against AIDS that has, over the advocate for their own moral agenda? Or will
past six years, characterized the response by gay the people's need to know and desire to respond
men. Since gay male communities were the sites by-pass the leadership? The schism continues
where gay men created sexual identities, where between "black," "Latin," and "gay," yet, a
the meaning of being gay was formed, the fact disproportionate number of gay male AIDS
of AIDS being a sexually transmitted disease cases are among black and Latin men, who
demanded a collective response to the crisis. Ac often go unrecognized by both communities.
cording to Robert Padgug, AIDS has shaken the Kevin Cathcart's review of Randy Shilts'
institutions and sexual definitions gay men have And The Band Played On demonstrates how
developed. yet because "gay male sex was a pro- the Question of leadership has become a site of
J
•
debale in the gay communilY. From the stand of US and Israeli officiaJs provide the primary
point of the mass media, Shills gains voice as a accompaniment. While debates rage about the
legitimate representative. From within the gay implications of the uprising both for the future
community, activists have tried to wrest control of the occupied territories and for US policy in
from both the popular media and' 'spokesmen" the region, the voice of the Palestinians
like Shilts to define the impact of the epidemic themselves remains largely unheard. Jeanne
on gay men and shape the discussion thai sur Butl.erfield's "Letter From the West Bank and
rounds AIDS. Particularly offensive is Shilts' Gaza" helps to remedy this situation. Based on
dismissal of the suuggle of AIDS sufferers to her February trip to the territories, Butterfield
represent themselves. as "people with AIDS" weaves together a description of life in the West
rather than victims recently handed a death Bank and Gaza during the uprising with an
sentence. Patrick Grace in his speech, "Living analysis of its roots. Throughout, she allows
with AlDS," describes his baule with doctors, the people of the West Bank and Gaza. to tell
politicians, clergy and government agencies in their story.
his fight to survive the disease and how being We have also been bombarded in recent
based within a social movement empowers him weeks by images of the militarization of Centra)
to do so. Michael 8ronski speaks from inside America. US troops parachuting into Hon
the gay male community and challenges the gay duras. US officials talking tough about
movement to develop new ways of dealing with Panama, and an electoral victory to the party
loss and devastation, emphasizing how little the of the death squads in El Salvador. At the same
traditions of the Left contribute to this project. time, prospects for an end to the US sponsored
In their article on AIDS and Africa, two RA war on Nicaragua are improving. Still,
editors expose the (mis)representation cam however, the US Congress seems determined to
paign that underlies western popular and scien approve more contra aid, even as peace talks in
tific investigations of AIDS in those countries. Nicaragua continue. As an example of how
Examining the story the west tells itself about "truth" can be constructed, we present in this
AIDS and Africa, we learn more about the issue excerpts from former contra leader Edgar
western imagination than about African Chamorro's "Packaging The Contras." As the
realities. news from Central America filters through
Washington in to our living rooms,
��F
As images of the Palestinian uprlsmg nash Chamorro's story of disinformation and decep
on and off of our television screens, the words tion will be a valuable
MedIa and Current AffaIrs
A mDnO&raph .cnc. on \he Utel oIlhc media, misinfonn.tion Md disinfonn.tion from offlCWSOUrct.l
and Ihe makina of public policy, pubfuhed by Ihc
INSTITUTE FOR MEOlA ANALYSIS, Inc.
145 W. 4th St. New York NY 10012
(212)254-1061
Now .v.il.ble:
PACKAGING THE CONTRAS: A Cue of CJ.A. DlslnformaUOft
by Edgar Ch.mOfTO
An elsential, critical I0OI for undentandina U.S. fon:ip p::!Iicy and iu coven&e by Ihc mediL &laar
CIwnorJo,' former colll.rll leader, describes how Ihc CalinJ lntclli&Cllce Agency dbinformalion
campaign played. leading !Ok: in infIucncin. Ammcan public opinion and COIIgl'enionai debMes on.id
10 Ihc alll/rll.J.
Also Iv.il.ble:
THE REAGAN ADMlNlSTR.ATION AND NICARAGUA: Row WlShlnllon COIUtructJ Its
cue for count�volutlon In C�tral AmC'rica
by Morrlt MorleJ' and J.mes Pdr.,
Wilh an intrOduction by NOlIn Otomsky and an Afterword by MichaeJ ParaMi
SCMinizu Ihe Sute OepIrlmen�1 While P'pen on NiCll1lgUi and m SalYldor and explaiN how they Ire
used 10 paina wh.t Ihe .ulhon delcribc U I tcully dislOncd piaure of the realities of Cenual AmeriCi.
0rdI:r DOW, &lid pI_ • J&IIIdi. order ror tIItIn M�. 8uJII: rsale nlCll ... 1VIilab1e.
I II Wani '-4atUol"'" CQllUIJI. Sc.I __�, U $5.00 eaeh. pIuI.7.5 rorpoaqc&lld bMcfIina.
[ \1 wanl TIw Rtf'IQII lulmiiIU!t'tuI'OII IIIId Niean.&ua. Sa>d l!Ie_oop1e1 al$4.00uch. pllll.7.5 e.:h ror �e
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(ForeiBII ordas, U.S. I'undII pIIyable In tbc U.s., pluse add n.so pa'litle rill' alnnall) AmouIII �
r
and gay liberation, feminism, and anti
racism.
7
L E TT E R F ROM T H E WE ST
BA N K AN D GAZA
JEAN N E A. BUTTERFIELD
Our ad-hoc emergency delegation to the West In spite of Israeli proclamations of relative
Bank and Gaza came together in the weeks calm and Rabin's stated policy of beating
following the most fecent Palestinian uprising demonstrators into submission, the uprising
in the West Bank and Gaza. Feeling concern showed lillie signs of diminishing in strength
and outrage over the images coming over the and intensity. Shops were shuuered tight as a
nightly news broadcasts of Palestinian commercial strike continued into its third
demonslrators being confronted by Israeli month. and soldiers were visible on nearly every
bullets and beatings, we agreed to travel 10 the Slreet corner. We arrived at the YWCA and
occupied territories to see for ourselves what heard our first evening's lecture. by Jamal
was going on there. The delegation was made Nassar. a Palestinian-American professor who
up of people from many walks of life, and was is a visiting scholar al Bir Zeit Universily in the
notably "rainbow" in its composition. The West Bank this year. After a quick historical
twelve included five Blacks. one Latino, one overview and update aboul the current situa
Arab American and two Jews. The twelve also tion, Nassar concluded, "If Israel is to survive
included several city and county level elected and live in peace, there must be next to il a
officials, several educators, a journalist, a Palestine, also living in peace. It Bul peace
priest, and three allorneys. This is what we saw. seemed very distant as Nassar told of fifty
We arrived in Tel Aviv on February 3. nearly South African experts in riot control who had
two months after the Palestinian uprising had just arrived in Israel 10 leach troops how to use
begun. and proceeded by taxi to the YWCA in nels to control crowds.
Arab East Jerusalem. Along the way, monu
ments of rusted tanks were the only sign that we The Main ObSlacie to Peace
were near the armistice lines of 1948, the so
caUed "green line" separating the West Bank Because the commercial strike had closed
from the Israeli state. But since it is illegal to most offices, and because our time in Ihe West
show the "green line" on an Israeli map. or Bank and Gaza was so short, we decided to
mark it along the roadway. delegation members forego meetings with officials and spokes
kept asking "Where are we? Is this Israel or the people. and go out to the streets to see for our
West Bank? Where is the West Bank, selves what was happening. Early Thursday
anyway?" The assertion of "Eretz Israel" morning. we traveled up 10 Ramallah, a few
takes concrete form on the ground. miles north of Jerusalem, and brieny visited
•
•• a
Jerusoltm Post
Urn Khalil, director of the charitable institution of Olives, where dozens of wounded have been
called "Inash AI-Usra," Society for the Preser treated over recent weeks. We visited the most
vation of the Family, We found Urn Khalil seriously wounded, many with limbs broken in
visibly distraught al what was happening. several places by beatings, others who lost legs
"How can we even go on with providing ser as a result of wounds caused by exploding
vices?" she asked. "Look at all these women in "dumdum" bullets, stiU others who were par·
the hallway," she said, pointing toward dozens tially and wholly paralyzed from gunshot
of women outside her office. many crying. wounds to the spine. We saw youngsters of
"They come here for help; we can't even begin twelve and thirteen, and elderly women, all vic·
10 meet the need. This one's son was taken by tims of harsh and arbitrary repression. While
soldiers last Friday. She can't find him; we we spoke with a doctor, we saw a young man
don't know what has happened to him. This brought in by ambulance from a village near
one says that lasl night, in the middle of the Hebron, with multiple broken bones and
night, settlers came to the buildjng where she bruises. We asked his family what had hap
lives, knocked down doors, came in and pened. "The soldiers took him and beat him,
smashed furniture, dumped oul food supplies, then they took him in their helicopter, and then
beat people. What can we do? We want our in they dropped him out of the helicopter onto the
dependence, we want our stale. The Jews, they ground, from high in the air." Memories of
have their state. Let us have our state. Let us such atrocities in Vietnam flashed before our
have our freedom, our own representatives, the eyes as we returned to the YWCA and our even
PLO." ing lecture.
We went on to Macassed Hospital on Mount "See these Palestinians. strong, storming the
,
gates of their liberation," began Reuven and Monday, February 7 and 8, on the second
Kaminer, peace activist and member of month anniversary of the uprising. The Joint
the Roumania Four, Israelis who are being pro Committee of the Uprising is not publicly iden
secuted for meeting with members of the PLO. tified, but is commonly believed to be represen
Kaminer out1ined the recent activities of the tative of all political viewpoints within the
Israeli peace movement, and painted a sober Palestine Liberation Organization. While the
picture of the Israeli public's response to the Israeli government at first attributed the upris
Palestinian uprising. "About 5 percent are ing to the influence of "outside agitators."
ready for a two-state solution," Kaminer specifically the PLO, it is clear that the daily
estimates. "Another 40 to 50 percent know that events are planned, coordinated and communi
some kind of change is needed. And 15 percent cated by an indigenous leadership that ex
are ideologically opposed to any kind of con presses the will of every sector of society. There
cession. The center says, 'If we become like is no other way that the uprising could continue
South Africa, we will outlive our usefulness to for so long, or be so complete. And the institu
the US. The right says, 'So what's wrong with tionalized PLQ leadership in exile seemed as
South Africa?' The Palestinian uprising makes surprised as Israel at the extent and strength of
the Israeli peace movement stronger. But (he the recent uprising. The search for "alternative
glue (hat holds the occupation together is the moderate leadership" in place of the PLO has
US-Israeli relationship, and 4.5 billion dollars seemingly blinded Israel to the fact that the vast
of aid per year. The ruling class ;n Israel IS majority of Palestinians in the occupied West
ready to play its nationalist-expansionist game Bank and Gaza vehemently assert that the PLO
right up to the hilt of US guilt. The United is their chosen representative. A recent poll
States is the main obstacle to peace. We need a conducted there confirmed this fact, with 93
solution which is in the best possible interests of percent of the population indicating its choice
both peoples, Israelis and Palestinians." of leadership: PLO!
It is clear that no one is being directed by
The Role of Ihe PLO "orders from abroad." Local leaneu
distributed door-to-door under cover of night
When we awoke Friday morning, we learned announce upcoming plans, and exhort the local
that all schools in East Jerusalem had been population to organize. "Have you organized
ordered closed for a full week. While all five your alley today?" asks one recent leaflet.
universities in the West Bank and Gaza. and aU News of upcoming events, such as the call for
elementary and secondary schools as well, had the upcoming strike. are broadcast on the
been closed by military order for several weeks, clandestine radio salion "Voice of Jerusalem.
this was the first time in recent memory that for the Liberation of Land and Man," along
such an order had been imposed on the schools with daily news of demonstrations, lists of the
in Jerusalem. We tried to visit Dome of the wounded and killed, and nationalist music and
Rock and AI Aqsa Mosque in the Old City, but poelry. One of the most popular features is that
were prevented by dozens of armed Israeli of a young boy instructing others in more effec
police from entering the mosque area. "Come tive rock-throwing techniques. The radio sta
back tomorrow, today we expect trouble," they tion was referred to by one and all as an impor
said, referring to lhe noon time prayer services tant communication vehicle and a means of
which typically attract hundreds of worship keeping up the spirit and morale of the people.
pers. The week before, soldiers had fired tear In spite of Israeli efforts to disable or jam it.
gas into the mosque itself before worshippers the station came in loud and clear in Jerusalem.
had even emptied out into the plaza. And on As we drove up the small road to Idna, in the
Sunday, worshippers leaving the Church of the hills outside of Hebron, just south of
Holy Sepulchre had been gassed as well. Jerusalem, we wound our way through ten
During the night. leaflets had been circulated roadblocks of boulders. metal and burned tires.
from the Joint Commiuee of the Uprising, call As we reached the center of the village, hun
ing for a complete general strike for Sunday dreds of young people marched down the main
10
street waiving the Palestinian nag and chant committees aDd mass organizations such as the
ing, "Israel NO! PLO!" "This is liberated ter women's committees have collaborated in set
ritory," a young man shouted. "We have kept ting up popular committees that have been
the soldiers out with our roadblocks for seven working around the clock to organize medical
days now. The last time they came here, they and food relief 10 villages, towns and refugee
shot many young people. They broke into our camps suffering from sieges and curfews.
homes in the night, they smashed our things, Where Israeli troops have not allowed relief
mixed up our grain and sugar and rice, stomped supplies and personnel in, people have taken
on it. The Palestinian people, we want our the risk of smuggling supplies into these areas.
freedom, we want our land. Our demonstra A centralized fundraising campaign collects
tions will continue until we get our rights, until donations, and the entire society seems
we get our homeland." mobilized in support. It is this level of organiza
The villagers of Idna invited us into their tion, among every sector of society, that makes
homes and served us sweetened coffee and tea the uprising possible.
as they talked to us about our delegation and
The Road to Jenin . . .
11
FOURTEEN DEMANDS OF THE
UPRISING
During the past few weeks the occupied ter forever. Real peace cannot be achieved excepl
ritories have witnessed a popular uprising through recognition of the Palestinian nalional
against Israel's occupation and its oppressive rights, including the right of self--determination
measures. This uprising has so rar resulted in and the establisment of a Palestinian state on
the martyrdom of tens of our people. the Palestinian national soil. Should these national
wounding of hundreds more and the imprison rights not be recognized. then the continuation
ment of thousands of unarmed civilians. This of Israeli occupation will lead to further
uprising has come to further affirm our violence and bloodshed and the further deepen
people's unbreakable commitment to its na ing of hatred. The only way to extricate
tional aspirations. These aspirations include ourselves from this scenario is through the con
our people's fl11l1 national rights of self vening of an international conference with the
determination and of the establishment of an participation of all concerned parties. including
independent state on our national soil under the the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of
leadership of the PLO, as our sole legitimate the Palestinian people, as an equal partner, as
representative. The uprising also comes as fur well as the five permanent members of the
ther proof of our indefatigable spirit and our Security Council, under the supervision of the
rejection of the sense of despair which has two superpowers.
begun to creep inlO the minds of some who On this basis we call upon the Israeli
claim that the uprising is the result of despair. authorities to comply with the following list of
The conclusion to be drawn from this upris· demands as a means 10 prepare the atmosphere
ing is that the present stale of affairs in the for the convening of the suggested international
Palestinian occupied territories is unnatural peace conference which will achieve a just and
and that Israeli occupation cannot continue lasting selilement of the Palestinian problem in
rule, soldiers soon arrived to stop the proces· water supply comes from the West Bank. No
sion. Children began throwing stones at the wonder so many of the 900,000 Palestinians
soldiers, and the soldiers responded with tear who live there have no land left to farm, no
gas and live ammunition. We witnessed the olive trees left 10 tend. More than 45.000 travel
soldiers catch one young man and beat him to across the imaginary "green line" to work in
unconsciousness. Soldiers began to yell at us to Israeli fields and factories daily. But they are
get out. When we continued to take photos, the not allowed to sleep inside the "green line"
soldiers began throwing stones at us, then overnight, so the daily travel adds hours onto
pointed their guns at us, and then came running the work day, and those caught inside at night
toward us. Our film was confiscated and de· are imprisoned.
stroyed. Some of us were frisked to make sure
we hadn't hidden any more film, and we were israeli Resistance . . .
ordered out of the village. Later that night w e met with Israelis from
On our way back to Jerusalem, we passed Y'esh O'vul, the reserve soldiers resistance
hillside after hillside scarred by the construction movement, and the Coalition to End the Oc
of new Israeli settJemenls. In spite of the fact cupation. Ishai Menuchin. an officer and leader
that such settlements are clearly prohibited of Y'esh G'vul explains that the name "Y'esh
under the Oeneva Conventions, the West Bank G'vul" means not only "there is a limit," but
is now populated by 60,000 armed settlers who also "there is a border." The group is organiz
now control nearly 60 percent of the land of the ing among reservists on the principle of "selec
West Bank. And one·third of Israel's daily live resislance." It has gOllen 250 reservists to
12
all its aspects, bringing about the realization of detainees and the cancellation of the hundreds
the inalienable national righlS of the Palestinian of house arrest orders. In this connection,
people, peace and stability for the peoples of special mention must be made of the hundreds
the region and an end to violence and blood of applications for family reunions which we
shed: call upon the authorities to accept forthwith.
I . To abide by the Fourth Geneva Conven 5. The immediate lifting of the seige of all
tion and all other international agreements per Palestinian refugee camps in the West Bank
taining to the protection of civilians, their pro and Gaza, and the withdrawal of the Israeli ar
perties and rights under a state of military oc my from all population centers. �
cupation, to declare the Emergency Regulations 6. Carrying out a formal inquiry into the
of the British Mandate null and void, and to behavior of soldiers and settlers in the West
stop applying the iron fist policy. Bank and Gaza, as well as inside jails and
2. The immediate compliance with Security detention camps, and taking due punitive
Council Resolutions 605 and 607, which call measures against all those convicted of having
upon Israel to abide by the Geneva Convention unduly caused death or bodily harm to un
of 1949 and the Declaration of Human RighlS; armed civilians.
and which further call for the achievement of a 7. A cessation of all settlement activity and
just and lasting settlement of the Arab-Israeli land confiscation and release of lands already
conflict. confiscated, especially in the Gaza Strip. Abo
3. The release of all prisoners who were ar putting an end to the harassments and provoca
rested during the recent uprising, and foremost tions of the Arab population by setders in the
among them our children. Also the rescinding West Bank and Gua as well as in the Old City
of all proceedings and indictments against of Jerusalem. In panicular, the curtailment of
them. the provocative activities in the Old City of
4. The cancellation of the policy of expul Jerusalem by Ariel Sharon and the
sion and allowing all exiled Palestinians, in ullrareligious settlers of Shuvu Banim and
cluding the four expelled to Lebanon on 1 3 Ateret Kohanim.
January 1988, to return to their homes and 8. Refraining from any act which might im
families. Also the release of all administrative pinge on the Moslem and Christian holy sites or
sign a declaration that they will refuse orders to and organized boycotts of settler products.
serve in the occupied West Bank or Gua. Y'esh Kidron concluded, "As the Jews of Israel have
G'vul formed in the days of the 1982 Israeli in the right of self-determination, so do the
vasion of Lebanon. One-hundred sixty reser Palestinians. It's a matter both of principle and
vists who refused to go to lebanon served time of pragmatic politics. "
in military jail for this refusal. "After Israel left
Lebanon, we met and decided that the problem . . . and Repression
is occupation," Menuchin told us. "We put an Lea Tsemel, an Israeli attorney who
ad in the paper yesterday. Our refusal to serve represents Palestinians in military courts in the
is a political weapon. Peace Now does not sup West Bank, described the "legal" methods of
port us. They think you should change the repression being implemented during the upris
military from within. But we have an impact ing. "More are being given expulsion orders,"
beyond our numbers. The Israeli government is said Tsemel. Four have been expelled, and five
using the army as a political solution to the oc more face imminent expUlsion. "Over 100 new
cupation. But it is not a solution. The govern administrative detention orders have been
ment must sit down and talk with the Palesti issued in the West Bank and 50 in Gaza. These
nians, with the PLO." Peretz Kidron, of the orders, which run for six months, can be renew
End the Occupation Coalition "Dai Lakib ed indefinitely. People are facing all kinds of
bush," told of other activities of the coali restrictions, town arrest, house arrest And col
tion-peace marches, demonstrations, hunger lective punishment is increasing too. If any
strikes, and possible future civil disobedience family member is suspected of any serious of-
13
which might introduce changes in the status jccts and artesian water wells as well as
quo in the City of Jerusalem. agricultural development programs in the oc
9. The cancellation of the Value Added Tax cupied territories. Also rescinding all measures
(V .A.T.) and all other direct Israeli taxes which taken to deprive the territories of their water
are imposed on Palestinian residents in resources.
Jerusalem, the rest of the West Bank, and in 1 3 . Terminating the policy of discrimination
Gaza; and putting an end to the harassment being practiced against industrial and
caused to Palestinian business and tradesmen. agricultural produce from the occupied ter
10. The cancellation of all restrictions on ritories either by removing the restrictions on
political freedoms, including restrictions on the transfer of goods to within the Green Line,
freedom of assembly and association; also or by placing comparable trade restrictions on
making provisions for free municipal elections the transfer of Israeli goods into the territories.
under the supervision of a neutral authority. 14. Removing the restrictions on political
I I . The immediate release of all funds contacts between inhabitants of the occupied
deducted from the wages of laborers from the territories and the PLO, in such a way as to
territories who worked and still work inside the allow for the participation of Palestinians from
Green Line, which amount to several hundreds the territories in the proceedings of the
of millions of dollars. These accumulated Palestine National Council, in order to ensure a
deductions, with interest. must be returned to direct input into the decision-making process of
their rightful owners through the agency of the the Palestinian nation by the Palestinians under
nationalist institutions headed by the Workers' occupation. Signed,
Unions. Palestinian nationalist institutions and
12. The removal of all restrictions on community leaders from the West Bank and
building permits and licenses for industrial pro- Gazg
fense, their house is sealed and blown up. The report even has a secret appendix which sup
Israeli Supreme Court itself, the court of last posedly defines exactly how much physical
resort, has ruled that all of these measures are pressure is 'moderate'. If you already find tor
legal, even though all are totally in contraven ture, can you imagine what will happen now
tion of international convention and law." that it is officially sanctioned?" Is it any
Tsemel estimates that at least 400,000 Palesti wonder that an uprising is going on under these
nians have gone through the machinery of in conditions? The only wonder is that it has been
terrogation at least once in their lives, and that twenty years in ·coming.
every fifth Palestinian has been imprisoned Although the delegation visited refugee
during the twenty years of Israeli occupation. camps and villages in the West Bank, we were
She estimates that 93 percent of all convictions unprepared for what we found in Gaza. Here,
in military court are made on the basis of forced nineteen settlements with 2000 Israeli settlers
confession. These confessions happen dur control )1 percent of the land of this tiny strip.
ing the first fourteen days of imprisonment, The Palestinian population of nearly 600,000
when prisoners are held incommunicado and live in impoverished towns and wretched
cannot see a lawyer, a family member, or even refugee camps, with 55,000 traveling across the
the international Committee of the Red Cross. "green line" to work in Israel every day. By the
Tsemel went on to describe the results of the time we arrived, the entire strip had closed
recent Israeli Landau Committee report, which down in support of the complete general strike
concluded that Israeli security services routinely which had been called for by the Join! Commit
apply systematic torture to Palestinian tee for the Uprising. The most densely popu
prisoners during interrogation. "The report lated strip of land on the face of the earth was a
concludes that security services should be ghost-town. No cars moved on the streets, and
allowed to use 'moderate physical pressure' on no one could be seen moving from the road
Palestinian prisoners," Tsemel exclaims. "This way. The thoroughness of the strike. in a stnp
is the only country to legalize torture. The which is home to 600, 000 people, is testimony
14
to the organizing which has gone on over the perienced after soldiers broke into their shelter
two months of uprising. one night recently. "I don't know if you
As we drove through Gaza, we could see understand how deeply this goes against their
smoke rising in ominous black clouds from culture. to expose themselves this way to
burning tires at roadblocks in the camps and in strangers, and to men, II said one member of the
the towns. We met with Gaza altorney Raji delegation with tears in his eyes. We huddled in
Sourani, who himself had been imprisoned and the room with these women as soldiers began
tortured in 1986 arter reporting the torture of bealing on the corrugated metal door of the
three of his clients to the Israeli military shelter. Finally, young people from the camp
authorities in Gaza. He is presently on strike, began shouting and making a small demonstra
with all the Gaza lawyers, who refuse to repre tion at the other end of the street to distract the
sent detainees arrested during the uprising. soldiers, while we hurriedly made our way back
Technologies or Resistance to the clinic to our cars.
of the past weeks. They had received thirty-four weighing heavy on the people for many years.
wounded that afternoon, and had sent fourteen The Iron Fist was announced as Israeli policy
of the most serious injuries, mostly gunshot back in 1985. after the May prisoner exchange.
wounds, on to the hospital in Gaza City. They Settlers were increasing their attacks on the
recounted the horror of hundreds of broken released prisoners, the government began its
bones, crushed ribs, and infant deaths and policy of administrative detentions and expul
miscarriages due to tear gassing in close sions again, the repression was very brutal.
quarters in the densely populated camp. In the There has been an upsurge of resistance over
two days immediately following Rabin's an the past two years, with spontaneous actions,
nounced policy of beatings, 200 people with homemade simple weapons. But we also have
broken bones had been brought to Gaza clinics become more organized. Our national institu
for treatment. "When the soldiers come into tions are strong, every sector of society is
the camp," said Dr. Rouhanna, "they often cut organized. We refused to 'elect' an alternative
the telephone lines. So when there are injured, leadership, and we refused those the Israelis
no one can even call the clinic here to send an tried to install in power. The US/Jor
ambulance. But we now use telemouth. Last danian/Israeli development plans for us were a
week, when the phones were cut, people went sham. We refused to be coopted by the promise
up on the roofs. and from the quarter of the of so-called autonomy, or limited self-rule
camp where there were wounded, they passed under Jordan. We knew that all this would
the call 'help' from one shelter to the next, until mean is that the Israelis would keep the land
it reached us here at the clinic. Then they guid and the military control, the Jordanians would
ed the ambulance back the same way." police us, and we would be allowed to pick up
Leaving the clinic, we made our way through our own garbage."
the narrow alleyways of the camp to visit " Then three things happened in quick succes
several families in their shelters. In each shelter, sion. First, the PLO rebuilt its unity at the
we found people who had been severely beaten Palestine National Council meeting in Algiers
by Israeli soldiers and who had broken limbs, last April. This was a tremendous psychological
head injuries, and severe bruises. Several elder and political boost to our morale. II also in
ly women sat on the floor in one shelter, and ex creased cooperation among the various political
posed their shoulders and backs to show us the factions on the ground here, and gave us some
bruises from the severe beating they had ex- optimism that diplomatic efforts towards
"
negotiations would be successful. But second, While members of the delegation all had ex
the Arab Summit met in Amman in November, pressed oppositjon to the occupation in the
and that was a big blow to us. The Arab past, most were unprepared for the harsh
regimes put the Palestinian struggle at the end Israeli repression which they witnessed in the
of their agenda. They said Iran is the number West Bank and Gaza. " II is hard to describe
onc enemy, the Gulf War is the number one this except as a campaign of terror against a
issue and that King Hussein is the guardian of whole people, " the group slated in its press
the PlQ. That was a real blow to our hopes, conference in Jerusalem just before departing
and made us realize that we couldn't wait for the United States. "We are not experts. We
forever for the Arab regimes to come to our did not come, nor do we leave with a prescrip
rescue. Finally, the hand glider attack on the tion for a solution to the connict we have
Israeli army post at the end of November sent a witnessed. But based on five days of experienc
shock of electricity through us. It made people ing the passionate intensity with which the
realize that the key to liberation is in our own Palestinian people are making their demands,
hands. And so when the military truck ran over for self-determination, for an end to the oc
and killed four young men in Gaza on cupation, and for representation by the PlO, it
December 9, it was the spark that made this is our belief that terror will not stop them.
whole situation erupt into names." II is these Their demands are just and the realization of
names which the Israeli military is trying to put those demands is in the interest of all sides in
II
out with bullets, beatings and tear gas bombs. this COnmCl.
16
______ ,-,II
A I DS A N D A F R I CA : The
Western I magination and the Dark
Continent
Margaret Cerullo and Evelynn Hammonds
The following nOles represent a partial examinalion by RA editors oj the US scientific and popular
discourse on Ihe character oflhe AIDS epidemic in Africa, II has been our experience in trying /o so/ici/
substantial articles about AIDS in Africa (and olher parIs 0/the Third World) that Ihere is a d�unclion
between those writing about AIDS in Africa. and those rooted in African history. cu/lure or politics.
who are nol (yet) writing extensively about AIDS. As we have sifted our way through the material on
AIDS in Africa we have encountered several questions that seem par/icularly worthy offurther ex
,
p/oration. We hope Ihal this brief overview will encourage others wilh greater expertise and knowledge
ofAfrican societies and cultures. particularly Africans, 10 help (re)frame the discussion.
"The word 'plague '. . . conjured up in the dOClor's mind not only what science chose 10 put into it,
but a whole series offantastic possibilities uuerly OUI of keeping" with the bourgeois town of Oran,
where the plague struck. How could a disease so extraordinary as plague happen in a place so or
dinary and dull?"
Paula A. Treichler, following Albert Camus, The Plague1
"AIDS," Paula Treichler poinlS out in reference to gay men in the US, "in initially striking people
perceived as alien and exotic by scientiSlS, physicians, journalists and much of the US population, did
not pose such a paradox." This is perhaps even more true of reporlS of AIDS in Central and East
Africa, where the association with disease and "exotic" sexual practices comes naturally to the Western
imagination. One of the troubling aspeclS one faces in trying to understand the AIDS pandemic is the
Eurocenlric and racist views that shape information about the prevalence of the virus in Africa.' First
of all, the data from one city or country is routinely generalized across the continent as if "Africa"
were a simple unity.) Imagine generalizing the AIDS picture in San Francisco to Boise, Idaho as if the
incidence or the risks were likely to be the same.
Second, researchers now recognize that early HIV surveillance in Africa (1983-85) produced
significant numbers of false positive resullS, due to the fact that the presence of other diseases, in par
ticular malaria which is Quite common, produced a positive test result. Yet, as the Panos Institute
points out, many researchers continue to Quote the earlier incidence figures without noting the
necessary revisions."
Images of Africa as the dark, primitive continent persist. Because heterosexual transmission was
identified early among HIV positive persons in many African countries, the US media continues to
publish anicles framing a debate on whether heterosexuals here (read "white middle class hetero
sexuals") are at risk for AIDS. Cosmopolitan author Robert Gould differentiates between the violent
sex of African men "taking" their women and the gentle sex of white (civilized) heterosexuals in the
West to account for the 1 : I ratio of men to women AIDS cases in Africa.! Fran Hosken repeats this
fantasy with a feminist slant stemming from her concern with sexual violence against women
perpetuated through "genital mutiliation": "It is clear that traditional sexual practices by African
men, as well as the widespread custom of genitally mutiliating a large part of the the female papula-
17
tion, are responsible for the different pattern of AIDS transmission. The heterosexual transmission
of AIDS in Africa is clearly 111 explained by violent sexual practices. '"
The effort to separate "their" heterosexuality from "ours" has rested on three other main
arguments. First is the emphasis on sexual "promiscuity" as a research focus. The risk factors that
have been identified among heterosexuals include "number of sexual partners, sex with prostitutes,
and being a prostitute" in part becuase these are the risk factors that have been looked for! Science
magazine recently reported approvingly the observation of a Belgian scientist that, among heterosex
uals, individuals with a large number of sexual partners might be found more in African cities than in
the West. Science was dismissive of the African health official who accused the Western scientist of
"unscientific speculation. '"� Second is the speculation that heterosexual transmission in Africa
results because anal intercourse is a common form of birth controL' The problem with such
generalizations is not entirely whether they are true or false (though data does not seem to support
this speculation), but that they are reported in such as way as to imply that such practices are so dif
ferent from ours (which is questionable) and that it is such behavior that brought down this terrible
scourge.
The third and probally the favorite argument about heterosexual transmission in Africa depends
upon an abysmal lack of knowledge of the geography, let alone the cultural and political diversity of
Africa. This is the argument associating the equal sex ratio of African AIDS cases with the
"widespread" practice of female genital mutilation. In fact the areas where genital mutilation is
practiced do not correlate with those countries in which AIDS is prevalent. That this point has not
even been noticed indicates how little Americans know about Africa. The primary source for the ac
counts of female genital mutilation in Africa known to Western feminists is the writing of Frank
Hosken, who is the source of the maps that are continually reproduced to represent the "widespread
custom" of "genitally mutiUating a large part of the female population in Africa. "'. Yet these maps
are deceptive. By "coloring in" entire countries if the practice exists at all within them (and these
practices vary considerably according to ethnic group, religion, and culture), the extent of female
genital mutilation is exaggerated." A second, and recently prominent source of the " genital mutila
tion" connection is Hannah Edemikpong, who writes from "the Women's Center in West Africa."
(This is about as precise a designation as "the Women's Center in Western Europe," or "the
Women's Center in the eastern US. ") In a recent letter sent to a number of individuals and organiza
tions in the US 10 appeal for funds for Lhe grassroots campaign against genital mutilation she and her
associates are waging, she claims they have dissuaded five million rural women from the practice. l �
AIDS In Africa
rJ
_.. _ . ...-
Ch')l,r,.,.,. Hook...
Time, AIDS in A/rico. FtbruorJI 16. 1987
She is also the source for Charles Hunt's assertion in MOlllhly Review's anicle on AIDS in Africa of
a likely connection between female genital mutilation and AIDS in Africa. He quotes Edemikpong as
claiming to have authenticated a "research revelation: of the 98.000 reported cases of AIDS in
Africa since 1984, three-quarters are women who are from the areas where female genital mutilation
is widely practiced. "U It is very difficult to know what to make of such numbers. According to the
Panos Institute's most recent report (January 1988), compiled from WHO statistics, there are cur
rentiy 8700 reported cases of AIDS in Africa." And five million rural women dissuaded from genital
mutilation would represent something of a cullura] revolution in Africa which we might have heard
of sooner. While we do not wish to make light of the possibility that genital mutilation could con
tribute 10 HIV transmission, at this historical moment, this connection does not seem to exist em
pirically.
Origin Stories
Paralleling the search for Patient "Zero" (see Kevin Cathcart's review of Shilts, And the Band
Played On in this issue) in the gay community the scientific community intensified its efforts to find
the place where the AIDS virus originated. By 1983, some evidence suggested that AIDS may have
shown up first in Africa. As Western scientific and media allenlion focussed on this fact, health per
sonnel from African countries found themselves on the defensive. Reports continue to highlight the
"reluctance" of leaders from African countries to acknowledge the presence of AIDS in Africa while
conversely not noticing the reluctance of our own country to confront the epidemic which has up un
til recently been dealt with by organizations in the gay community. I I Few accounU (if any) have sug
gested that there might be legitimate reasons on the part of African medica] personnel or politicians
to queSlion information about AIDS in their countries. The initial identification of AIDS as the gay
plague clearly shaped their response as it has official response by countries around the world. But
health workers in Africa also expressed resentment at the way in which the complexity of health and
disease among their peoples was ignored by Western scientists and the press while "abnormal" sexuaJ
behavior was emphasized.
As Africa was identified as the place where the virus originated, response from other countries
toward African travelers was predictable. I. African Concord reported in October 1986 that the
British government had proposed to screen all visitors from Uganda, Zambia and Tanzania for the
HIV virus. As the anicle noted, " . . . though a number of African countries have experienced a
number of deaths from AIDS, they are far oUUtripped by America, where figures have reached
epidemic proportions. Yet the British government has no plans to screen the many Americans visiting
the country.""
The popular press has seen no need to inform us that early reports of the prevalence of AIDS in
Africa were invalid, as we have indicated, because of (he high number of false positives among the
results. As confirmatory tests and beller equipment have become more widely available, many coun
tries in Africa have acknowledged the presence of AIDS. In Uganda. Rwanda and Zaire, research
labs have been established, wider use of blood screening is occurring, and healthalion programs are
being implemented.
The fondness for African "origins" is illustrated by a recent research study and its reporting in the
popular press. The slUdy took place in Zaire where the availability of blood samples collected in 1976
made it possible to search retrospectively for HIV infection in rural Zaire. The study found a cons
tant (low) presence of the HIV antibody in a similar population ten years later. This suggested to the
researchers both thai HIV infection has existed for at least ten years in some parts of Africa, and that
" disruption of traditional lifestyles" due to urbanization may account for the stability of infection in
"traditional, rural" Zaire compared to its sharp prevalence in the urban centers of Kinshasa and
Kingali. By the time this research reached the Boston Globe, the headline read "Study in Zaire shows
AIDS virus may have existed for 100 years, It and the story began, "AIDS infections have smoldered
in the remole villages of Zaire for the past twelve years - and possibly for as long as a century (why
no!?) - according to authors of a study published this week. " (Italics ours)
"
Modes of Transmission: Epidemiology of AIDS in Africa
As of 1987 most researchers agreed that AIDS first appeared in Africa in the late 1970$ as it did in
the US and Haiti. The countries with the highest number of reported cases are from East and Central
Africa and include: Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zaire. Zambia also has a high
caseload. Because the reporting of cases is still sketchy it is not possible to give an accurate number of
the cases in Africa.
Since AIDS is a complex syndrome and not a single disease, it is not surprising that the picture of
AIDS in Africa shows some marked differences from what we see in the US and Europe. In Africa
the highest incidence of AIDS has been found among sexuaJly active heterosexuals, twenty-forty
years old, with equal numbers of men and women affected. The women tend to be younger that the
men and a high percentage are thought to be prostitutes. (Researchers tend to use an expansive defini
tion of "prostitute. " For example, in research in Zaire, the term included "free women" (femmes
libres). which it is recognized applies not only to prostitutes but to unattached, sexually active
women.11t Those who have the virus frequently also have a venereal disease. High rates of sexually
transmitted diseases have been found in the general population and in HIV positive persons.
Homosexuality and Lv. drug use are not considered factors in the transmission of the virus.
However, that conclusion could be incorrect given that not much is known about homosexuality in
African countries.lO The opportunistic infections associated with AIDS in Africa are more often
stomach or digestive infections, skin diseases. tuberculosis and meningitis rather than Kaposi's sar
coma and pneumonia reported in the U.S.
There is no clear answer as to why the HIV virus produces such different clinical results in East and
Central Africa, though suppressed immune systems may be a key factor. Many Africans have
diseases associated with poor nutrition and poverty that result in compromised immune systems.
Protein-calorie malnutrition which is widespread in these countries is known to be the most common
cause of T-cell immunodeficiency world-wide. II
The numbers of children with AIDS is also high in Central and EastAfrica and in Zambia. Many of
them are believed to have been infected through blood transfusions. The children receive blood
transfusions in African hospitals for malaria-related or sickle cell-related anemia. In Rwandan
hospitals for example, about one child in three receives such transfusions. And nearly 20'10 of Rwan
da's HIV positive children were infected in this way.u
As noted above, Lv. drug use is not considered a factor in the spread of AIDS in Africa but the use
of needles for medical injections (often preferred by African patients who believe needle injections
are more effective than oral medication) and ritual scarring may play some part in the spread of the
virus. The re-use of needles is common because of the lack of adequate supplies of sterile ones.
What we know about the epidemiology of AIDS in Africa raises more questions than answers. The
complex mesh of factors associated with the disease means that currently there is no way 10 ascertain
the relative importance of the various methods of transmission.lJ For example, it is not known
whether a prior history of sexually transmitted diseases is a risk factor because genital lesions
facilitate the transmission of HIV or because of exposure 10 unsterilized needles for treatment of sex
ually transmitted diseases. H Nor is it known how the number of sexual partners versus the frequency
of sexual activity, or the presence or absence of genital lesions or comprised immune systems, act
together to affect the course of the virus. In terms of morbidity and mortality. malaria, diarrheal
disease and malnutrition may be more important than AIDS to people in Africa. And the way in
which the HIV virus progresses in the presence of these factors could aJso lead to a rise in other
endemic diseases like syphilis and tuberculosis in such a way that standard forms of treatment of
these diseases would have to be modified in significant and probably more expensive ways."
There has been increasing pressure from international aid agencies for African governments to in-
stitute programs of "routine" HIY-antibody testing among their populations, but this has been
resisted by Africans as renecting priorities of interest to Western aid agencies, nOI in tune with
African realities. Mozambique, for example, is currently unable to test pregnant women (prime can
didates for HIY-screening) for syphilis, which is treatable and known to be prevalent." Testing is not
only expensive, but there is concern that programs would be confounded by prejudice about who's
"at risk." f1 There is also concern that publicity about AIDS would result in less blood donated.
Evidence from the US, where more than half the population refuses to give blood because of confu
sion about AIDS trknsmission suggests that such concerns are well-grounded.
Screening the blood supply for the presence of HIV antibody would seem to be an urgent health
priority in Africa. Tanzanians, for example, are currently advised to have blood transfusions only in
cases of life or death emergency.19 It is hard to imagine how people absorb this information and make
decisions on the basis of it. Yet, many have pointed out that the cost of protecting the blood supply is
prohibitive: a US House Select Committee on Hunger Report, e.g., estimates that blood bank screen
ing in Africa would cost approximately thirty times the annual public health expendilUres of the en
tire continent. n The idea that blood bank screening, because it is so expensive, is "out of the ques
tion"J· is repeated by most analysts of AIDS in Africa, including radicals.JI Yet, it is worth at least
questioning the elements of the the "cost" of the blood testY As the test is currently performed. a
single test kit set costs about S3-S5, JJ and repeated tests are often necessary to ensure valid results. All
tests are subsequently sent to a laboratory for analysis by skilled technicians using special equipment
(the electronic blood test machine is reported to cost S3000.)J· Clearly, as the Panos Inslitute Report
points out, an inexpensive beside blood test is urgently needed in Africa. But equally clearly, this is
not likely to become a priority for pharmaceutical companies' research and development, any more
than reduction of the "cost" of test kit sets. With the lucrative Japanese market about to open up as
Japan moves to institute mandatory testing of their population (estimales put the Japanese market at
S22.5 million), H the prospect of protecting the African blood supply cheaply does indeed begin to
seem "out of the question." However, we must remember that how much it "costs" to test the
African blood supply is nOI a natural fact. Like other costs, it involves a political determinaLion.
AIDS "is no longer simply (sic) a medical emergency, " in Africa proclaims the House of Represen
tatives Select Committee on Hunger report, it is a "development crisis." In addition to the people
suffering from AIDS, and the enormous costs of treating them, which are already outrunning health
budgets in some countries, there is concern that AIDS may reverse years of progress in promoting
breast-feeding and childhood vaccination in Africa. Bottle-fed babies are twice as likely to die as
breast-fed babies in poor communities in the Third World, due to unsterile bottles, contaminated
water used in making formula, andlor malnutrition due to dilution of milk powder to save money. It
is unclear whether HIY infection can be transferred from mother to child via breast milk; one case
has been reported in the medical literature. n BUI, there are reports that African mothers have stop
ped breast-feeding their children for fear of passing the virus onto them. n And there is real concern
that the multinationals. like Nestle, whose "dumping" of powdered milk on Third World countries
has been challenged by campaigns for breast-feeding, will find a new selling point for their product in
the age of AIDS. II
Vaccines for measles, whooping cough, polio, and tetanus have contributed significantly to
decreasing childhood mortality and improving children's health in Africa, as elsewhere. However, it
has apparently been common to reuse needles in vaccinating children, a potential source of HIV
transmission. The fear of infected needles is apparently discouraging parents from having their
children immunized.
A recent report to the President's AIDS Commission that nashed in and out of the press" perhaps
21
needs some closer auention by those concerned with the international politics of AIDS. The report by
Dr. Anthony Fauci, direclor of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, concerned
the (grim) prospects for developing an AIDS vaccine. If a vaccine does look promising in laboratory
studies, however, large scale human trials "may have to be" conducted in Africa, according to Dr.
Fauci, who directs the federal vaccine effort. because the spread of AIDS among gay men in the US
has "slowed to an extremely low level. " (I. V. drug users among whom the disease is spreading rapid
ly, have already been ruled Oul by government scientists since they are not viewed as reliable subjects
for experimental protocols. Their infected sexual partners, overwhelmingly women of color, are not
even considered.) "Thousands and thousands" of volunteers would be required for a study to see
whether a vaccine protects against AIDS, and American scientists are looking to Central Africa,
"where the AIDS virus is still spreading explosively" to provide them. The precedents for testing un·
proven drugs and vaccines in the Third World should alert us to the potential significance of US
Health Officials proposing to use Africans as guinea pigs for AIDS experimenls.
22
sions, and HIV Seropositivity in Pediatric Population in
Kinshasa, Zaire," Jourtlof 0/ tht Ammcon Mtdicol
As;sociotiOll, January 22129, 1986, vol. 2S9. No. 4.
23. Panos Institute p. 42.
24. T.C. Quinn tI aI., op. cit., p. 9S9.
2S. Piot, "AIDS: An International Persptdive," Serena
February ', 1988 p. S7.
26. Julie Cliff, Najami Kanji, and Mike Muller, "Mo:tam·
bique Health Holding the Line," Rfilitw 0/ Ajr;con
PofiticoJ Economy, No. 36 (September 1986), p. 18.
27. Ibid.
JUMP CUT
no. 33
28. Ajrico1l Concord, September 25. 1986, p. 27.
29. Atrico News, Yol. 28, No. 7, p.12.
30. Cliff. Kanji, Muller, op. cit.
3 1 . Besides Cliff, Kanji, and MullC\'". see Charles Hunt,
"AJDS in Africa," Monthly Review, March 1988.
32. We arc aTlteful to RA editor. Judy Housman, fex rais
ing this issue to us. For an enthusiastie analysis of the inter a l l new look
national AIDS testing market (currently estimated al $100
million annually. and expected to double over the next five
years as calls for testing intensify), see Vicki OII\Stf, "AIDS
Crisis Spurs Hunt For New Tests," High T«hnology
BU.flntsS, January 1988. magazine
B. Panos Institute, op. cit., p. 6.
34. Ibid. • "SisltI' Nellie in Kampala," p.4].
]S. Ibid. • p. 48.
format
36. Ibid. • p. ]8.
]7. Ajrico News, op. cit.
38. Panos Institute, op. cit.• p. 38. MIAMI VICE
]9. "US Health Official Calls Africa Best Place to Test
AIDS Vaccine," New York Times, February 19, 1988. L A LAW
. .
Photographic
image of under
development
COLOR PURPLE
Teaching third
wor1d film
AIDS and safer sex
On March 8. 1988, Radical America editors Evelynn Hammonds and Ann Holder inter
viewed three members of the Multi-Cultural Concerns Commiltee of the AIDS Action Com
mittee fAAC) 0/Boston. Formed in /983 to provide services/or people with AIDS, AIDS Ac
tion now has ovef 1300 volunteers and Q $3 million budget. AAC is one oj many organizations
that draws its resources and volunteers primarily from the goy male community (largely
white), where the disease originally hit the hardest. Along with Gay Men's Health Crisis 0/
New York and other urban AIDS organizations nationwide, AAC is nowfacing the changing
demographics of AIDS patients. In Boston, twenty-five percent of the current case load is
people 0/ color, and this is matched or surpassed by the figures in other cities.
The Multi-Cultural Concerns Committee (MCC) wasjormed two years ago with the goals
ojproducing literaturejar and providing injormation 10 communities oj color. making AAC
and AIDS services accessible and responsive to people oj color and having a voice in the crea
lion oj AIDS services. policies and the allocation oj resources. This interview was an oppor
tlmily for MCC members Pewl" JoIIl/son, Jose Pares ""d Doralba Munot. 10 initiale a wider
discussion, one that places race and multiculturalism at the center oj the AIDS agenda,
In Ihis, Ihejirsl oj fwo parts, Munoz.. Pares and Johnson describe the origins oj MCC,
to go to graduate school. At that point my in
terests were still attached to working with the
Latino community. I didn't see myself being
oul as a gay man in the Latino community
because I was very afraid of the consequences.
Then I started to realize what was going on in
the Latino community with respecl to AIDS. A
friend of mine invited me to a meeting, the very
first meeting of the Multi-Cultural Concerns
Committee (MCC) in the Harriet Tubman
House. That's how it began two years ago and
it seems like I've been doing it forever. In a way
it has been very empowering for me because I
never thought I would be totally out in the
Latino community and now I am very out in the
community. So when the Latino community
tries to keep gay people in the closet even when
they deaJ with AIDS. I say no that can't happen
because we're here."
How II Began
Eifel! Shubph%
"
ing to the attention of the United States, it was happening all over, in Boston, Miami, New
dawned on me that so much was being said York. I remember being very upset and very sad
about the disease but nothing was being said and then I wanted to do something instead of
about people of color. I started thinking that being upset and sad. Going to my first meeting
whenever there is a catastrophic illness it usual was a way of doing something.
ly affects people of color in astronomical ways. Then I had a hard time staying. My first three
So I was looking for information at the same or four meetings were kind of difficult panly
time that a meeting was called for people of col because of my whole struggle around volunteer
or to get involved with AIDS Action. I recall ing. For example, translations were included in
getting a flyer and just blocking out everything the volunteer services AAC wanted us to pro
else to make time for that meeting. For me the vide and I remember saying, as a principle I do
work is important because it is a matter of life not translate. I lobby to get the government to
and death, because it does affect us in pay for translations that are linguistically and
disproportionate numbers and because no one culturally accessible. If this is what this is about
was telling our communities that this affected then I'm wasting my time.
them. Like Jose, for me the work culminated a But people there convinced me of how little
lot of my own experiences, abilities and infor was happening everywhere else. We could not
mation and allowed me to take them to my yet depend on other agencies. What we needed
community- meaning the communities of color. to accomplish was important and AAC was the
So it really stems from that desire to provide only place we could do it. I was caught - it was
some life giving information to the people in there or nothing. It feels like ages since we
my community. staned working there.
I was not aware of any kind of comprehen
RA: Did you have/riends who had AIDS? sive AIDS services truly accessible to people of
color, with the exception of AAC and me Fen
Paula: Yes, I knew people who had AIDS, and way Community Health Center (which serves
mat was another impetus but on a larger scale I many in the gay community and was on the
was interested in knowing what was being done, forefront nationally of serving people with
how our communities were specifically being AIDS). When I think of the Latino community
addressed. I knew people who had this disease agencies I trusted, none of these agencies or
and cenainly other people did as well and they their leaders were even talking about it much
weren't making the news. The way AIDS was less showing leadership or commiUment. There
portrayed in the media suggested it didn't affect were moments when the level of denial was of
anyone other than gay white males. I staned my fensive. There was nothing for the people I
own research which I've tried to do since those knew who had died or were sick, those were
early days, and since the very beginning it Latinos and people of color. Community agen
showed that AIDS was disproportionate in the cies were not the places they were going because
communities of color. That never came out un of issues of confidentiality. If I walked myself
til very late. Only now is that prevalent in the down Dudley S1. or Columbia Rd.· or places
media-only now are people beginning to say like that. there was nothing.
this affects communities of color.
Going to the Community
Doralba: It is hard to remember how I got in
volved with the Multi-Cultural Concerns Com RA: It seems that in the last six months lots 0/
mittee. When I tried to remember, at first I things are happening with community based
blocked it out. I think what brought me there education, and agencies and clinics responding
was that time between April and October (1986) to the disease. Can you talk about what the past
when I realized how many people of color were two years, since MCC was formed, were like
dying of AIDS. By then I had known three or and the kinds 0/ things that you did to try to
four people who had died. They were friends, move the process? What limitations did you en
and also people who were important to me. It counter?
28
RA: So when you raised that volunteerism is have to be recognized. The educational train
different in a community srif
fering economic ings AAC runs for volunteers and staff. with
stress, were people open to that or did they still some input from us, started to include informa
think that you should find people who were tion about AIDS and people of color that was
willing to do it forfree? lacking before. Previously, it was just about
AlDS statistics and basic information. We had
Doralba: To take the hotline as an example, we to broaden their view.
always said we need Spanish-speaking people,
Haitian/Creole-speaking people on these hot Jose: When I took my client services training in
lines. Who's going to call if they can't get 1986 they used an all white middle class cur
answers? It's a circle, you won't get people ask riculum.
ing for assistance urness they know they can be
understood. But the hotline at AAC is staffed Paula: So it's really not enough to try to put a
by volunteers. with the exception of the person group like ours together and give them an office
running it. So when we say, "we need this." and then throughout your whole institution not
they ask us why we don't have volunteers. We incorporate the notion of diversity or commit
say, "Well, we don't have them yet, are we go yourself to really becoming a multi-cultural
ing to get punished for that?" We were told to organization. We find ourselves raising the
bring Spanish-speaking people, French same issue, sometimes, with a different face,
speaking people and people from the Black
community, but forget it, we don't have them
yet. It's true we cannot bring those people to
answer the hotline." So we ask, "Why should
we wait until people in the community under
stand that they should come and volunteer. In
the mean time, why don't you just pay them
money to do it? It would be such an amazing
service. . .
A MulU-CuUural Committee or a
MulU-Cultural Organization?
JO
leaders are starting to get involved. I personally the ways that AIDS is spread or contracted in
have problems with some of them because they communities of color, not just Lv. drug use. I
want to address AIDS in the Launo community generally think there has been a bankrupt
just as a health issue and keep the gay issue response from public officials in our com·
aside. Maybe they will address Lv. drug use, munities. I mean the people who usually speak
but nothing else. about anything dangerous to people in our
communities have not talked about AIDS. It's
Paula: Yes, that's the thin line that we walk: on really shocking. It's really disappointing.
the one hand, we know we can't do it all and we
really need these people to speak out and assert RA: What is your assessment oj the current
the AIDS issue in our community. On the other situation in the Black and Latino communities,
hand, you want to be sure of the message including what you 've accomplished over the
they're giving. You worry that they'll coopt the last two years?
public discussion of AIDS both because it
might be politically savvy for them to take it up Jose: Well, I feel like after two years of work
as an issue in the community, and also because there is awareness but awareness is not enough,
they have their own moral agenda, not in the more needs to be done. As a service provider
sense of the Moral Majority, but in the sense of not myself, I don't think the agencies within the
addressing gay people in communities of color. communities are ready to deal with what's com·
When somebody is going to speak about AJDS ing. This unfortunately. is just the beginning.
and when somebody is going to speak about The next three years are going to be horrendous
communities of color we want to make sure - with increasing case loads in communities of
that they are also talking about gay people. color. There is need for massive education
they're not just talking about Lv. drug use. In within the community to stop the spread of
our committee we have a policy that whenever HIV. There is a huge need for training among
we do public spealting we always mention all service providers, to deal with this issue...
12
you realize you are not the only one. It was Paula: I would add one more thing about the
your experience, but it was a community ex relationship between that particular experience
perience at the same time. And it was amazing, and other things we are talking about. We did
it was really moving. this event in the South End because that is
where our community is. It was a very mixed
Paula: Really moving, a lot of emotion, you audience in terms of all our communities. I
could feel the release in the room . . . There is believe that this is the way this work has gOI to
something about saying the name out loud that be done; rather than all the different groups off
is freeing in the sense that you can say, "This is doing their own thing. That's not to say that we
what happened to this person who I cared don't have differences, and people have to
about," and be in a room full of people who recognize that and tailor programs to
are giving you the space to say that and who are everybody's individual needs. But I felt a great
trying to be there to support you when you say sense of togetherness in that room and that
it. points to a larger issue that as a community of
people of color, there is a lot we need to do
Jose: Such a liberating act. I've worked with together.
families, and indvidiuals afnicted by AIDS. In
the Latino community the families usually do
not abandon their children, but tbey take on Jose Pares was born in San Juan, Puerto
such a burden by keeping this family secret. I Rico. He has lived in Bostonfor three years. He is
would see entire families and they would be i s a PhD candidate in Clinical Community
there for their son but they would not mention Psychology at Boston University and a staJf
it, AIDS. Forget about talking about being gay. psychologist at the Brookside Community
So, just being able to say it is such a liberating Health Center, Jose i s a member of the Multi
thing. Cultural Concerns Committee of AIDS Action.
Doralba: I remember seeing faces there that Doralba Munoz i s a manager for the Refugee
I've seen involved in many other issues, but Assistance Programs in the state of
people I know were going to their first event Massachusells. In addition, she works with
related to AIDS. They picked up from there issues aJfecling people of color and low-income
and they became involved. I think we need to women and children, especially in regard to ac
do a lot more of these rituals in our own com cess to services. She has been involved with
munities because of the vulnerability people ex AIDS-related issues since 1986 and is currenlly
perience and the safety those events provide. co-chair of the MCC.
We were proud, I mean these people were peo
ple we loved and were proud of. . . . Paula C. Johnson is a housing allorney in
Cambridge. MA. She has been involved with
Paula: And they thanked us, and when they AIDS education for over two years and is cur
thanked us it wasn't as if we had done this great renlly co-chair of the MCC. Her efforts are
big favor, they just thanked us for being there. primarily directed toward the communities of
I felt that they were really glad we had thought color and women. She has also given AIDS
to come to them and do this. education trainings to attorneys, health care
workers. employee groups and other profes
Jose: I think family members and community sional and community organizations,
members who want to empathize with those of
us who are gays and lesbians can experience
how empowering coming out can be because
this is a similar situation, coming out about
somebody you love who has AIDS.
"
1
\..'" \ \
} ,\..-0.... "
1
MO R E T H A N T H E STO RY
O F A V I R U S : Ga y H i sto ry, Gay
Com m unities and A I DS
Robert Padgug
Patterns of disease are as much the product of social, political. and historical processes
as of "naturelbiology:' IF disease is in some sense " socially constructed," this is as true of
the current AIDS epidemic in the United States as of any other disease. AIDS is not, as the
title of a recent volume issued by the prestigious National Academy of Sciences would have
it, "the story of a virus. '"
This is, perhaps. most clearly seen by those directly involved in the epidemic. Cindy
Patton, an AIDS organizer, notes, "To those outside AIDS organizing, AIDS continues to
•
be viewed primarily as a single issue. To those inside, the range and complexity of issues
tapped seem almost impossible to combat. ") In this article I uncover some of the complexity
involved in the historical construction of AIDS in the US. Specifically I am focusing on
the gay male communities.
On the simplest level, reactions to AIDS are analogous with comparable diseases in past
times. The treatment of lepers in the European Middle Ages; the fear and loathing occa·
sioned by periodic outbreaks of plague from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries; the
i
common, a though by no means universal, opinion that syphilis was a divine, or at least
medical, judgment on sin from the sixteenth century to our own day; and the use of cholera
"
in ideological struggles against the working possibiLity that the disease might spread to
classes in the nineteenth century, all bear resem "us," might, that is cross that invisible, but
balances to aspects of the AIDS epidemic. The everpresent ideological line that divides the nor
common, if inexact, use of "plague"J to mal from the abnormal, the moral from the im
describe AIDS, or "leper" to describe its suf moral, the deserving from the undeserving.
ferers, testify to similar historical reactions to
occurrences of dread disease, especially those Thf: Obsession with Homosexual Personality
of unknown or uncertain cause.
But as a historical phenomenon AIDS can Attitudes toward homosexuality themselves
hardly be comprehended through a mere com have a complex history, and a variety of them
pendium of attitudes and activities collected were manifest in the AIDS crisis. English
from earlier crises. This is, after all, not the historian Jeffrey Weeks summarizes:
fourteenth or nineteenth century. We live
amidst vastly different social conditions and Certain forms of sexuality, socially deviant
possess a significantly more complex forms-homosexuality especially-have long
"
controllable, irresponsible and sought ever-new Even before the appearance of AIDS, the
pleasures.' It was, above aU. "promiscuous" American right wing had shown an "elective af
and, in contemporary terms, "addictive.'" finity" for auacking homosexuality-most
These features drew the character of the gay notably during the McCarthy period of the
man with AIDS and the gay man who was 19.s0s and in response to the gay liberation
thought to spread AIDS. He was irresponsible. movements of the 1970s. The fear of social
interested solely in pleasure, promiscuously sex change and modernism, with which homosex
ual, diseased in mind and body, and "con uality is often connected, has its own long and
tagious" with respect to both his sexuality and complicated history." Today more temperate
his disease. AIDS was the very mark of his in and sympathetic observers. some gays among
ner disorder, revealing the underlying homosex them, have adopted one key element of the
uality just as it was the "self-inflicted" result of historical view of homosexuality: "promis
II
it. As conservative journalist Patrick Buchanan cuity.
neatly put it in the New York Post, "The poor Promiscuity is central to the entire construc
homosexuals-they have declared war upon tion of AI DS around homosexuality. The
Nature, and now Nature is exacting an awful characteristic feature of homosexuality, as it
" If
relTihution. develped in popular and scientific fan
Right-wing polemicists like Buchanan, tasy over the last century, was to narrow sex
followed by many ordinary citizens, wielded uality to a lack of order. discrimination, and
this extreme set of hostile historical attitudes rules-a sexuality outside social order and in
toward homosexuality to envisage AIDS as a stitutions. From the satyrs, sileni and centaurs
natural and/or divine judgment upon all homo of Greek civic mythology to the Christian
sexuals, whether they actually had AIDS or heretic of the Middle Ages (0 the homosexual
not, which could, if the rest of "us" were not and other "perverts" of the modern world.
morally careful, spread widely. promiscuity has been the imagined sin of dis-
&lr scr"�from Prr!njngu's 1961 film, Advise and Consent. The Celluloid Closet.
37
eased and dangerous deviations from the order·
Iy norms of society.
The uses of the historical imagery of homo·
sexuality to construct a disease leave us with a
view of persons with AIDS or those likely to
contract it as immoral agents, bearers of a dis·
ease just as they are bearers of a psychological,
social, or biologically determined (male)(homo)
sexuality. Even considered as an
epidemiological "risk group, " they share in·
dividual and narrow behavioral patterns that
bring them into contact with a specific viral
agent.
Such a view is insufficient on both epidem
iological and historical grounds. Epidemiolog
ically. disease patterns are fully meaningful
when applied to groups and communities, yet it
is not homosexuals who form a "risk group" 8(1h Ami"wJ. 80510" AIDS Itcli,·lsl. 1950-/988
38
movemems, the struggle has been about the sexual and in which homosexuals could dis
power to deline, to victimize, and to be refused cover others like them within a homosexual
entry into the public realm as a legitimate world, despite frequent police raids and moral
group. This history is most clear in the growth crusades. The immense role played by these
of varied, but interconnected", gay male com· spaces in that complicated double process of
munities in New York, San Francisco and Los "coming out"-that is, entering the homosex
Angeles-precisely the communities in which ual world as well as publicly committed oneself
AIDS made its first appearance. The closely to one's homosexuality-is probably impossi
connected struggle for political identity and ble to comprehend for anyone who has not ex
power began before the Second World War, perienced it.
and to a great degree because of WWII and the lt is not surprising, therefore, that when gay
attendant changes in American society, grew to people asserted themselves and their right to ex
national significance in the period of "gay ist in the gay liberation of the 19605, these sex
liberation" in the 19705 and 19805. ual institutions expanded astronomically and
This struggle for political and social power the room for sexual experimentation and
also molded the struggle over AIDS. Gay men creativity also expanded as an expression of gay
have fought against the same institutions to re· identity, as a protest against the suppression of
tain some degree of control over defining and homosexuality, and as a genuine attempt to
combatting the disease. Their refusal to see fashion a new society under new conditions of
themselves as mere victims or to again be freedom. The public nature of much of this sex
pushed outside society, while political, medical uality became another expression of the manner
and moral "professionals" determined their in which gay male sex was a product oj a com
fate, clearly derives from their prior experience m.m;,rY, nol merely oj a
of political and social organizing and represents
a continuation and expansion of that ex·
perience in new forms.
The speed with which gay self·help and
political organizations sprang up to meet the
crisis was a measure of this prior organizational
and institutional sophistication of the com
munity. The gay male community had devel
oped a wide variety of social, cultural and
political institutions which could be turned to
the the Slruggle against AIDS. As Michael
Bronski puts it, the huge effort that has gone
into AIDS organizing "is in the tradition of the
gay movement-a direct response to an oppres
sive situation. " , J
Gay institutions devoted to sexual activity
-bars, baths, backrooms, public spaces-were
of great importance, although they hardly ex
haust the content of the gay male community.
The fundamental link among gay men, without
which a gay male community could not have
developed, was, after all, sexual. But it is im
portant to understand that these institutions
have historically represented far more than
places to have sex, and have developed a greater
symbolic and social significance to the gay com
munity than have their non-gay counterparts.
For decades they represented the only public
Outsld� th� Ston�wall BoT. during Ih� /969 uprising,
spaces that could in any sense be termed homo-
Village Voice.
"
homosexual individuals. ty has proven, after some initial hesitation. to
It was precisely these sexual institutions and be surprisingly strong, and its prior history
the very role of sexuality within the gay com helps to explain why this is so. One area in
munity that were shaken by AIDS. The gay which the community has had more difficulty
community is still struggling to deal with the and demonstrated ambivalence has been the
apparent blow to its sexuality. but it is clear crucial onc of medicine itself.
that strong emphasis on sexuality in its multiple
forms will not be abandoned. It is too deeply Gay Male Community vs.
rooted in gay history for that. Church. state. or
medical forces that seek to use the AIDS crisis
The Medical Establishment
t.
to banish all homosexual acts will not find the Ronald Bayer has suggested that gay men ,
task easy. find themselves "between the specter and the
This does not. of course, mean that gay men promise of medicine." '· There is a long history
are not altering their sexual practices. But while of hostility between the homosexual communi
some gay men are abandoning sex, most are ty and the medical world. Medicine offers
adapting to the crisis by building new sexual potential solutions to AIDS and a danger of
identities via "safcr sex" activities. The ability physicians and medical researchers assuming
to restructure deep-rooted sexual practices may control over the gay community with the sup
be connected to the adaptability of the gay male port of the state. It was, after all, physicians
community. This appears to be structured by a and psychiatrists who "medicalized" homosex
long history of lack of support for gay institu uality in the first place. It was only in 1973,
tions by the wider society and by the fact that gay after a long and difficult struggle, that the
traditions are not passed on through the tradi American Psychiatric Association was "per
tional family. suaded"-some would say forced-to remove
In all of these arenas the gay male communi- homosexuality from its list of mental
I
\
- -
disorders . I ' where, under the title "The Acquired Immune Deficiency
In addition, an equally long history of Syndrome," the phrase "The black plague of the
eighties. . . " is featured in large type and the statement
neglect of gay male health by the medical com
"perhaps we've needed a �ituation like this to show us what
munity remains to be deal! with. Some gay men
we have known all along-depravity kills!" is added n i its
have received excellent medical treatment, but own boJl. A death's head completes this package.
as middle-class men, nOI as gays. It was not As lale as the end of 1986, Robert C. Gallo, one of the
recognized umil the late 1970s that the gay male discoverers of the virus claimed to cause AIDS, could still
write: "It is a modern plague: the first great pandemic of
community might have health needs best
the second half of the 20Ih century" ("The AIDS Virus,"
I. treated in the COnlex! of the community," In
Scientific American, January, 1987. 47-56 at p. 47.)
pari this was due to the refusal of physicians
I
4. Susan Sontag, Stylt$ ofRadical Will (New York: Farrar,
and psychologists to recognize the existence of Straus, GirOUJl, 1969).
such a community. The medical profession in 5. Cf. Ronald Bayer, "AIDS and the Gay Community: Be
sisted that gay people were merely so many in tween the Specter and the Promise of Medicine,, . Social Re
search 52 no. ] (Autumn, 1985) �81-606 at pp. 587fr.
dividual bearers of medical or psychological
6. Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and Its Discontents (London:
essences, and with a heavy dose of moralism Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1985) pp. 45-46.
often stated it preferred to see people suffer 7. On the process in general. see Jeffrey Weeks. Coming
from venereal disease than be free to commit Out (London: Quartel, 1977) and Jonathan Katz, Gay/Les
bian Almanac (New York: Harper & Row, 1983), Introduc
acts it did not approve or." It was also in part
tion. Michel Foucault, The His/Ory oj Sexuality I (New
due to the fear of many gays that they would, in
York: Pantheon, 1978), p. 44, summarizes the process:
effect, be admitting their homosexuality before
ITII_) new pers«ution of Ille peripheral seJlualities ,in the
a hostile world by seeking treatment for par
t9th century) enlailed an inrorpOFflTion 0//Nl"W'rsions and a
ticular types of sexually-transmitted diseases. new sptC/f lCilllon 0/ indMdulJlJ. As de fin«! by Ihe ancient
Whatever the cause, this mismanagement of tivil Or "nonk., rodes. sodomy was a Cltegory of forbid
den acts: their I"''lX'trator was notlling more than the
the health of the gay community left it peculiar
juridical liubject of tht'nl. The ninetttnth<cntury homosex
ly vulnerable to new diseases, among which ual became: a perwnale. I past. a CUI: history, and I
AIDS is not the only example, although it is the childhood, in addition to bo-illJ a type of life, a lif. fonn,
and a morpholO1Y, witll an indiscr«! an,.tomy and possibly
most devastating." This same history created a
a mysterious physioJoay. Nothinl tltat "'e111 into thi� tOlal
gay community determined to play a significant composition was IInaffCl:ted by hill K�uality. It wa$
role in the medical management of AIDS. evnywllefO presenl in him: .t the rOOl of all his ac1ions
b«auK it was thtir insidious and indefinitdy lCIi." princi
In sum, on this level of historical analysis it
ple: ...rillen immodestly on his face and body because i t was
appears that the gay community also con • sco;nt th.t .lways la... itself ...
·ay. It was consubstantial
structed the AIDS crisis in the image of its own with lIim. Les:s lOS . habitiual sin than as a I-inlutar nature.
history. This history, it turns out, is a complex 8. Cf. Phi
l ippe Aries, " Thoughts on the History or Homo
one, involving the interplay of power and sexuality," in Philippe Aries and Andre Rejin, eds..
resistance within the ideological, social, and in Western Sexuality. Practice and Precept in Past and Present
Times (OJlford and New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985)
stitutional arrangements of US society.
62·75.
If, finally, we merge these levels of analyses 9. Cf. Patrick Carnes, The Sexllal Addiction (Minneapolis:
to others thaI have not been dealt wilh here, CompCare Publications, 1983; Craig Rowland, "Reinven
such as the history of medicine and ting the Sex Maniac," The Ad�ocate, Jan. 21, 1986, pp.
43-49; Daniel Goleman, "Some SeJlual Behavior Viewed as
epidemiology, it becomes apparent that AIDS
an Addiction." New York Times, October 16, 1984. p. C I .
is indeed the product of social history, ahhough
Not surprisingly in light of the historical associations of this
of a history that may differ considerably from
concept, it turns out that women and gay men are the
Ihe one we had hitherto imagined. groups most at risk for this newly identified "addiction."
10. New York Post May 24, 198].
FOOTNOTES I I . Cr. the material collected in Jonathan Katl!. Gay
American His/ory (New York: Crowell, 1976); idem,
I. Instilute or Medicine. National Academy of Sciences, Gay/Lt$bian Almanac (op. cil.. note 6).
MobjJj�ing Against AIDS. The Unfinished Story ofa Virus 12. See William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986). York: Anchor Books, 1976), for a good overview from an
2. Cindy Panon, Sex and Germs. The Politics oj AIDS historian's point of view. cr. Sylvia Tesh, "Disease
(Boston: South End Press, 1986) p. 17. Causality and PolitiC5," Jallrnal oj Heolth Politics, Policy
3. One graphic use of this term was on the cover of the and Luw6 no. ] (Fall, 1981) 369-90 for interesting perspec.
Medicol Journal oj Aus/ralia, vol. I no. 12 (June, 1983). tives on the implications and consequences of theories of
41
disease causalion Ihal focus on individuals. 18. The first relatively thorough and scientific survey and
13. Sec the works cited in notes 7 and I I , above. In addition, analysis of diseases specific to the gay community that l am
see: Dennis Altman, The Homoscualil.Otion 0/ America a....are
. of appeared in 1981: William W. Darro....., Donald
and the A mericanizgtion 0/ the Homosexual (New York: Barrell, Karla Jay, Allen Young. "The Gay Report on Sex·
St. Martin's. 1982); John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual uality Transmiued Diseases," American Journal 0/ Public
Communitin. The Making 0/ a Homosexual Minorit)' in Heolth 7 1 no. 9 (Sept., 1981) 1004-11; cf. the accompanying
the United Stales, 1940-1970 (Chicago: University of editorial of H. HUllter Handsfield, pp. 989-90, who dtes
Chicago Press, 1983); idem, "Gay Politics. Gay Communi· other. less complete studies. Naturally the gay commullity
ty: San Frandsco's Experience," Soriali:r( Review no. 55 itself was aware of its own medical problems, alld sought to
(Jan.-Feb. 1981) 77-1(4); Jeffrey Escorner, "Sexual solve them through community-oriented clinics and an in
Revolution and the Politics of Gay Idemity," Sorialist creasillg number of openl)' gay doctors who devoted their
Review nos. 82-83 (1985) 1 19-1S2; Frances Filgerald. Cilin practice to a more or less exclusively gay dientele. But these
on a Hill. A Journe), Through Contemporary Americon measures were almost certainly inadequate in extent and
Cultures (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986) pp. funding.
25-120; SalvaIQre J. Licala, "The Homosexual Rights 19. Cf. Alan Brandt, No Magic Blillet (Cambridge. MA:
Movement in the United States. A Tradilionally Over. Harvard University Press. 1985).
looked A«'a of American Hislory," in S.J. Licata and 20. Cr. Cindy Patton, Sa and Germs {note 2. above). p. 8:
Robert P. Petersen. cds., Historical Perspec/ives on Homo
The opportunistic infection5 (oth� than KS and PCP) that
sexuality (New York: The Haworth Press. and Stein and
accompany AIDS In lay Imn are precisely those minor in·
Day, 1981) pp. 151-90; Toby Marolla, The Politics 0/
fections that !la.c. at leas! for the last few doxade, been a
Homosexllality. How Lesbians and Goy Men have Made pan of !he II'IY male health picture. • . . Yet the historical
Thtmselvtsa Political and Sorial Forre in Modern Amtr;ca rclatiollship betwecn tesblan5 and say men and their physi.
(New York: Houghton Mifflin. 1981); and Manuel Castells, cians has been hOlitile and fraught with doxeption and fear.
The City and the Grossroo/s (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1983), ch. 14, "Cultural Identity. Sexual
Liberation and Urban StOlCIUre: The Gay Community in Robert Padgug is trained as a historian, work
San Francisco." Taken together, these essays begin the
ing in the health insurance industry. He is
ne<:essary task of uncovering the history of the gay male
community. Much more remains to be done: these works
writing abou' homosexuality and antiquity and
tend to focus on politics and on the development of the gay more on AIDS.
community in San Francisco and, to a lesser degree, in New
York City.
14. On all these aspects, and on the reactiOIl of the gay
OCTOBER 43
community in general to the AIDS epidemic, see Dennis AIDS,
Altmall. AIDS in (he Mind 0/ America (New York: Cultural AnalYSis/Cultural Activism
Doubleday. 1986); idem, "AIDS: The Politicization of an
DO llgl:ls Crimp, editor
Epidemic." Sorialist Revie.... no. 78 (Nov.lD«. 1984)
articles alld cOI/Il'iblftors illchule:
93-109; and Cindy Patton, Sex and Germs (above, note 2).
"AIDS: Kl·ywon.ls" J:m Zit:! Grover
In additioll, it is imponant to look at coverage of AIDS in
the gay press from 1981 on in some detail. in particular Ihe "AIDS: An Epidcmic of Sij.lnific:ltion"
New York Notil'('. the (nalional) Advocate, and the San p:IUI:1 A. Treichler
"Thc SpeC1!ldc of AIDS" Simon W:llne},
Frandsco Bay Area RepQrter.
"Is lhe Rectum a Grave?" Leo Ikrs:tni
14a. The various gay urban ghcllos differ significantly
and Syphilis: Thc Ikpn.::sem:Llion of :L Discase"
among themselves-as gay people in general do-but share
Sander Gilm:ll1
certain common features, includillg close conlle<:tions with
'AIDS in thc Two 13erlins" John Borncman
one another through the frequent movement of individuals
(whether on a permancnt basis or for tourism alld vaca 'Thc Sccond Epidemic" Amher I l ollih:IlLgh.
tions). The same is tOle of the gay communities of NOTlh 1I1ildH:ll Karp. KalY T:L}'lor
America and those of (mainly northern) Europe. This close 'PiclUres of Sickness: St ll:LTI 1\1;Irsha1l's Bright 1:)'£'.('
�
AIDS among gay men both nationally and internationally. "Fighting the Victim L.1bcl" Max K:Cv:mc
15. Michael Bronski. "Death and the Erotic Imagination," "I'eopk With AIDS Coalition Portfolio" P.W.t\.c.
Goy Communit)' New$ (80SlOn) Sept. 7·13. 1986, pp. 8-9 at "Further Viol:tlions of Our Right:-" C:!rol l.ci�h
p. 8. "Needed:" 511ki POTIS
16. Ronald Bayer. "AIDS and the Gay Commullity: Be "A IDS Education :LS Cultur:r1 Pr:u:tkc·
tween the Spccter and the Promise of Medicine" (Ilote 4. DOl1gl:ts Crimp
above). $ /0.00 Amilah{t' May.
Itf�{I IIJ IN.' pl/iJlished a$ {I INlOW {II I'al/
17. See Ronald Bayer, Homo$f'.XUolity ond American
Psychiatry. The Politics 0/ Diognosis (New York: Basic I'IIIJ1WX'(t I,,· .lIrl' ('11.� jU/j",,", Amd"IIi,' itI fi"'> "",>hI"..." ilI"t
Books. 1981).
The MIT Press Bookstore
292 ,\l:1in Sircet • Kendall 5<1 • C:!mhridj.lc MA 02112
-
42 61 7 253·';249 • phonc & mail orders · MC to:. VISA
.
When Jim died Joe didn't want
Mention of AIDS in (he news.
Milton wanted a closed box,
Pal a military funeral.
Walta Borawski
43
LlVING WITH AIDS
Patrick Grace
Good evening. I am so happy and honored and and profits in the research, development and
proud to be here tonight. Thank you Fred Fur distribution of AZT. They still have not
nari and MASS ACT OUT for inviting me. answered the simple question, "why in hell
Before J get into my talk J would like everyone does AZT cost so much?" I am at the mercy of
to look around and see who is here. to see how Burroughs-Wellcome.
many of us have shown up. I wish you CQuid I am at the mercy of Medicaid which
all, one al a time, see the view I am seeing now. threatens to pay for the AZT for only those
There arc hundreds of us here. II's beautiful ! people with AIDS whose T-helper ceJl counts
My name is Patrick Grace and I live in Pro are low enough . Medicaid is threatening to
vincetown, Massachusens. I am a person with stratify and define sickness. I have friends with
AIDS and like so many of us here tonight I am AIDS, in wonderful health, whose T-helper cell
living with AIDS and the changes the virus has counts are in the lOs and 20s. I have buried
caused in my life. As a 29-year-old I have buried friends with AIDS whose T-helper counts were
many friends who have died of AIDS and there well above 200. I am at the mercy of Medicaid.
afC many people with AIDS in my life. One of I am at the mercy of a state and federal
OUf common denominators. along with the welfare system which has granted me full and
virus, is a sense of powerlessness. So much can permanent disability. In fact my first case
happen to people with AIDS so quickly. We are review is scheduled some five to seven years
at the mercy of many forces. Tonight I would down the road. Clearly it is felt that I will be
like to address some of those forces in control dead long before then. Yet this same system
of my life. The life of a gay male with AIDS. which has defined me as totally disabled and,
First and foremost, I am a( the mercy of the for all practical purposes has me already buried,
AIDS virus. I do not know how i( will unfold in has granted me the sum of $460 a month on
me, or when. I do know that I have Kaposi's which to live. I have been given an additional
sarcoma, I do know that I have Pneumocysris $10 a month food stamps. Rents in Pro
pneumonia, I do know that there is an ongoing vincetown are much like rents in Boston. It is
fungal infection in my bloodstream. ) do not difficult for me (0 make ends meet-and the
know my future. ) am at the mercy of the AIDS system prohibits my seeking or accepting sup
virus. plemental income. I am at the mercy of our
) am at the mercy of New England Deaconess welfare system.
Hospital and the Harris Hall Clinic. I was As a gay (former) Roman Catholic I am at
hospitalized in September with a nasty bout the mercy of Bernard Law and the larger
of Pneumocystis and was told I could church he represents. This church continues to
start an experimental aerosol pentamadine hand out fearful and antiquated teachings on
therapy in October. I was told the same thing in human sexuality instead of handing out con
November, December, and January. It is doms. I am at the mercy of this church which
February and I am still waiting. I am at the holds the Eucharist as (he Bread of Life and
mercy of Deaconess. then tells me I am intrinsically and morally
I am at the mercy of Burroughs-Wellcome, disordered. This church will hold my hand as I
the pharmaceutical manufacturer of AZT. Last die; how easy that is; but it won't put a condom
month they cut the price of AZT by some 20 on my penis. This church, Bernard Law, does
percent-from $ 1 1 00 per month to $830 per nothing to prevent the spread of the AIDS
month. But they have yet to release a financial virus. I am at the mercy of this church.
statement showing justification regarding costs I am at the mercy of elected officials. For
44
seven years Mr. Reagan never once publicly Service (April 1 5 is right around the corner)
used the word "AIDS." Not once. His presiden· who makes it illegal for me not to pay my in·
cy, thank God, is nearing an end. His legacy come taxes. And why wouldn't I pay income
will be one of death and ignorance. In the taxes? Because as a gay man I am not afforded
mid·l990s when over one million people have the same basic civil rights as my non·gay
AIDS (CDC estimates) and when AIDS in this brothers and sisters. Taxation without
country is costing billions of dollars per representation-I hear Boston has a history of
year-fingers will rightly point at Mr. Reagan. this. It costs one billion dollars to build one B-1
I am at his mercy. bomber. To tell you the truth I would much
I am at the mercy of elected idiots like Jesse rather my tax dollars go to AIDS research,
Helms who tells me that my safer sex brochures education and sustenance of those already sick.
are so explicit they make him shudder and sick I am at the mercy of the IRS.
to his stomach. Mr. Helms makes me shudder In my home state of Massachusetts I am at
and sick to my stomach. I am at the mercy of the mercy of Mr. Dukakis who pays lip service
idiots like Thomas McGee who has the audacity and nothing more to gays and lesbians. Mr.
to greet gay and lesbian demonstrators with an Dukakis prevents us from being foster parents;
obscene gesture-as if his homophobia and Mr. Dukakis lies 10 us regarding insurance
bigotry weren't obscene enough. I am at the policies and HIV testing; Mr. Dukakis did
mercy of these idiots. nothing for us when it came lime to promote
I am at the mercy of the Supreme Court and push for our bill-H. 5469, the Lesbian
which tells me that in my own bedroom I can and Gay Civil Rights Bill. In the words of
not have sex with the man I love and in the David Scondras "we (as gays and lesbians)
manner I choose. I am at their mercy. don't have enough votes 10 elect a president
I am at the mercy of the Internal Revenue . but we do have enough votes to nor elect
47
I'
SOON TO B E A
MA D E-FO R-TV MOV I E :
Kevin Cathcart
Reading Randy Shilts' And The Band Played On, a historical dramatization of the AIDS
epidemic, was for me a fundamentally frustrating undertaking. There are two very different
stories being told here. The first, which largely works. is his history of this country's societal
response to AIDS; the second, which misleads and sensationalizes, cutting into the impact of
that history. is his misrepresentation of the gay community's response. My frustrations rise
and fall with the book's inconsistencies. alternating between anger at political or medical in
stitutions for their roles in the epidemic and anger at the author for his attacks on the gay com·
munity and his inability to sort out, or unwillingness to face, the homophobia that underlies
the entire history of this epidemic. Despite the information that Shilts' book contains and the
education it could provide for readers, these inconsistencies and the author's willingness to
stay within the parameters of mainstream assumptions about gay people and about AIDS,
seriously undermines its value. America desperately needs to come to terms with this epidemic
if we are ever to be able to bring it under control; this book may start a lot of people on that
process by getting them to think about AIDS but it will not help them to move very far along.
Failure to Respond
media across Ihe country, inspiring an im the New York Times had written only three
mense government effort . . . More than 100 stories about the epidemic in 1981 and three
state, federal and local agents worked the Il more stories in 1982. None made the fronl
linois end of the case alone . . . The Food and page. Indeed, one could have lived in New
Drug Administration had more Ihan 1,100 York, or in most of the United States for that
employees testing 1.5 million similar capsules maller, and not even have been aware from the
for evidence of poisoning . . . Within five daily newspapers that an epidemic was happen
weeks the U.S. Department of Health and :n8, even when government doctors themselves
Human Services issued new regulations on were predicting thaI the scourge would wipe
of such a tragedy.
Altogether, seven people died from the Anger and Loss: Personal and Political
cyanide laced capsules . . . [italics mine]
By comparison 634 Americans had been
I am enraged all over again when I read sec
stricken with AIDS by October 5, 1982. Of
tions like this; when forced to face again the role
these, 260 were dead. There was no rush to
spend money, mobilize public health officials,
that homophobia played in the way the epi
or issue regulations that might save Jives. demic was allowed to get out of control. My
The institution that is supposed to be the rage turns to bitterness when I see how slowly
public's watchdog, the news media, had change has come. Rock Hudson and heterosex
gasped a collective yawn over the story of dead uals with AIDS led to mainstream press atten
and dying homosexuals. In New York City, tion; gay men were - and are - not enough.
"
"Innocent victims" became the focus. Media ing, when f'!laking plans for the summer if I or
and policy makers separated blood transfusion the friends involved will all be healthy enough
and hemophilia cases from those of the "non to carry them out, wondering who will
innocent" gay men. Women who were infected be around-and who won't be-for my birth
through sexual contact with bisexual men or day, for holidays, Wondering, finally, what this
men who used i. v. drugs were, in the beginning, book means to those who don't know it, don't
marginally "innocent" within this schema; that feel it, at least not on that level. I can no longer
has shifted. The media's current focus is on put myself in their place, can no longer imagine.
babies who are born antibody positive; that There are ways that I can no longer talk about
their mothers, a high percentage of whom are AIDS with straight friends or even with many
black or Latina, are HIV positive is often not lesbian friends, people of immense good will,
even mentioned in the stories and is clearly not caring people with good politics and commit
considered important in itself. Women now ment, yet people who just do not understand
move from "innocent" to "guilty" simply by what it means to be, and live at all times, with
bearing a child. what we euphemistally call "high risk."
Shilts focuses on the mainstream and gay
Shilts' Sirtlightspeak
presses, but we should look also at the failure of
the progressive community and the progressive Shilts lays out the context of governmental,
press to deal with AIDS. In These Times societal, and media non-response to AIDS
editorialized last year in support of federal which should set the stage for an understanding
government HIV testing proposals. Mother and explanation of the gay community's politi
Jones published a cover story on AIDS for the cal response to the epidemic. It does not. In
March on Washington, a long excerpt from stead, the book is filled with constant references
Shilts' book. Radical America only began to to "gay leaders, " an unnamed, faceless bunch
cover the epidemic in 1987. Hundreds, and then of people who the author criticizes constantly.
thousands, of dead gay men did not matter here, "Oay leaders", by which Shilts seems to mean
either. As with the mainstream papers, it took virtually all gay activists, cannot win in this
tens of thousands dead (and the threat of book: they (we) are damned for everything they
heterosexual crossover?) to prompt action. do and for everything they don't do, and they
Reading and writing about And The Band are damned, most inronically, for recognizing
Played On keeps breaking through the distanc the politics of the epidemic, that is for refusing
in� mechanisms I use to live in a world that is to ignore or deny that homophobia was shaping
devastated by sickness and death. I do not mean America's [nonl-response to AIDS. This is the
the larger world of American society, or even fundamental flaw of the book, the author's in·
the world of the lesbian and gay community. In ability to accept that the gay community is
my case, it is a world almost entirely of gay men justified in responding to homophobia and in
who, while dealing with AIDS politically saying that without dealing with homophobia
and intellectually also deal with it practically we cannot deal with AIDS.
and emotionally. We take care of those who are This is the classic liberal response to libera
sick, dealing with the illness and deaths of tion movements, whether we are talking about
friends, lovers, tricks, and colleagues, at the race, women, or lesbians and gay men: of course
same time that we know how at risk we are. discrimination is wrong, of course it is un
We know that with bad luck, we could be acceptable, but please do not be so rude as to talk
sick or dead in two weeks, two months, about it in front of us and ask us to take it - or
two years (because it now comes down to a you - seriously. This formula needs no changes
question of good or bad luck for all of to cover AIDS.
us who may well have been exposed to whatever Shilts says again and again that the "gay
combination of things it is that causes AIDS.) leaders" and the gay community sidetracked
The emotional drain of living on the edge, society's response to AIDS, even as he describes
always worrying about one's self, and lovers, how homophobia was the issue and how gay
friends and ex-lovers is staggering. Wonder- people created AIDS organizing. Because he is
"
openly gay and has been reporting on AIDS for Iy never talked to anyone who could explain
the San Francisco Chronicle for years, he is what those issues were. The same thing happens
given a great deal of unquestioned credibility in in the antibody testing debate later in the book:
the mainstream world as a gay spokesperson, a it is called a "classic confrontation between
gay man who isn't afraid to buck those "gay public health and civil liberties. " Civil liberties
leaders" and tell straight people exactly what issues are never explored, nor is the public
they want to hear about the gay community. He health argument ever put to the test, it is merely
shows no real understanding of the complex asserted.
ways in which our society's longstanding What gay and AIDS activists have argued for
homophobia and its more recent AIDS phobia years is that civil rights protections are a
quickly coalesced to create an ever more necessary part of any public health program.
frightening scenario for gay people, from the Anti·gay and AIDS related discrimination in
perspective of discrimination and civil rights terferes with public health measures: people will
violations. He denigrates the very real issues of not come forward for education, testing, or in
AIDS discrimination by creating a concept he some cases medical treatment, if they fear that
mockingly calls " AIDS speak" , ways of talking as a result they could lose their job or home, be
about AIDS which. he claims, only "confuse" deported or lose visitation rights with their
the issues. (One example is the demand from the children. Public health concerns are not fur
national People With AIDS coalition, who thered by dismissing or trivializing people's very
prefer the designation PWA to " AIDS victims," real fears.
with its connotations of powerlessness.) Shades
of 1984, only in Shilts' view it is the "gay
Heroes and Villains
leaders" to whom he ascribes this great power to
redefine language.
Although it should not bear repeating here, The book is curiously and annoyingly ahis
AIDS is not and never was a "gay torical: people are held responsible, it seems, for
disease. " People have sexual orientations, not knowing several years ago what we came to
diseases do not. This is not to say. however, that learn later. Others are lauded for having been on,
diseases do not have social contexts. The con· what came to be, or is in Shilts' mind, the "right
text of AIDS in the United States is that it hit the side," regardless of whatever luck, n
i tuition or im
gay male community first and hardest and that, pulse brought them there. The book is peppered
as Shilts has described, the homphobia of the with heroes and villains; nowhere is this clearer
media, the government and the medical estab than in the discussion of the San Francisco
lishment enabled it to spread virtually un bathhouse closings.
checked. He does not examine, nor seem to take Discussion of the bathhouse closings could be
seriously. the details of that context, the back an entire book in itself. It brings together the
drop of sodomy laws, lack of civil rights protec issues of sexual liberation, the growth of a gay
tion in employment and housing, immigration community in San Francisco, the gay communi
prohibitions, and custody problems that create ty's distrust of mainstream institutions, es
a context in which gay lives are not taken pecially those connected to the state, the
seriously. This is the context in which apolitical or anti·political nature of much of the
thousands of gay men have to die before gay community, and the staggering ignorance
anyone outside the gay comITjunity bothers to about A1DS that people were operating under
notice. throughout the early eighties.
Moreover, Shilts accepts the false dichotomy The major political argument for keeping the
between civil rights and public health thaI has baths open was that they were a place where
become a tenet of conservative and anti-gay education about AIDS could be done and that
AIDS efforts. "Some people might argue that sexually active men who might not consider
there were civil liberties issues involved," says themselves a part of the community could be
one of his favorite characters in an early discus reached there. Others felt that attempts to close
sion of the bathhouses, yet the author apparent- t.he baths were simply an attempt to restrict gay
"
male sexuality. The major argument for closure Public Health and Civll Liberties: The Testing
was to eliminate any public location where in· Debale
fection could be spread. This argumem assumed
the impossbility of behavioral changes within
the baths. However, it is the ignorance of that
The bathhouses in San Francisco are closed
time that must be underscored, for Shilts
now, but the debate about education, public
writes as if the questions raised were clear and
health and civil rights continues to escalate,
undebatable.
especially in regard to antibody testing. Testing
Many, probably most, ofthc gay heroes in the
is the other area where Shilts believes there is a
book went to the baths at one time. But once
public health<ivil liberties dichotomy. The risks
people began discussing behavioral changes as a
of civil rights violation around testing are both
possible way to stop the spread of the infection,
greater and clearer, the public health arguments
Shilts drew a line - anyone who disagreed and are both weaker and potentially more damag·
argued after that point is damned here. Yet
ing. Once lest results are in someone's medical
Shilts has already laid out the lack of main·
file or are circulated in a workplace or
stream media coverage and has shown that the
neighborhood the information is never secret
gay press was not, by and large, much better. He
again. These issues need to be better explored
doesn't go into detail about specific gay papers,
than they are in the book because we will con·
but vastly overrates their influence.
tinue to face hard decisions about testing in the
For example, after over a dozen positive coming years.
references to coverage in the New York Native, The book criticizes and discounts any discus·
he memioned that its circulation was about sion of the civil rights issues raised in the gay
20,000 in late 1983. What does 20,000 papers community when the HIV amibody test was de·
mean.in a country with at least 15 million gay veloped, despite Shilts' documentation of the
men? Shilts also doesn't mention that the paper years of governmental inaction and unwilling·
had a reputation for being crazy and divisive ness to create confidentiality protections in
locally; those who did read it would have had a order to guard against AIDS·related discrimina·
hard lime simply accepting its coverage as true, tion. The discrimination that gay activists were
especially when they got no reinforcement else· concerned about does not fall only on those who
where. Shilts is inconsistent here as well. have been diagnosed with AIDS or ARC, but
Though he likes the Native because it did some also affects those who are antibody postive,
of the best early reporting on AIDS, he switches those who have a record of having simply taken
modes when the paper came out against bath· the test, and those who are, or are presumed to
house closings. The Native now is the leading be, in high risk groups for AIDS. And by the
proponent of the theory that HIV is not the time of the testing debate, such discrimination
cause of AIDS; I can imagine that in a sequel to was not theoretical; there was already plenty of
this book people will again be divided into evidence showing that AIDS·relaled discrimina·
heroes and villains depending on whether they tion was common and on the rise.
guessed correctly or incorrectly which theory is The question of how to use the test is inex·
right. Iricably tied to the question of what the test
The reality of the early 1980s was that we did reveals. It is easy to say, as is said in the book,
not have the information on which to base what that testing will stop the spread of infection;
now seem to be clear and obvious decisions asserting this as a conclusion doesn't make it
about behavior. Some of this was a failure of true. Nor does questioning that assertion mean,
the government and of the mainstream press, as Shilts believes it does, that control of the in·
some a failure of the gay community; the prob· fection was "low on the list of gay concerns."
lem for the community is not only that the gay No group experienced more intensively than the
press, in general, did not cover AIDS well, but gay community what the epidemic meant; no
that we had not created a press that was widely group saw it as a higher concern.
read and respected, where information could be In fact, Shilts describes areas where his "gay
obtained. leaders" felt the test would be mis·used - in
surance, the military, employment - and all of The False Promise of Testing
these scenarios have come to pass. The antibody
Unfortunately, it does not, cannot, and will
test is now used to keep people out of the
not work. What the test tells us, when it reports
military, the Job Corps and the Foreign Service,
that a person is antibody positive, is that slhe
and some states require antibody testing in
was exposed at some point to the HIV virus; in
order to get marriage licenses. Test results are
reaction to the virus the body created the anti
pressed for in criminal trials, custody and
bodies that the test measures. Although often
divorce hearings, and in medical care settings
referred to as an "AIDS" test, it is not a test for
where they may be the basis for decisions about
AIDS. A positive test result does not mean that
whether or not or what kind of care will be pro
a person has AIDS, nor that they will necessarily
vided. None of this is hysterical fantasy. It is
develop any AIDS-related disease. The best
real now, and was predictable three years ago
knowledge we have right now is that as many as
when the test was first licensed.
half of those infected will become ill within
Shilts comes back, periodically, to the notion seven years of infection. While this is a signifi
of quarantine, using the concept to show, in his cant number, it does not support the "positive
view, how foolish and "hysterical" gay activists HIV test equals immediate death from AIDS"
were to think such a thing was possible. Yet the myth that is the theme of most media coverage
question remains open and is a topic for discus and is a major basis of AIDS phobia and
sion by conservative and not so conservative po discrimination.
liticians, including presidential candidates. The meaning of a negative test result is even
Since the test was licensed we have seen less clear because it takes the body at least six
a call on the op-ed page of the New York Times weeks, and perhaps even as long as a year, to
for tattooing all who are antibody positive, and develop antibodies after exposure. This means
we have seen quarantine proposals introduced that a negative test result gives us a pretty good
in state legislatures. Civil rights concerns about idea of a person's actual exposure six months
the use of the test were not, and are not, earlier. If they have been exposed in those in
overstated. tervening six months, however, and the body
The HIV antibody test was developed and has yet to produce measurable amounts of ami
licensed to keep the blood bank system from bodies, they can still be capable of transmitting
unknowingly transfusing blood containing the the virus. Positive test results in our
HIV virus. For this purpose, and in combina world give a false sense of doom; negative
tion with donor deferral requirements for at-risk test results give an even more dangerous sense of
people, the test works well. The risk of trans safety, from a public health and infection con
fusion-related exposure has dropped dramatic trol as well as individual health perspective.
ally in the US since testing blood donations Even a true negative result is no protection
went into effect. against future exposure; what it always comes
This does not mean, however, as, many peo down to is that tests cannot protect anyone from
ple wish to believe it does, that the test can thus HIV or AIDS, only behavioral changes can.
be useful in a wide variety of settings. American The book passes over the problem of false
society is looking for an easy answer, an easy positive and false negative results by treating
way out of this epidemic - one that separates them like good news. Error rates have varied
"good" people from "bad" people, one that widely over the years, depending on which com
allows us to avoid talking about sex, to avoid mercial brand of the test is being used and what
dealing with drug treatment programs which are laboratory is doing the testing. Shilts uses
needed on a massive scale, to avoid dealing with figures showing that the test detects 19 out of 20
the causes of widespread Lv. drug usage, to people who actually are infected and only gives
avoid making changes in sexual practices. Our a false positive reading to I case in 100, saying
faith in science, which is often overblown, and "Such statistics give the test a reliability far
our reticence about sex, which cannnot be over beyond comparable assays used for other dis
stated, join to make testing look like the perfect eases and converted doubters to the test's
answer. medical usefulness."
55
But what do these resuhs mean if testing is
used widely, such as in routine marriage license
screening or for employment purposes? I f you
test 1 .000 people who are negative . 50 of them
will be lold they are positive. Test 1 ,000 people
who are positive, and 10 of them will be lold
they arc negative. Testing for marriage licenses,
employment, or hospital admission purposes
would involve tens of millions of people per
year. What does this mean for public heahh?
That there will be sizeable numbers of people
being lold not to worry. that they aTC nOI a risk
to others, when in faci they afC antibody
positive, and that there will be others who arc
wrongly being told that they are positive. People
will face discrimination based on these test
I resulls. and will make decisions about behavior
, I based on mistaken information.
change 'their behavior. What he misses is the AIDS activists from the beginning, and these
dangerously illogical corollary that goes with are the issues which must be addressed. Instead,
this: if you tell people to take the test because if what we get from government is money for
they are positive they will have to change their testing programs but not for education, a
behavior, then you are also telling them that if Surgeon General who is good on AIDS but has
they are negative (he rules are different , the limited power and a Secretary of Education who
changes are nOt necessary. This is a dangerous is a fool but who seems to have more power in
lie. It serves the purposes of much of public setting federal AIDS policy, a governor/
health policy, which is more focused on identi presidential candidate in Massachusetts who is
fying the "guilty" and blaming the victim than upset that the AIDS Action Committee
it is on protecting the lives of gay men, Lv. drug publishes "sexually explicit" pamphlets telling
users, or women. It does not protect public gay men about risks and changes, and a US
health, however. Everyone who is not taking ap Senate that stampedes over itself to vote for the
propriate precautions around sexual practice Helms amendment to prohibit the use of federal
and needle use is putting themselves at risk. money for gay safe sex educational efforts.
Education about high risk behavior has to be
New Reasons To Tesl?
aimed at everyone, regardless of antibody
status; funding must be spent on education and Because we are approaching a point where
on programs aimed at helping people make be treatments will be available for those who are
havioral changes, not wasted on testing antibody positive, treatments aimed at prevent
programs (and let's not pretend that changes ing or slowing a progression to disease, the
around sex and drugs come easily). Anti-gay and testing debates will soon become far more com
AIDS-related discrimination keep people from plicated than they have been and civil rights
coming forward for the information they need questions will become more and more crucial.
and sometimes for necessary medical The existence of treatments will change the en
treatments. tire calculus of decision-making for individuals
These have been the arguments of gay and with any history of risk behavior, but we must
"
be wary of how Ihis plays out. For three years Iy talked to him), no one ever seems to talk to
now I have heard arguments that gay men him about safer sex and none of the people he
should go out and get themselves tested because has sex with are ever held responsible for their
"someday we'll have a cure and they'll need to role in any unsafe sex. According to Shilts,
know if they should take it." And for three Dugas is guilty of fucking people and causing
years I've said that when treatments become them to die, guilty of bringing AIDS to North
available there will be time enough for testing. America and then spreading it around, as if it
As the pressure towards testing increases, Ques· somehow would not have happened without
tions of what treatments are actually available him. Dugas is the character who. if he did not
and who they are available to become more and exist, Shilts would have had to invent, because
more critical. without him it would not have been possible to
Experimental drug treatments are often very hit so neatly on every possible negative cultural
expensive and not covered by many people's sub-text about homosexuality. The more of
health insurance. Drug testing protocols can be these you hit the better your chances of good
very restrictive and many of those in need of reviews in the straight press, of talk show in·
treatment will not Qualify. Most protocols terviews and magazine excerpts, and of made·
right now, for example, are aimed at gay men. for·t.v.·movies, the SlUff best·seller sales are
Women and i.v. drug users find treatments made of.
unavailable. Even if these Questions are resolved, It is the pervasive homophobia that ultimate-
no treatment, no matter what is developed, will ly ruins this book.
relieve the need for intensive, ongoing educa· h was a truism to people aClive in the gay move
tion. We can never stop educating and reo ment thai the greatest impediments 10
inforcing that education; we can never forget homosexuals' progress often were nOI
that every day there are people just coming out, heterosexual bigots bUI closeled homosexuals.
just becoming sexually active, just facing deci Among the nation's decision makers the
sions about i.v. drug use, and they all need in· homophobes largely had been silenced by the
formation in order to protect themselves from prevailing morality that viewed expressions of
infection. This battle must be waged from two overt hostility toward gays as unfashionable. In
fact, when not burdened by privale sexual in
directions: treatments for those who are already
securities, many heterosexuals could be enlisted
infected or ill, and education to prevent further
10 support gays on the basis of personal integri
spread. Neither is more important than the
ty. By definition, the homosexual in the closet
other, they have to be combined. But seven
had surrendered his n
i tegrity.
years into the epidemic the straight and gay
This is dated January. 1984. Shilts defines
presses are stll doing a pretty poor job of pro·
closeted gay people the way he defines his "gay
viding people with information for informed
leaders," as major enemies of the gay movement.
decision-making about risks, behavior, testing
January 1984. Three years into Reagan's second
or treatment.
term, three years of almost complete inaction on
Patient Zero: Made For T.V. the AIDS epidemic, and ShillS says that the fear
of being "unfashionable" silenced homophobia
No discussion of And The Band Played On
among the nation's heterosexual decision
would be complete without reference to Gaetan
makers, that gay people are the problem, and
Dugas, the man Shilts has immortalized as " Pa
that heterosexuals would support us based on
tient Zero." Shilts' treatment of Dugas is the personal integrity. Once against straight people
stuff that psycho-history is made of; much of it
are off the hook, once again bad gay people are
is beyond my reach to explore. The book fixates
to blame. Once again, Shilts will sell books, but
on Dugas as the ultimate evil homosexual, guilty
once again he's got it all wrong.
of being too handsome, too narcissistic, of be
ing a foreigner, of having too much sex, of hav Kevin Cathcart is a civil rights attorney. He is
ing AIDS, of refusing to Slap having sex-even Executive Director of Boston 's Gay and Les·
though in all of the fictionalized conversations bian A dvocates and Defenders (GLAD) where
that appear in the book (the author never actual· he also coordinates the AIDS Law Project.
17
D E AT H A N D T H E E ROT I C
I MAG I N AT I O N
MICHAEL BRONSKI
Now I WOI1I you (0 do somethingjar me. Take me our to Cyprus Hill in my car. And we will hear the dead peo
ple lalk. They do talk there. They chaner together like birds on Cyprus Hilf. Bur whal they say is one word. And
that word is "'ive. " They say. "live, live, live, live, live!" It's what they've learned there. It'$ the only advice they
can give. "Just live. . . . Simp/e!-A very simple instruction.
Tennessee Williams, Orpheus Descending
Sex and death are the two most taboo topics in American culture. Few resources or en
couragements exist to deal with either in honest or helpful ways. Yet while both are covered
in secrecy or denial, sex and death are relegated to distinctly different social positions. Sex,
once unmentionable, is now the basis for endless consumer products and marketing devices.
Death, on the other hand, is shunted to the bottom of the agenda; avoided until it can be
avoided no more. It is the dirty little secret that calls up euphemisms and embarrassed looks.
Death doesn't sell anything, or make us feel better, or even bring up all those "good" guilt
feelings that add the zest to sex. Death is always something that happens to other people. We
have even invented the categories of "natural" and "unnatural" death not so much to
classify the types of death but to explain it to ourselves; to draw lines as to why it will not
happen to us. On some level everyone knows that death is inevitable, but few people are
eager, or equipped, to deal with the fact.
The gay and lesbian liberation movement is very young. Women and men who were thirty
during the Stonewall Riots (and many were much younger) are just now over forty-five. It is
no surprise then that gay men are having trouble dealing with the huge number of AIDS
deaths. The young are never prepared to begin dealing with death-and certainly not the
Many thanks to Cindy Patton & Charley Shively for talking through many of the ideas in this arlide. 59
6Q
not trying to suppress the fact. Or, in a
homophobic reversal of this, the media uses
AIDS as one more attack upon the dead per
son, as the Times did in the obit of Roy Cohen.
But even when AIDS isn't mentioned, figuring
out who is gay and who died of the syndrome is
easy: he was thirty-six, a church organist and
died after a short illness, leaving parents and a
brother in Connecticut; he was fony-two, a
respected clothing designer, died after a long ill
ness, leaving a mother and two sisters in Ohio.
Bul these are just the more prominent; the
semi-famous by the New York Times stan
dards. There is no mention of the thirty-seven
year old underwriter for an insurance company
who died after being hospitalized for eight
months, leaving no family because they have
not spoken to him since he moved from upstate
New York eighteen years ago after telling them
he was gay. Nor was A1DS cited in the extensive
obituaries of a Boston Latino community
leader who died of respiratory complications at
the age of thirty-five last spring. Every time
one of these obituaries appears not only AIDS
is rendered invisible, but also the existence of
all gay people.
Ellen Shub. 1987. A startling sense of deja vu occurs for gay
men and lesbians when they read each of these
Obits: The Lies Between the Lines obituaries. It is not unlike twenty years ago
when you read gossip columns and newspaper
Other papers, like the Bay Area Reporter in items to see who was married and who was not,
San Francisco run anywhere from ten to twenty to discover who might be gay and who might
obituaries every week of regular, everyday gay (with good reason) be hiding their sexuality.
men who have died of AIDS. This is a chilling You read these things in an attempt to get a
sight, a regular momen10 mori, especially since sense of community, to find Olhers who were
many people first see the paper in bars and like you, to feel not so invisible and alone. The
other gay establishments where it is given away. social embarrassment and denial of gay sexuali
Reading BAR is like walking through a ty in the 1950s and 1960s is being re-enacled
graveyard, or viewing the Vietnam Veterans' now in both the gay and straight worlds with
Memorial Wall-the only difference is that you the embarrassment and denial of death and
knew these people and may have seen them only AIDS.
a week ago. The ultimate effect is to bring the
war home; there is no way for a gay man to
Death and the Territory
look at those pages of postage-sized, black
Movements and Martyrs
framed portraits and not have some presenti
ment that this could have been him. And might
be in several months time. The gay community'S dealing with death did
Of COurse the straight press is still worse. The not begin with AIDS. Before the advent of
New York Times will infrequently acknowledge AIDS the deaths of young gay men I knew were
an AIDS-related death as such, usually depend from queer-bashing. Gay men and lesbians
ent upon the family, or friends, of the deceased knew thai the risks of transgressing heterosex-
61
ual limits could be dangerous. In both rural and for the future. The Left has not been able to deal
urban areas, even the most sophisticated, open with AIDS in part due to its homophobia, but
cities, a gay man or lesbian can be spotted as a also because they have always made death a
homosexual and queer-bashed. And nOt just class issue: who was drafted to fight in Viet
beaten but murdered . In the summer of 1986 nam, who is denied health care and proper
there were six known gay murders and count social services, who is at risk in the work place.
less queer-bashings in Boston alone. (And But AIDS cuts across class lines, as well as
remember not even the most nagrant heterosex political lines (it is hard to come up with any
uals are beaten just because they are heterosex sympathy for Roy Cohen, yet he is as much a
uals). For many the connections between death victim of AIDS as anyone else).
and being gay are very clear. If you were "ob
vious," if you were "known," if you were seen
leaving a gay bar you could be beaten and kill
ed. Death, as it were, came with the territory.
But in some way this ever-present death was,
while hard to deal with, clear in its origins.
Death was one more form of oppression that
occurred beause of homophobia-or in less
euphemistic terms-because people hated
queers. These deaths were part of the social
reality that spawned the gay and lesbian libera
tion movemenl. lesbians and gay men learned
to deal with these deaths by taking their cues
from othef, more established social activist
movement. On the one hand the dead were seen
as martyrs to the " cause." This is clear in the case Qr/ilt for Corl Willmon. pori of The AIDS Names QUitl.
Courlesy of Michael 8ronski.
of Charlie Howard-an effeminate gay man
who was murdered by street thugs in Bangor,
Maine: there are yearly memorials to him and
both legal reform and educational organizing Sex and the Politics of Death
are done in his name. This is not all that differenl
than leftists and labor organizers using the Since AIDS has become recognized as a pro
names and images of Joe Hill, Frank little and blem affecting gay men the community has
Wesley Everest as well as the victims of the done an amazing job of mobilization. There are
Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire and those kiUed health crisis centers, AIDS Action Committees,
in the Ludlow massacre and the Haymarket riot support systems and direct service groups all
hangings. The two most famous quotes about it over the country. Such organizing has been set
in activist folklore are Joe Hill's "Don't up almost entirely by gay men, and to a lesser
mourn, organize" and Mother Jones' "Pray degree lesbians, with very little help-until
for the dead, but fight like hell for the living." recently-from the heterosexual world. To see
Although the latter makes a nod at acknow what gay men have done in such a short period
ledging the dead, both place the emphasis on of time is staggering. BUI what has been done is
more immediate political action. These were in the tradition of most of the work in the gay
clearly a response to a cultural inclination to movement-a direct response to an oppressive
sentimentality (based, in part, on a strain of situation. Gay men were literally dying in the
Christianity) which attempted to secure the streets and they were taken in. Gay men were
status quo by keeping people's minds off the being evicted from their homes, fired from their
present, by keeping them on the past. In the jobs, denied basic health rights: all of these pro
real world, the material world, tending to the blems were faced head on.
after effects, the psychological aftershock of But the gay movement has only begun to deal
death came second to organizing and preparing with the psychological response to AIDS and to
62
death. We have not been faced with this much
death-this close to home-ever before. The
gay community, both men and women, are
beginning to realize that there is no more
business as usual. The more profound, lasting
and deep repercussions of AIDS are just begin
ning to be felt. They will not become rea\1y evi
dent for another few years and will last for
years and years after that. Every day that we do
not deal with our feelings and reality we will
have to do so threefold in the future. In many
ways the gay community has followed two of
the most traditional responses to death: terror
and pity. You can see these enacted in gay
men's lives and in any number of popular
books or magazines.
The first is the phobic response. A reaction to
fear and terror. Some gay men have avoided
sex, avoided bars, avoided dealing with their
basic sexual identity. Equating gay life with
AIDS, and hence with death, they have turned
their backs on it. They are filled with fear and
loathing for their past lives and their current
sexual desires. Not a surprising reaction, since
Carl Willmwr. foumler QfSrudcmsfor (j Demt)(:rlllic Socil'/y
this is the lesson that every homosexual has
been taught since birth. Sometimes it takes very
extreme forms such as deciding to be heterosex such well developed bodies. There is nothing
ual and to marry, removing one's self from the facetious here. Almost every piece that ap
gay world completely. Other times a more peared in pre-1987 Life, Time, Look and
moderate form of denial occurs such as joining Newsweek was certain to mention the tasteful,
Sex Addicts Anonymous in an attempt to get well-decorated apartments. Compare these ar
their "dangerous behavior" under control . But ticles to the news and features on people of col
what is even more common is a self-conscious or and AIDS and how their tenement, slum sur
self removal from the active gay world: stop go roundings are the perfect accompaniment-not
ing out to bars, cut down on the amount of ironic juxtaposition-to their disease.
energy you might have to put into socializing, Many gay men had a positive response to
sometimes even avoiding the gay press because these pieces, and looking for the sympathy vote
it is " loa depressing." All of these reactions are is an easy trap for gay men to fall into because
understandable. AIDS is too difficuh to think it seems to address oppression: "you may have
about. But each of these responses is not only hated us but now since we are dying you have 10
an avoidance of AIDS-it is also a denial and a like us." Such thinking, of course, is false con
whittling away at the gay community; a slow sciousness because people who hate queers are
process that-unless we can find a way to com probably glad we are dying-and will take the
bat it-may have a lasting, disastrous effect on opportunity to blame us for "spreading" it to
the community itself. the straights. Such thinking adds to the notion
The second traditional response-pity-is that AIDS is a gay disease and reinforces the
seen as sentimentality. You see this attitude in idea that it is a metaphor for gay life itself.
all those articles in major magazines about peo This whole tradition fits neatly into an old.
ple with AIDS: it is such a shame they are dying ingrained, Western cultural tradition, the
because they had such great careers, such Camille syndrome: the romance of the outlaw,
wonderful lives, such beautiful apartments, the misunderstood one who may die, but who
63
on gay men. The questions raised by this reality
range from the obvious "how do you deal with
this amount of personal, communal and
political loss?" to the more pressing, and for
many more paramount, "how do you have sex
when everyone around you is dying?"
The first step in this is to bring death out into
the open. Not to avoid talking about it and
hiding it as though death was a dirty little
secret. There is nothing romamic, nothing sen
timental-not even anything more frighten
ing-about dying of AIDS. It is not, as Susan
Somag might point out, a metaphor for any
thing. It is like all death: a painful, hard end to
the painful and sometimes hard act of living.
"
•
N I G H T V I S I O N S:
A Lesbian/Gay Pol itics for the Present
Margaret Cerullo
The following is a speech delivered at a gay and lesbian "town meeting " on Sex and
Politics sponsored by the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force (NGLTF), and held in
Washington, DC October 10, 1987. The town meeting was part oj the week oj events
surrounding the National Lesbian and Gay march on Washington in October. The immediate
impetus/or the March was the Supreme Court's decision on June 30, 1986, upholding an an
cient Georgia sodomy statute, that goy love between adults is not protected by the constitu
tion, and that the arrest oj gay man Michael Hardwick in his bedroom was therefore legal
(Bowers v. Hardwick). Thus, the Supreme Court was chosen/or the site ofa mass civil disobe
dience action on Monday, October 13 in which over 800 lesbians and gay men, including
Michael Hardwick, were arrested.
The town meeting was called to open a debate about strategies/or the lesbian/gay move�
ment in the/ace 0/ such repressive measures os the Hardwick decision, specifically to address
the rote 0/public discussions a/sexuality within gay/lesbian politics. The NGLTF itselffor ex�
ample calls its campaign against Hardwick. and sodomy laws across the country. the "privacy
project, H suggesting a rhetorical strategy of trying to neutralize lesbian/gay sexuality. avoid�
ing a focus on what makes us dif
ferent. what draws attention to us, gets us attacked in the
Face-oIl 01 the Supreme Courl during the Civil Disobedience action us port 01 {he Go}' and usbion March on 67
Washinglon. Marilyn Humphries phOIO.
Congress and beaten up on the streets. Instead, freedoms. It said to us that every night we
the strategy is to define the issue at stake as the engage alone in acts of civil disobedience and
violation ofcivil liberries, a danger to everyone. we decided it was time to take that show on the
Yet, organizers have felt constrained by such a road!
formulation. In addressing city councils, Against the public denigration of who we
legislatures, etc., the conservative anti-gay are, we're here today and this weekend to create
mobilizations pm vivid and lurid depictions of the contexts that nourish gay identity, so that
gay sexuality and depraved lifestyles at the we can go back to our communities with a
center of their attacks, along with a defense of transformed understanding of what we want
marriages as the path to happiness, while gay and what we need. So much of our lives these
activists were poised to respond only in terms of days is constrained by what we think we can
their right to privacy. This left definitions of get. There's so little space to identify what we
gay sexuality and of the issues of how we live want. So what we must take back from this
and who we love in the hands of the repressive, weekend is a memory of what we want, and the
anti-gay forces. The speech that follows was a beginning of thinking together about what kind
challenge to the civil liberties strategy that has of political movement we must build so that we
dominated much of gay politics in the post can get what we want.
Stonewall era. We must begin that process of building and
sustaining a movement, I believe, with an
analysis of the current balance of power, i.e.,
of where we have come as a movement, where
I want to start by underlining the meaning of exactly we are now, what is the nature of the
a weekend like this, this explosion of politics, power we're up against, including in ourselves,
this moment of rapture, and to emphasize why and how we are going to demand and create a
moments.like this are crucial to us, both to our different future.
growth as a movement and to our individual The key argument that I want to make to you
lives, how transformative times like these can today is that our current situation is defined by
be. A weekend like this where we leave the a public confrontation, a public bailie over the
dominant culture behind reveals our secret definition of gay identity, over the meaning of
longings, it reveals them even to us. It reveals being gay. Hardwick threw down the gauntlet.
our alienation, our yearning for what never It represents a powerful effort to seize control
was: a moment in which gay people are not only of the meaning of gayness. But the second
accepted or tolerated, but normative, in which point, I want to make is that Hardwick only ex
we are the definers of the streets and the ists because a gay movement preceded it. It is
bedrooms, where our lives aren't so separate, eighteen years since Stonewall, eighteen years in
split into day life and night life, where night vi which we've built a lesbian and gay movement,
sions emerge on the daytime streets. These in which we've come out of the closets and into
moments of release reveal to us at the same time the streets, in which we have proclaimed to the
the power of the dominant culture that we've world who we are and how we live and love, in
left behind, the repressions and self·denials we which we have claimed publicly a gay identity, a
live with every day. gay sensibility, a gay aesthetic and defined a
What's important about this March is how new morality. In claiming our right to freedom,
far it has reached, how many people have come we claimed the freedom to love passionately.
from so many different places, many acting The Hardwick decision can only be
politically for the first time, all of us acting with understood as a response to this movement, as
increased urgency to create here in Washington a backlash. There are old laws against sodomy
this weekend a confrontation with the law, with that have been on the books forever. Despite
public consciousness, with public morality. the fact that Hardwick is couched in the
What Hartwick said to was that our sexuality language of tradition, what Hardwick
makes us criminals and outlaws, that alone in represents is an effort to mOdernize those laws.
our bedrooms we have no rights, we have no It says not that sodomy-an act-is illegal, but
68
•
something else is illegal-homosexual sodomy, The same point about what we are as a move·
a set of acts tied to an identity. Hardwick only ment and what the current situation represents
makes sense as a response to our proud and can also be illustrated by the Massachusetts
public claiming of gay idemity. What Hardwick Foster Care Policy, which identifies the "tradi·
is against is that we claimed that power, the tional family" as the ideal site for raising
power to define what it means to be gay, and children. The point about the foster care policy
they want it back. Mainstream culture always is that it is explicitly directed at lesbians and gay
invokes tradition to cover the fact that ii's con men. Now twenty years ago, even fifleen years
fronting something entirely new. Underneath ago, such a policy would not have even includ
every repression is a recognition that power is ed gays and lesbians as those not allowed to be
shifting. The currenl effort, then, I believe, the parents, as those who were undesirable. It's like
repression that is directed against us, is an ef Queen Victoria not believing you had to men
fort to turn back that positive and affirming tion women in the anti-homosexual laws. There
definition of gayness. They are incapable of was no recognized need to do so. We know les
transforming our behavior-we're a room full bians and gay men have always raised children.
of sodomites. But what they arc trying to do is But what was new, and what provoked the
transform the meaning of our behavior. The ef· Massachusetts Foster Care Policy, was that an
fort is to reassert the old morality that we've openly gay couple claimed the right to be
challenged, the morality of normalcy and de parents, and that's what they said was nOI
viance, of "mature" development, of allowed. What the Foster Care Policy said was
"healthy" sexuality. if you want to be parents or if you want equal
treatment, stay in the closet. The policy will not
stop lesbian and gay parenting-it can't do
that. But what it can do is reassert that our sex
uality makes us dangerous to children, that our
parenting is less than, unfortunate, something
to be survived, overcome, hidden, or denied.
Likewise, the Hardwick decision cannot SlOp
the practice of "homosexual sodomy." It is
rather about reasserting thai gayness means
" unnatural," " subhuman," " without rights of
citizenship. "
The chorus is joined. The public response to
AIDS, e.g., the proposals for quarantines, say
gayness means disease. The dominant culture.
and sometimes even the male·dominated gay
movement, says lesbianism means failed
women.
So this is what I beieve
l we're up againsl in
the culture-a battle over the meaning of
gayness. And my argument to you today is thai
we cannot fight for the meaning of gayness is
private; that we've got to join the battle where
it has been called, we've got to fight it in public.
This is not, however, the view that has
dominated the gay movement. Rather the
strategy for confronting the repression against
us that has dominated our movement is what
I'll call the liberal strategy or the privacy
strategy. I think it's import to understand why
Publicly contesting the meaning 0/gayness a/ the Supreme
Courl. Ellen Shub photo.
that strategy has had such a powerful
..
•
stranglehold on OUf movement, what sustains us. What the gay historians have done is to
it, why it keeps making sense to so many peo begin to expose and deconstruct heterosex
ple. This is the strategy we confront in uality. What they've shown us is that heterosex
Massachusetts every time there's an effort 10 uality is in fact very insecure, it's very fragile.
get a gay rights bill passed which there has been The identification of homosexuals as a distinct
every year for the last thirteen years. I'm sure kind of person, a permanent psychological type
many of you have confronted such strategies is a relatively recent historical phenomenon.
when you've rought for gay rights bills in your That gay people are set off as different, as
states. II's also the strategy that many people outlaws, and degraded as deviants was less to
believe is the way to fight HOrlwick. define a gay identity than to define a heterosex
The strategy is to caU for our right to privacy, ual identity, when the basis for heterosexual
and that's all. II's to say that's aI/ we're asking. bonding became less secure. The process of
What's so big? The strategy is premised on an defining gay identity was not so much about
effort to avoid public confrontation. It prefers controlling some deviants, it was about con
to fight for OUf right to privacy in private, trolling the normals, it was about establishing a
behind closed doors, through backroom heterosexual identity when heterosexual bond
negotiations. in the inimitable words of Sue ing was losing all other rationales. Yet in that
Hyde, it prefers to lubricate pieces of legislation repressive process of defining our difference
to give us a space to cover our asses. It avoids through the categories of normalcy and de
the discussion of sexuality, of how we live and viance, another possibility emerged, the possi
love, of how we're different. It avoids the bility for a rebellious gay and lesbian identity,
acknowledgement of exactly what we've been and a rebellious gay and lesbian culture. What
talking about here today, and what our op we've done historically is to take the claim that
ponents' know-that is. the centrality of sex we're different, and we've gone wild with it.
uality to our communities. We've created a definition of difference in our
The implication of privacy, the demand to be own terms. We've said that what defines us is
left alone, is defensive. It says we're born this not our genes, it's not our arrested develop
way, we can't help it, but we have the right to ment, our irresponsibility, self-indulgence or
exist. The invocation of privacy carries with it, immature character structures. What defines us
I believe, our fear of exposure. We think if we is that we refuse the lie of normality; we recog
pm it out, put out who we are, what we do, that nize that respectability has a precarious basis
will give them power over us. The problem with and that misery lies behind right living. This
this strategy is that it assumes their hatred, and begins to point to why privacy fails even in its
it tries to bypass it. But I want to argue that it own terms. To demand that gays and lesbians
keeps it in place. It says, Who could nOf vote be on equal ground with heterosexuality is to
jor the right jor someone fa have shelter, no question the very foundations of hetero
molter how vile, disgusting, perverse, or un sexuality.
natural you think they are? But it leaves exactly Now, I use to think that the reason why we
those evaluations of who people are in place, were so threatening was that we knew the sec
and that's why I don't think it can win. rets of heterosexual culture. I don't know if the
Moreover, it fails to explain why when we've rest of you have been reading about the Sh""e
made demands that are so basic, since the Hite reporl, as I did in Time magazine. I think
demands involved in gay rights bills are only the secret might be out! 82 percent of married
that gay people should have market rights, women indicate they feel lonely in their rela
market freedoms-why, when we make such tionships, and 98 percent of single women said
basic demands do we fail to get them. That's they loved the freedom of calling their lives
the problem that's not confronted by this their own and find love affairs with men full of
strategy, because it tries to defuse what it is that anxiety and arrogant behavior. I don't know if
we represent. you noticed that on none of the measures of
I believe that the gay historians help us misery that she surveyed did women score lower
understand why this strategy won't work for than 75 percent. As feminists, I think we've
70
long known the lie of heterosexuality for public affirmation of a value system for their
women, that the inability to achieve successful , identities. even when their private behavior
long-lasting heterosexual relationships is a sign deviates: "I'm not gay. I only sleep with real
..
of immaturity, selfishness. or failure as a men. The call to suspend judgments becomes
woman. But we've discovered that gay men abstract. Guilt structures survive the practices
know a few secrets. too-we always knew they they were meant to constrain. What this points
underslood what football is really about! In ad to is the need for a political movement that can
dition, as part of our building for the March in transform this vision into a strategy, a context
Boston, we've been doing gay visibility events for us to go through something that allows us
at places where gay people usually aren't distance from the even unconscious judgments
welcome. We've gone to bowling alleys. and that we hold, that form our identities before
straight discos, and we've gone to the malls and other people, bUI also to ourselves.
to Walden Pond, and we've let people know Now when we turn Ihe "hundred lifestyles"
that we were there. Now one of the most in vision outward to address a challenge to hetero
teresting things thaI happens in these straight sexual culture, we further realize its falseness,
discos is how many of the men ("straight how it doesn't represent an adequate response
appearing and discreet" ) the gay men recognize to the one lifestyle thai has all the power. It's a
from the gay bars! delusion, nOI a challenge. When we claim
Finally, I'd like to address a second strain of space, we don't simply add another lifestyle.
thinking in our community around Questions of We shift the balance of power between them.
politics and sexuality. It's not a strategy or it's So, what I'm arguing is that our context is
not yet a strategy, and this I think identifies its one that calls for a politics of disruption and a
weakness in relation to the liberal privacy strat politics of disturbance. and that we have con
egy that dominates. This is the position that tributed to creating the disturbance, but the dis
calls for a public discussion of sexuality. that turbance is oul there, the culture is disturbed.
says openly what we want is a pluralist culture Our public claiming of our existence, our iden
in which the diversity o f human sexuality is tities, our "lifestyles," our sexuality with pride
recognized, a situation in which "a hundred and dignity disturbs some deep assumptions in
lifestyles" can bloom. Advocates of this posi the culture. Our political job is to recognize
tion recognize that in order to clear this space, that disturbance. Now I'm nOI arguing that I'm
we must suspend all judgments aboUl other sure that we can win this way. I am sure that it's
people's "lifestyles" and sexual practices, we the only way that we have a chance.
must "keep morality out of it." But while this
position may identity our goals, it fails to make Margaret Cerullo has recently become involved
clear what we have to do to get there. It fails to i an editor a/ Radical
ill AIDS organizing. She s
confront how deeply people remain tied to the America and teaches at Hampshire College.
=
PAC KAG I N G T HE
CONTRAS
A Case of C I A Disinformation
Edgar Chamorro
As we go to press in late March 1988, US (roops are in Honduras, the Nicaraguan govern·
ment is presently negotiating with the US-backed contras, and the news oj the first Iran
Contra indictments has been pushed from editorial prominence. Despite the recent Congres
sional rejection of continued aid to the contras, new proposals are now being Jloated by
Democrats and Republicans alike. Press reports indicate the the Amer;con troops may be
'
withdrawn shortly, but one interesting media commentary revealed that the unusuallY weI/
equipped militory sent on this latest US intervention (hey, we're coming (0 an ally 's defense)
may purposefully leave their "equipment" behind.
As a continued primer in Radical America 's "what you read may not be what is really go
ing on" media service, we are presenting these excerpts from a monograph by former contra
leader, and public relations consultant, Edgar Chamorro. File it under, "all the news that's
jitted to print. "-Ed.
The purpose of this report is to describe my experience with the Nicaraguan counter
revolutionaries, or contras, in their early years in order to clarify how the CIA develops such
projects, the importance it places on packaging and marketing projects, and the role of disin-
This article Is an Uttrpl from a monograph, "Packaging Ihe Contnu: A Case of CIA Dhinformatlon" by Edgar
Chamono, publishetl by Ihe InSlilule for Medii Analysis (New York: 1981). 11 is reprinletl wUh permbsion from tbe Inslltute.
Informalion aboul the lrutllule and its publltllions and activist!" is Ivanable by writln& lhem a' 145 W. 41b 51., Ntw York,
NY 10012.
formation in determining foreign policy, both terested in helping a group of Nicaraguan exiles
covert and overt. My experience in public rela to achieve our political goals. It meant that my
tions has made me acutely aware of the impor political work, which had been limited to a few
tance that packaging and publicity can make for meetings, some pamphlets. and an occasional
any product. But my position as a Nicaraguan trip to another city, would be strengthened and
interested in the political reality of Nicaragua become more important and effective. And I
makes me take the future of my country more was pleased that if the US was going to help
seriously than I would a new brand of beer. organize the opposition in exile, they would
select me to be one of the leaders and would ask
The Approach my advice.
I understood the role that the US could play
In the fall of 1982, I was working in my office in determining the leadership of Nicaragua. The
at Cargill Investment Services in Miami, where I US government had liked the Chamorro family,
was a commodities futures broker. I received a and had helped to put Chamorros in power. In
phone call from a man who said he was calling the early part of this century, when the United
on behalf of the United States government and States was unhappy with the independent stance
wanted to meet me. I agreed to go to lunch with that the Nicaraguan government was taking, the
him. He introduced himself as "Steve Davis," US Marines were sent to Nicaragua to
said he knew I had been working with Nicar destabilize the situation. As a consequence, the
aguan opposition groups in Miami, and ex party of the Chamorros. the Conservatives.
plained that the US government was interested in came to power, and within a few years, Emilano
helping us to carry oU( our work. I Chamorro, my great-granduncle, was presi
Davis came to see me several times, and dent.) When the US government employee ap
brought other government officials to meet me. proached me in Miami in 1982, I thought,
We discussed plans for establishing a new Direc "Who knows? Maybe the Americans will make
torate for the major Nicaraguan opposition me president, 100."
group, the Nicaraguan Democratic Force,
i DECIDASE !
known by its Spanish acronym FDN (Fuerza
Democralica Nicaraguense). I had been doing
public relations work for one of the constilUent
members of the FON, the Union Democralica
Nicaraguense (UDN), a small organization IGLESIA
o SANDINISTAS
operating out of a borrowed office. The FDN at
that time had a military General Staff and a
COMUNISTAS
three-man civilian junta, later renamed the
Directorate (to dispel the military aura), com
prised of Aristides Sanchez, Mariano Mendoza,
and Francisco Cardenal.
A1though the junta had not discussed chang
ing its membership, the CIA was evidently ask
ing me to join a new, expanded Directorate,
which included none of these three,l although
Cardenal, because he had seniority and had
been Vice-president of the Council of State in
the early post-Somoza months, would have
been a logical choice to remain. (Later I found
out that Cardenal had been vetoed by the ..... . .
Argentinian officers and the Somocista contra
leaders because he was not sufficiently
. ..". .
�,�,�",�.�
fUllll.O. IKMllCIJIo> It,& �""_1lSO
militaristic.)
I was pleased to hear that the US was in- Forced to chQOSf': The Church or the SondinisltlS. NACLA,
Report on [he America�.
13
•
I felt that I was well qualified to be a leader of brainstorming clever ways to make the products
the Nicaraguan opposition. My family had al appealing and constant evaluation of the results
ways been, and continues to be, very influential of the campaign. Our first project in the cam
in Nicaragua. I am a direct descendent of four paign was for the new Directorate to have a
Nicaraguan presidents. Until 1%9. I had been a press conference.
Jesuit priest, ultimately Dean and full professor I was a bit uncomfortable with this idea,
at the University of Central America, the Jesuit because as a newly formed group, we obviously
university in Managua. I had been a longtime did not have much to announce. But the press
member of the Conservative Party in Nic conference was the first priority of our advisers;
aragua, which opposed the Somaza dictator their whole purpose in appointing a new Direc
ship, and in 1977, after $omoza had made a deal torate was to improve the image of the con(ras.
with our party (0 survive, I served briefly as the They did not want us to junc(ion as a Direc
represemaive of the Conservative Party in the torate as much as they wanted us to give the im
Nicaraguan mission to the United Nations. age of a Directorate and to be visible. The
In June of 1979, as the war against Somoza background and profession of each of the
reached Managua, and as Somoza's troops be members was important, but not so much for
gan to bomb the capital, I was worried about my what that person could contribute as a leader as
family's safety in Managua and took them out for the appearance of balance and broad sup
of the country. After Somoza's defeat in July, I port. Similarly, the press conference was impor
was unhappy with the Sandinistas' vision of tant not so much for the information we could
change for Nicaragua. It had been a large coali provide as for the impression we would give.
tion of diverse political groups that had con
tributed to the demise of the dictatorship of
Somoza, but it was the Sandinistas who coor
SUPPORT A
dinated [he final political-military victory, and FIGHTER
who emerged as the dominant political force in
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bit frightening to many Nicaraguans.
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would come in very handy for the work of the . � _ J "' "", _
..bf'- £#>1 1>105,
U>iJ.'f
SEND DJ��I��:ill THE WORLD
conlras. My background in this field began in
1972, when I returned to Nicaragua after study
f-----·---·....;.;;;.c·�;.;;·.:-;;,;-.:;.�;,;;.;;;;.;;---··--..-·---:
ing in the United Slates. While I was working as
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a personnel and human relations consultant at _�.� •
:
l�AVE·::THE�cinltRASj
pany on an independent basis. Among other
things, I handled the accounts that promoted
Flor de Cai'ia rum and Toi'ia beer, and developed
some very effective campaigns to promote a new
Poster withdrawn after protest from the So�'e {he Children
image for the products. I became acquainted
FederotiQn, College Republican NotiQnol Fund.
with the world of public relations and advertis
ing. I got to know the people, the techniques,
the jargon, and the whole process of conceiving, The Press Conference
planning and carrying out a full-fledged cam
paign, which included doing market surveys to The American advisers trained the Direc
ta.rget potential audiences or consumers, torate well for our first public appearance. They
brought two lawyers to a meeting with some of and "George," Feldman's assistant. (It was on·
the members to explain the Neutrality Act' to ly much later that J learned that Castillo was ac
us, so that we would be able to tailor our tually Joseph F. Fernandez, who in 1984 was
language to make our work appear to conform promoted to CIA Chief of Station in San Jose,
to the law. They asked us the questions they an· Costa Rica. George eventually gave me his
ticipated would be raised in the press can· card, when he was at the US Embassy in
ference, and when we answered "incorrectly," Tegucigalpa; it said he was Segundo Secretario,
or with information they did not want revealed, Embajada de los Estados Unidos, and that his
they instructed us to change our answers. name was John W. Mallet. I never learned
One adviser said to me, "Let's say a reporter Tony Feldman's real name.) The next morning,
asks you, 'Mr. Chamorro, do you receive mon· they went to a fast-food restaurant to wait for
ey from the US government,' what will you the press conference to finish.
say?" My initial response was to say, "Yes, we Sitting behind a long table, six of the seven
have received some money . . . . " But I was members of the Directorate (Adolfo Calero was
told to say no, to say that we had received not present and was repesented by an empty
money from many concerned individuals, from chair) gave the impression that we represented
people who supported our work but who would different sectors of the Nicaraguan population.
remain anonymous because they had a right to There was the intellectual/cultural man, the
their privacy. The advisers were really concern military man, the private·sector man, the
ed about a particular question they knew we human·rights woman (the CIA wanted it to be a
wouJd have to answer: whether we had met woman), the very Catholic man, and so on.
with, or been organized by, people from the out
side. Again, we were instructed to say that we Radio Slations
had not met with anyone else, and it was par
ticularly important that we deny having met Another element of the public relations work
with any US government officials. And finally, directed at people inside Nicaragua or on {he
when asked about our objectives, we were to ex border with Honduras was the FDN's "clandes·
pressly deny that we intended to overthrow the tine" radio station, Radio /5 de Septiembre. I
Nicaraguan government, and instead use the say clandestine because it was not officially
pre-fabricated phrase, that we were "creating recognized by the government of Honduras;
the conditions for democracy." however, it was not actually hidden. It operated
We rehearsed our responses to very direct and openly, with implicit support from the Hon·
specific questions with forthright and firm durans, and the FDN public relations office
answers. �ndeed, at the press conference the oversaw its productions. There were also other
morning o f December 7, 1982, at the Hilton clandestine radio stations financed, directed
Conventior. Center in Fort Lauderdale. Florida, and monitored by the CIA to help the contras.
the reporters did ask, very directly, precisely the Radio /5 Septiembre was located on a hill
questions th,lt we had been lold they would ask. outside Tegucigalpa, convenient to our offices.
I, as the spokesman for the Directorate, We got technical assistance for maintaining
answered .;'\st as directly with responses that equipment from the CIA, and a CIA man
were often. in fact, quite untrue. helped oversee the daily production of pro·
Althou£h we had supposedly formed this grams. The tape for each day's program was
Directorate ,n our own, in fact, some of us prepared and edited in the morning and then
hardly knew ,'ach other. It was only the night broadcast five times, once at 4:30 pm, when
before the press conference that we all were to the peasants return to their houses after work;
gather for a party, and some of the members again at 8:30 pm, for those in the cities; again at
did not come to that. We had been brought to 1 1 :00 pm; at 5:30 am the next morning
the hotel, in s..:parate cars, by three CIA of· with a few changes; and finally that day at
ficers-"Tony Feldman," to whom I had been noon.
introduced by Davis; "Tomas Castillo," who The programming included a section of combat
came with Feldman to supervise the operation; news, when triumphs, advances, and special of-
15
fensives by FDN troops were announced (re· amateur announcers were particularly unre
gardless of their actual successes or failures), as strained. The CIA's image interfered with the
a way to boost morale among the troops and to effective implementation of their own goal to
persuade others to join the conlrus. There were reach popular audiences, bet:ause their model
diatribes against the Sandinistas, accusing them was inappropriate in the Central American
of human rights violations, mistreatment of context.
prisoners, rapes and assassinations, and of Eventually the CIA opened a radio station in
running a communist dictatorship whose Costa Rica, Radio lmpacto, that purported to
leaders lived in palaces. Programs also included be a commercial station operated by Latin
slogans, songs, news commentaries, and an oc American investors. The investors, from
casional forum with visiting commentators. Venezuela were acting for the CIA with CIA
At times the narration would deteriorate into money. The station played music and had com
crude insults, and the CIA had to advise a more mercials, but broadcast a great deal of anti
refined broadcasting style. There were occa Sandinista propoganda. It was very powerful,
sional clashes between the way the CIA expected broadcast simultaneously on four different
the station to sound and the Nicaraguan notion shortwave bands (to make jamming much
of popular radio. The CIA had Voice of Amer· harder), and was heard in parts of Nicaragua
ica in mind, with newsreel commentaries in a that the clandestine stations could not reach. In
Walter Cronkite voice. Spanish language radio. Honduras, the FDN didn't have its own com
and especially popular radio, is much more ef mercial front station, but it paid stations along
fusive and enthusiastic, and some of our the border with Nicaragua 10 broadcast FDN
programs. In effect, the FDN rented the radio
iDanos la Libertad !
dinistas into news broadcasts.
76
We also arranged for a television crew to film
a supply drop. They took off in Honduran
helicopters from the Honduran Air Force base
at Aguacate, where the contras kept supplies.
The reporters were asked to keep the location of
the base secret, creating the impression that the
base was inside Nicaragua. The scene of bundles
of supplies being kicked into the jungle was a
good one for television.
On another occasion, an expedition was ar
ranged for Maureen Moore of NBC to the
lagoons near Puerto Lempira, on the Atlantic
coast of Honduras, where there are Miskito In
dian camps. I had called Adan Artola, the chief
of the Miskito contra group, Misura, and asked
him to get a diving team ready. He recruited
some fishermen, young men who liked to swim,
to don underwater diving equipment and pre
tend they were laying mines. Mines were later
actually laid by the CIA, but the NBC television
crew was happy to go along with our staged
event, and to show this "practice."
In fact, the CIA was shortly to begin laying
mines around the Nicaraguan coasts, and it was
very important to create the impression that the
contras themselves had the capacity to do this
on their own. When the harbor-mining scandal
finally broke, in 1984, it became clear that Getting into the act-a journalist shoulders a bazooka in
neither Miskitos nor any other contras had been EI Salvador. Richard Cross photo, NACLA.
laying mines, and the entire operation became
an embarrassment, amidst considerable Con El Salvador or put pressure on the Sandinistas
gressional anger.) to make room for democracy in Nicaragua. But
my speech was used by filmmakers in an anti
Conflict with CIA Over Press Work contra film, and the pep talk was later used by
Senator Moynihan as "proof" of the contras'
Even though I took my public relations work intentions.
for the FDN seriously and did what I could to Siegel and Yates also asked me what the pur
establish good relations with the press, the CIA pose and goals of the FDN were. I answered that
often took issue with what I said to reporters. we wanted to overthrow the Sandinista govern
The first time I received a reprimand from the ment and replace it with a different one. That
CIA for my press work occurred in April 1983, seemed like an obvious point to me. But shortly
after I was interviewed by Tom Siegel and after the interview, a CIA agent called me at my
Pamela Yates of Skylight Pictures. Terrell Plan home. He instructed me to say that I had not
tinga, a CBS correspondent, had requested that meant what I said. He explained that saying
they be allowed to film with the contra troops. those things would create problems in Wash
My understanding was that they were filming ington, especially with Congress. He also gave
for CBS, as stringers. They filmed me giving the me a short speech on the dangers of the press,
troops a pep talk, saying that the FDN was go saying that reporters are sharks whose purpose
ing to overthrow the government in Nicaragua. is to manipulate. But I had not been
I could not give a pep talk to troops using our manipulated; I had answered a question frankly
official platform and merely say that if we were and honestly. The problem was that I had not
victorious, we would interdict an arms flow to manipulated my answer to square with the
77
CIA's version of our goals. Times Picayune, and the July 2, 1984, Miami
In November 1984, I stated publicly that the Herald, all in the name of the Human Develop
CIA was coaching the FDN's work with Con meOl Foundation, Inc. of Miami, a front the
gress. My statements caught the atteOlion of the FDN had established in Panama in 1983. For a
Senate Intelligence Committee. The Chairman, long time the American public was fooled into
Senator Moynihan, stated, "If subslaOlially ac debating the merits and demerits of the
curate, these charges ren�t an invasion of the "privatization" of the war, when it was not
privacy of Members of Congress and improper privatized at all.
conduct about which the intelligence oversight
committees of the Congress have to inquire. " 6 Summing Up
But despite his statement, as far as I know, no My career with the contras came to a head in
such inquiry was made. A year later, after an ar the uproar over the psychological operations
ticle in the New Republic' got Senator William manua1.'o J attempted to excise parts of it, in
Proxmire (Dem.-Wis.) concerned, the General cluding the material on "neutralization" or
Accounting Office (GAO) conducted a brief in assassination, in eliminating selective targets.
vestigation, issuing an outrageously short report But I was overruled. This was my final recalci
stating, despite everything I told them, that I trance. Within a month, my resignation from
had offered them no "proof" of my charges.' the conrras was requested. I was pleased to
oblige, and my association with them ended of
The Ad Campaign ficially on November 2 1 , 1984.
My willingness-indeed my eagerness- to
One of the most important operations we leave was the product of many factors,
conducted was to create the impression that our culminating in a personal struggle. but there
funding came from "private" sources, rather were objective factors al work too. I saw them
than from the CIA. To help in this deception, both as malters of form and as matters of
we were instructed to run advertisemeOls in US substance.
newspapers asking for contributions, to have The matters of form related to a steadily in
fundraising meetings with wealthy conser creasing sense of unreality. as exemplified by
vatives. and to report frequeOlly to the press of the language used in the campaign to promote
our successes in these endeavors. The administra the contras. It was rcminiscent of Orwell's
tion supported this deception; a typical article, doublespeak, on the onc hand, and of commer
by Philip Taubman in the New York Times of cial advertisements, on the other. It had no rela
September 9, 1983. opened like this: tion to objective reality. Counterrevolutionaries
Nicaraguan rebels have raised more than hand-picked by the CIA were compared to
founding fathers. The desperate need for
$10 million dollars in the last six months
from private corporations and individuals "leaders" made the CIA promoters of the con
in the United States and from foreign lras use all the repackaging techniques for
governments, including Israel, Argentina, marketing a new product. "New and fresh,"
Venezuela, Guatemala and Taiwan, with the "US seal of approval" became the
according to Reagan Administration Reagan administration's standard for success.
orficials and rebel leaders.' More than four times, the contra leadership was
repackaged-each time with a new "peace in
Mario Calero told Taubman, "We're raising itiative"-just before a military offensive, or an
more than $ 1 . 5 million a month, much of it attack on Congress to get more funds.
donated by private Americans and corpora Instead of admitting that our objective was to
tions, including some large, well-known overthrow the Nicaraguan government, we were
companies." instructed to say that is was to create conditions
On July 26, 1984, we ran a quarter-page ad in for democracy. Instead of acknowledging that
the Times, designed and paid for by the CIA. It there were some Somocistas in the organization,
announced: "The Victims of Communist Dom we were to call our troops freedom fighters. We
inated Nicaragua Need Your Help." We ran were supposed to say that Somocismo was dead
similar ads in the June I S , 1984 New Orleans and buried with Somoza. In reality the contras
78
were not working for freedom or democracy, FOOTNOTES
but to go backwards in time, to a repressive,
I . [ later learned, as I suspected, that Steve Davis was a
rightwing military government.
pseudonym. For details of my meeting with him, see Edgar
Contra leaders had aU the prestige of the Oval Chamorro, "Confessions of a Contra," New Republic,
Office behind them. They dressed for the occa August 5, 1985.
sion, traveled in opulence, and were seen sur 2. Aristides SAnchez remained secretary-general of Ihe
rounded by respected personalities. DireclOrate, and later rejoined as a Direclor when I left.
3. In 1909 the Liberal government of Jos� Santos Zelaya
It was usual 10 emphasize only one small part
had the temerity to nellotiate ....ith Britain for a loan and
of an overall plan. The idea was to put forth a with the Japanese over a projected canal. The US-backed
"minimum plan," with the least commitment revolution against the Liberals and installed the Conser·
and the least likelihood of being implemented, vatives, who made their loans and deals with the Ameri
cans. When that government began 10 appear incapable of •
while passing over a "maximum" plan as
maintaining power, the US sent in the Marines, who oc
though it were not to be used. Another tech
cupied Nicaragua from 1912 to 1933 (with a brief break in
nique was to use terms such as "freedom" and 1925-26). In 1933 the US troops withdrew, after installing
"democracy" repeated.1y and vaguely, so that the Anastasio Somoza Garcia as head of the National Guard.
concepts would be accepted even though the The next year Somoza lured Augusto Cwr Sandino, leader
audience had no idea what was meant. of a serious nationalist insurrection, to purported disarma·
ment negotiations, and had him murdered. See Jenny
Finally, we specialized in creatively confusing
Pearce, Under the £ugle: US Intervention in Centrol
the general public, Congress, and the press, by Americu und the Curibbetzn (Boston: South End Press,
establishing groups parallel to those of the San (982), pp. 19-20.
dinistas or of the US peace movement, creat 4. The Neutrality Act s
i found at Title 18 U.S.C. §960; it
ing human rights organizations, peace initia criminalizes anyone who, "within the United States, know.
ingly begins or sets foot on or provides or prcpaTCS a means for
tives, and Ihe like, until no one could be sure
or furnishes the money for, or takes part in, any military or
whose proposals were whose, or which organi naval expedition or enterprise to be carried on from thence
zations were artificial and which were real. against the territory . . . of any foreign . . . state . . . or
people with whom the United States is at peace . . .. " The
A Footnote: Deportation Proceedings preceding section, §959, deals specifically with
mcrccnarism. It criminalizes anyone who, "within the
United States, enlists or enters himself or hires or retains
After I was asked to leave the contras, I gave
another 10 enlist or enter him5elf, to go beyond the jurisdic·
numerous interviews and discussed my experi tion of the United Statt! 10 be enlisted in the service of any
ence openly. In June of 1985, after I had made a foreign . . . state . . . or people as a soldier of
trip to Washington to talk with Congress and fortune . . .. "
5. Such indiscriminate mining of harbors used by commer
had published an Op-Ed in the New York
cial, international vessels, was a clear and serious violation
Times, the INS began deportation proceedings
of international law, as later confirmed by the World
against me. The Miami district director of the Court. See Nicuroguu v. United Stutes 0/ Americu, Judg
Immigraton and Naturalization Service (INS) ment of June 27, 1986, decisions (6), (7), and (8), pp.
said, "I happened to read stories [Chamorroj 138-139.
6. Miami Heruld, November 16, 1987.
wrote in the New York Times and the Miami
7. Op. cit. above, n. I .
Herald this week . . . so 1 asked for the file. " I I 8 . General Accounting Office Report. CIA Activities:
The deportation actions were clearly motivated AI/egutions 0/Lobbying AssistanCf', December 19S5.
by my public speaking and writing about the 9. "Nicaraguan Rebels Reported to Raise Millions in
Administration and CIA war against Nicara Gifts," New York Times, September 9, 1983.
10. Robert Parry, "CIA Comic Book Instructs
gua. The INS action was another effort to con
Nicaraguans on Sabotage," Hurt/oro Courunt (AP], June
trol the terms of the debate on Central
30, 1984.
American policy in particular and on foreign I I . Brian Barger in the Miumi Heruld, June 29, 1985.
policy in general. After my case had been
brought to the attention of Congress and of the
press, I received a letter from the Miami district
director saying that the proceedings against me
had been a "mistake."
79
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