Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan  

 
«Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan»  

 
by Muhammad Zaman
 

Source:  
Academic Journal of the Institute of Social Prevention and Resocialisation of the University of Warsaw
(Prace Instytutu Profilaktyki Społecznej i Resocjalizacji), issue: 17 / 2011, pages: 154­173, on  
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Muhammad Zaman 1

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, CONFLICTS

AND RISE OF EXTREMISM IN PAKISTAN

Streszczenie
Artykuł poświęcony jest etnicznej, religijnej i politycznej kulturze Pakistanu.
Przedstawia analizę porównawczą trzech ruchów społecznych: tradycjonalizmu, Is-
lamizmu oraz konstytucjonalizmu. Społeczny ruch tradycjonalistyczny zakłada, że
wartości plemienne stanowią istotną podstawę sprawiedliwości społecznej i, w związku
z tym, powinny być uznawane za nadrzędne. Islamiści uznają zasady boskie za panaceum
sprawiedliwości. Z kolei konstytucjonaliści (zwani również modernistami) domagają się
modernizacji oraz rządów prawa. Wspomniane trzy ruchy społeczne łączą pewne cechy
wspólne. Wszystkie uciekają się do gwałtownych walk oraz wyznają zasadę sprawiedli-
wości społecznej. W pewnych sprawach jednak się różnią; czerpią z odmiennych źródeł
inspiracji, a do realizacji wytyczonych celów stosują inne strategie. Artykuł omawia
powstające spory oraz wynikające z nich reakcje łańcuchowe. Zjawisko analizowane
jest pod kątem współzależności strukturalnych i kulturowych czynników sprawczych.
Zmianę społeczną blokują siły strukturalne, leżące u podstaw buntu wobec systemu.

Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan

Abstract
This article deals with the ethnic, religious and political culture of Pakistan. It
provides a comparative view of three social movements: traditionalism, Islamism and

1 Dr Muhammad Zaman is Erasmus Mundus Post-doctoral Fellow (Lot 11). He

is associated with the Institute of Social Prevention and Resocialisation, the European
Centre for Penological Studies („Division of Culturally Integrated Legal and Social
Studies”), University of Warsaw. He can be reached at: zaman@uni-leipzig.de.
156 Muhammad Zaman

constitutionalism. The traditionalist social movement argues that tribal values are an
important base for social justice and should be given supremacy. Islamists see the
divine rules as the panacea of justice. However, constitutionalists (or modernists) are
pushing for modernization and the rule of law. These three social movements share
some common characteristics. They all involve violent struggles and pursue the notion
of social justice. They also have some uncommon characteristics: different sources of
inspiration and strategy in pursuing their goals. The disputes and their chain reaction
are discussed in the article. The phenomenon is analyzed in terms of structure, culture
and agency interplay. Social change is blocked due to cultural and structural forces,
which constituted a revolt against the system.

1. Introduction

This research article deals with the emergence of a conflict, its

mechanism and extremism within the given cultural context of Pak-
istani society. Generally, minor incidents—if they are not dealt with
within a specific timeframe—breed a chain reaction of conflicts which
may lead to violence. These conflicts do not only affect the local pop-
ulation but it also breed further violence. If society fails to manage/
resolve the conflicts, they become a constant source of violence. There
are various strategies to handle conflicts such as coercion, use of power
and authority, or acceptance of the demand of the masses. However,
approaches to conflict-management vary from one culture to another
and one space of time to the other. Multiple tactics may be used to
handle a conflict. One example is legal pluralism which is a way of
handling conflicts which exists in certain parts of the world. This is the
approach taken by the British during the colonial era, with the imple-
mentation of a plural ethno-religious legislation on the sub-continent.
This was a solution to social problems and was successful to a cer-
tain degree in terms of managing conflicts on the subcontinent before
1947. Other European societies managed their conflicts in a similar
way after the Second World War.
After the cold war, Europe experienced the transformation from
a socialist to a market economy. This contributed to the peaceful
transformation in Eastern Europe and some parts of Western Europe,
like Poland and other Soviet-occupied states. Many societies on the
European continent fulfilled their desire for a free market economy
through the peaceful demonstrations of the 1990s. East and West
Germany achieved re-unification through peaceful means. However,
this is not the case in many developing countries, such as Pakistan. In
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 157

this country, status-quo, traditions, and political hegemony dominate,

rather than the masses’ “will” and the rule of law. This generates
violence and conflict among the Pakistani population.
This article does not only give an account of conflict and extrem-
ism in Pakistan, but it describes how and why chain reactions of conflict
occur. What kind of social impact do these conflicts have on the com-
mon man and how do they become violent? How do they become
part of on-going social movements? This article aims to investigate
the grounded reality of conflict in Pakistan.
I will first describe the three social movements and then analyse
the phenomenon in line with historical facts.

2. Social Movements and the Pakistani problem

Mass mobilization in order to solve a social problem is not new

phenomenon. It has occurred different parts of the world. The Magna
Carta and the United States Bill of Rights are examples of the re-
sults of such social movements. Acceptance of a diversity of views
is perceived as a solution to avoiding conflicts, by bestowing rights
upon diverse populations, different religious or ethnic groups. This
strategy of pluralism paves the way to the emergence of harmony in
a society. The recognition of polarity allows diversity in terms of so-
cial conduct and norms, and strengthens the power of interest groups.
However, sometimes polarity can be counter-productive as well. Neg-
ligence and/or acceptance of pluralism may become the root cause of
a conflict, as a population strives for the acceptance of their rights.
I will provide a brief sketch of three different social movements. When
the demands of these movements were not addressed properly at an
appropriate time, they led to the rise of extremism in Pakistan (be-
side many other problems). The first social movement aims for the
maintenance of the supremacy of tribal values.

2.1. The traditionalist/tribal social movement

in Pakistan and conflict: Tribalism

A broader understanding of cultural values that provide justice

and maintain order in a given cultural context is referred to as custom-
158 Muhammad Zaman

ary law (Kapila 2004). The customary system comes from traditions
and transforms through socialization from one generation to the next.
It is the behaviour of an individual as learnt from his family, commu-
nity and society at large. The learnt behaviour has few possibilities
of change in societies where people do not have the ‘will’ to practice
alien 2 norms. People are uncomfortable when confronted with alien
norms in practice. Interest groups (within or outside a given society)
maintain influence to mobilize the masses in their favour on the basis
of the protection of customary practices and to avoid the adoption of
alien norms. Sometimes, interest groups manage to mobilize people
against the state in their favour, if state legislation or practices are in
contradiction with local norms. This situation may arise when internal
or external interest groups wish to mobilize the masses in their favour,
while exploiting the masses emotionally, rationally or on the grounds
of ethno-cultural affiliation. Such problems lead to conflict, and have
serious consequences for society. Cultural facts and causes are given
in order to rationalize a social movement.
For instance, Shazia Khalid, a raped woman in a tribal area of
Baluchistan, demanded justice from the state-run courts in Pakistan
in 2005. The courts are part of a corrupt system which is based on
favouritism, and are under the control of the Government. It has en-
hanced the vote of no-confidence among the common masses. Akbar
Buggti, a tribal leader, ex-defence minister of Pakistan and ex-Gover-
nor of Baluchistan province, took the lead to provide ‘speedy justice’
to Shazia Khalid according to local traditions, instead of the issue be-
ing settled in state-run courts. Akbar Buggti and other tribal leaders
pushed for the Government of Pakistan to execute the criminal, Mr.
Hammad, a military bureaucrat, according to local tribal traditions,
because the crime was committed in the Baluch tribal region.

2.1.1. Supremacy of local traditions: Indigenous polygraph

In case of crimes, a jirga (local jury) investigates the issue from the
point of view of both concerned parties, in-line with local traditions. In
this indigenous polygraph, the jirga asks the accused man and woman

2I
am using the concept of “alien norms” to refer to the cosmopolitan values of
the constitution.
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 159

to walk on ashes to prove their honesty or purity. The accused person

provides evidence that he is not involved in the crime by walking on
hot ashes. If the feet of the accused person are wounded, he is declared
a criminal (Khan 2008). Conviction of a crime is understood as “kari”
(violation of the code of honour).
The polygraph is not a new technique and it has been used
throughout generations and across societies. In African societies, eggs
are thrown by the victim’s party to the accused’s party. Similarly, “in
China and India, a suspect would be made to hold a handful of rice
in his mouth. If the rice remained dry, the individual was considered
guilty. In the developed world, the “lie detector” machine is used. The
ultimate aim is to obtain the truth from the accused party through the
polygraph. The indigenous polygraph (walking on hot ashes) deter-
mines the truth in local tribal traditions of Baluchistan.

2.1.2. Karo kari: Honour Crime

According to tribal customs, an accused man and a raped woman

are referred to as “karo” (man) and “kari”(women). The “karo” and
“kari” are killed on the spot in front of the tribal jirga without delay,
probably within 24 hours of the crime (Khan 2008). This is acceptable
according to local traditions (See Kristof 2005). Karo kari is an honour
crime that has serious consequences. The tribal society stresses the
notion of the honour of the family and their clan.

2.1.3. Collapse of traditions with modern law: Conflict

The indigenous procedure of investigation was not carried out

in the Shazia Khalid vs. Hammad case. Being a member of military
bureaucracy, the criminal man was influential, he found loopholes in
the justice; he escaped from the state run-courts as well as from tribal
customs. Akbar Buggti demanded the state execute the criminal ac-
cording to local tribal traditions. The Pakistani military establishment
rejected Akbar Buggti’s demand, and prosecution also did not occur
in the context of state-run courts. Akbar Buggti stood up against the
military on the basis that customary practices were being violated. He
fought against the Pakistani military with the help of his tribal men.
Akbar Buggti was killed while fighting for his tribal values and the
160 Muhammad Zaman

right to justice. This fight between a tribal elder and a state organiza-
tion centred around the violation of justice, and of the code of conduct
of the tribal community.

2.1.4. Violence breeds violence: Chain reaction of conflicts

Conflict is on rise since the killing of Akbar Buggti and serious

insurgency against the state and the military have occurred, especially
in the Districts of Dera Buggti and Baluchistan. This conflict revolves
purely around the maintenance of local traditions, honour and deliv-
ering of justice on time. Tribal customs are strong and tribal leaders
are out-spoken in defending them.
In another incident, for example, five women were buried alive
in Baluchistan, because they wanted a love—marriage. This repre-
sents deviancy from local traditions (Zaman and Wohlrab-Sahr 2010).
These women violated the local tribal traditions. Israr Ullah Zehri
(senator and federal minister) defended the act in the Pakistani par-
liament on the grounds of the preservation of traditions (Hassan
2008). His comments produced controversy within parliament. Later,
Zehri is appointed as a cabinet minister in Pakistan. Nevertheless,
one conflict leads to another in Pakistan. It is hard to distinguish
between the two conflicts because both are deeply rooted in local
culture.
The second social movement shares somewhat similar charac-
teristics, but it is of a different nature. It involves polarization and
ideological differences among the masses.

2.2. The islamization movement in Pakistan

and conflict: Islamism

Religion provides a basis for legislation in traditional societies. It

sets moral grounds for legislation in certain parts of the world. People
feel protected by and have strong affiliation to religious legislation.
People may want to implement the religious code of conduct for social
affairs. However, interest groups inside and outside mobilize people
and manipulate the masses in favour of the implementation of the
religious code of conduct or legal norms. Sometimes, the movements
become violent and create chaos and anarchy in a society. One such
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 161

example is the case of the red-mosque and the rise of Talibanization

in Pakistan.

2.2.1. Ideology or personal interests: Role conflict

Members of Pakistani elite were regular visitors of Lal Masjid

(red mosque) for Friday-prayer in Islamabad between the 1980s and
early 2007, when the mosque was declared a meeting point for ex-
tremists. The reason behind the issue was that religiously motivated
students were concerned about the so-called ‘un-Islamic actions’ of
the Pakistani state. Mosques were being constructed without prior ap-
proval of the Government of Pakistan around the city of Islamabad,
the capital. The Government ignored the issue of the illegal construc-
tion of mosques for decades. However, Musharraf’s Government or-
dered the demolishment of these mosques to show the West that he
is fighting against extremist forces within Pakistan, and that he re-
quires support in order to overcome extremism. He manipulated the
issue to continue his unconstitutional government in Pakistan. The
madrassah (religious school) students, attached to the red-mosque,
took lead to resist the actions of the government on the basis of reli-
gious affiliation and duty to defend the constructed mosques, among
many other reasons. These students (mainly girls) occupied a public
library nearby in protest of the government’s actions. They developed
the confidence to enforce the sharia (religious) laws and to ‘enforce
Islamic morality’ (Hoodbhoy 2007), claiming that Pakistani society is
Muslim and the Pakistani state was created based upon the ideology
of Islam. They argued that there is a need to enforce the Islamic code
of conduct to avoid problems in Pakistan. The government authorities
started a military operation against the students and the mosque ad-
ministration on the basis that Islamic terrorists were hiding out in the
red mosque. During this military operation, 100 people were killed
(Hasan 2007) including female students, the high-level administration
of the mosque. No terrorists or accused terrorists were killed or ar-
rested in this operation. The government took control of the mosque
by force and enforced state laws. However, Government actions were
widely condemn in the local media and among the common mass-
es. This action was understood as the role conflict of the Musharaff
administration.
162 Muhammad Zaman

2.2.2. Talibanization: Action and reaction

The majority of the students who were killed in the red mosque
operation came from Sawat and Southern Punjab. This operation
gave further impetus to the already growing movement of ‘Talbaniza-
tion’, which used this incident to promote the agenda of Sharia law
enforcement. The taliban were able to sell their slogan to the general
masses and secure popular support in some parts of the country. This
incident produced a serious of suicide bombings in the country which
still occur today, based on the concept of jihad (holy war) against the
Pakistani state, which does not conform to religious legislation. Al-
most 300 suicide attacks have been reported this year alone, killing
thousands security personnel, government officials and citizens. In
general, suicide bombings in Pakistan are seen as the result of the
red mosque operation (along with US led drone attacks on South
and North Waziristam). The red mosque operation accelerated Tal-
ibanization in Pakistan, which is largely perceived as a reaction to
government actions.
The third social movement in Pakistan seems to be a combination
of the above two social movements. However, it has different nature
and is based on the supremacy of the constitution rather than that of
tribal or religious laws.

2.3. The constitutionalist movement in Pakistan

and conflict: Constitutionalism

A constitution is the result of the evolution of customary prac-

tices, religious codes of conduct and the emergence of a society ac-
cording to a specific cultural context. State legislation is based on
constitutional supremacy. A segment of society demand appropriate
implementation of the constitution. The masses protect constitutional
legacy if it is violated.

2.3.1. Military rule: Violation of the constitution

On October 12, 1999 Pervez Musharraf, as head of the army,

suspended the constitution of Pakistan, and took over the control of
the government. He declared himself as chief executive of the country.
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 163

He arrested the elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and sent him into
exile. He gave his own version of the Provisional Constitutional Order
(PCO) and of ‘grassroots level democracy’ in the country. Musharraf
declared that ex-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (elected) had violated
army rules. Nawaz Sharif suspended Musharraf as chief of the army
staff and appointed a new chief of army staff while Musharraf was
on official visit to another country. Musharraf declared the actions
of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif as ‘unconstitutional’ and un-lawful.
He received nominal or no resistance from the masses. The people of
Pakistan were fed up of the previous regime, thus allowing the military
to take over. The military regime was tolerated for years.

2.3.2. Suspension of the Chief Justice of Pakistan:

Conflict with civil society

On March 9, 2007 when Musharraf suspended the chief Justice

of Pakistan based on corruption charges—in a similar way as he had
once been suspended of his duties. Musharraf referred the case to
the Supreme Judicial Council to investigate the charges. Different
lawyers’ associations in Pakistan and civil society resisted Musharraf’s
decision, claiming it to be unlawful. A civil society movement formed
to reinstate the Chief Justice, Iftikhar Muhammad Chudhry, to the
Supreme Court of Pakistan, because he was considered an important
player in terms of balancing state authority. The movement gained
popularity among the masses and received a counter-response from
Musharraf’s side, which killed dozens of lawyers, members of civil so-
ciety and political parties on May 12, 2007 in Karachi during a protest
that was arranged in favour of the deposed Chief Justice of Pakistan.
The lawyer’s movement gained momentum despite violent incidents
in the country. The Supreme Judicial Council rejected Musharraf
regime’s plea to suspend the Chief Justice of Pakistan. Consequently,
the Supreme Judicial Council restored the Chief Justice of Pakistan.

2.3.3. Suspension of the Judiciary:

Second violation of the constitution

On November 3, 2007 Musharraf again suspended the constitu-

tion of Pakistan, arrested the whole judiciary, proclaimed PCO and
164 Muhammad Zaman

state of emergency in the country, arrested lawyers, civil society and

political activists. He claimed ‘extra constitutional measures’ were
needed to protect the country because the country was a part of the
on-going war (the war on terror). However, Musharraf’s government
was met with a high level of resistance on behalf of lawyers, civil
society, and political parties. As a result of national and internation-
al pressure, he had to resign from his post as chief of army staff.
Musharraf appointed his handpicked judges in the Supreme Court of
Pakistan. He suspended the majority (60) of judges on the 3rd Novem-
ber 2007. Lawyers and civil society again took to the street to resist
this decision and violence increased on a daily basis. Musharraf was
threatened with impeachment by parliament. Nevertheless, he had to
resign himself.

2.3.4. Violation of the constitution with new tactics:

Political hegemony

The new elected government led by the Pakistan Peoples’ Party

(PPP), which was part of the lawyers and civil society movement, de-
fended the actions of Musharraf with new tactics. However, the party
did not succeed in defending the actions. This led to a polarisation of
the political parties and the involvement of civil society in the issue of
the restoration of the judiciary. In particular, current President Asif
Ali Zardari, who is also the head of the ruling party, was a strong op-
ponent to the restoration of the judiciary. It is believed that allegations
of corruption have been made against him and that he was resisting
a free and independent judiciary which might seek to prosecute him.
Opposition parties, civil society and lawyers protested and launched
a long march to Islamabad in order to reinstate the judges. Finally,
the ruling party had to reinstate the judiciary by popular demand on
March 16, 2009. It took 2 years to settle an issue which brought about
a lot of polarization, conflict and violence in the country. The issue
still makes headlines as a result of the controversy surrounding the
government and judiciary. The government is interested in gaining
political hegemony over the judiciary. On the other hand, the judi-
ciary is serious about opening the cases of Zardari in Swiss courts.
Once again, relations between the judiciary and the government are
tense.
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 165

2.3.5. Rule of law or rule of liar: Trust deficit

President Zardari committed and signed an agreement with the

opposition leader Nawaz Sharif to restore the judges. This is the
“Bhurban Accord” of March 2008. However, Zardari refused to com-
ply with the agreement after his success in the presidential election
and claimed that reinstating the judges had been just a political slogan.
His statement has sown the seed of conflict between the ruling gov-
ernment coalition and the judiciary. The higher judiciary ordered the
Government start a trial against Zardari’s at the international courts
in Switzerland. However, the ruling class is not obeying the Supreme
Court of Pakistan’s orders and claims that President Zardari has im-
munity according to international conventions. The position of the
government has created a trust deficit between the ruling coalition
and the Supreme Court of Pakistan. The government of Pakistan is
trying to save Zardari while the Supreme Court of Pakistan is deter-
mined to reopen his case in the Swiss Courts. This might bring about
a serious problem between the two organs of the state. It is widely
believed in Pakistan that the government suffers from a trust deficit.

3. What is the social problem?

Why and how do masses mobilize for different social movements

simultaneously? For instance, people are supporting lawyers’ move-
ments for the implementation of the state laws on the one hand. They
are also supporting the tribal leaders for the implementation of tra-
ditional norms, which are contradictory to state laws. A similar case
can be made with religious ideology, as people are also supporting
the religious laws. Constitutionalist movement may be sponsored by
interests groups within or outside the state seeking to manipulate the
situation in their own favour or bring in disorder which will serve their
interests either directly or indirectly. How do interests groups mobi-
lize the people in their favour? What rationality, need or emotional
attachment brings people into a social arena where they become ready
to resist and become violent? I formulated the following hypothesis in
order to resolve the issue within the socio-cultural context of Pakistani
society.
166 Muhammad Zaman

H1: Poverty/worsening socio-economic conditions lead people to

join a movement against the state. The common man is seeking so-
cio-economic justice and people resort to extremism when they are
unable to get justice.
H2: Denial, delay and costly judicial procedures are leading to the
development of extremist behaviour among the people of Pakistan.
H3: Religious or traditionalist motivated ideology is leading to
extremist behaviour among the people of Pakistan.
H4: Legal pluralism is creating confusion, chaos and leading to
violence in Pakistani society.
I will try to highlight which hypothesis is valid later on. Before
though, I will provide a comparative analysis of the social movements.

4. Similarities and differences between Tribalism, Islamism

and Constitutionalism: A comparative analysis

These three social movements share some similarities and differ-

ences. One major common characteristic is the extremist behaviour
and another is conflict management. However, extremism is the dom-
inant characteristic. I will categorize these three movements below as
follows:
4.1.1. These movements have popular support and have divided
society into different segments. The co-existence of various types of
legal norms brings people together (in an ideal situation) or may lead
to exclusion, hostilities and conflicts within society, if not managed in
a timely manner. Homogeneity of customary practices within a society
may bring members closer together, while heterogeneity on the basis
of ethnicity, religiosity or class may be addressed in the long-term
through a legal pluralistic approach. However, the implementation of
constitutionalist legal norms brought resistance and conflict in Pak-
istani society.
4.1.2. Legal polarity and hegemony of the interest groups is an-
other common point shared by these three social movements.
4.1.3. Intolerance is a third characteristic common to all these so-
cial movements. Legal norms and polarity in legislation are the reason
of intolerance. The threat of insecurity brings violence (Zaman 2008).
If people know justice will be achieved in an affordable and time-
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 167

ly manner, they will tolerate un-expected incidents, but may become

violent in the case of justice being denied.
4.1.4. Justice is the end goal, but the sources of justice vary. The
denial or delay of justice brings problems. The lengthy timeframe
necessary to deliver the justice creates ambiguity, confusion, chaos,
anarchy and manipulation. This situation is leading to intolerance,
conflict, chaos and anarchy in Pakistani society.
However, there are also differences in the social movement.
4.2.1. Tribalism mostly dominates in the Baluch tribal regions
or Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Interior Sindh and
South Punjab. It is not acceptable to the rest of Pakistan. It is popular
among the lower, poor and feudal background areas. Followers of this
movement are mostly illiterate and controlled by the feudal leaders.
Leadership is stagnant and the interests of the common man are never
taken into account. The leaders defend their personal interests and
mobilize the masses in their own personal favour. The followers are
bound to obey to their leaders they have no means of influencing
them. It is very much a controlled movement.
This movement does not have a clear-cut intellectual source but
is based on the indigenous interpretation of culture.
In tribalism, the leaders use collective and coercive/ oppressive
strategies to mobilize the masses. In this movement, the majority of
those involved are unaware of whether what they are doing is right
or wrong. They only obey to the leadership and collective obliga-
tion.
4.2.2. Islamization is popular in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, South
Punjab and Central parts of the Punjab and some of the metropolitan
areas of the country. It is popular amongst the semi-literate, but poor-
-background population. However, there are some of those involved
are scholars in Islamic theology and modern sciences. Youth is mobi-
lized based on religious ideology and the notion of protecting Islam.
The leadership is in the hands of conservative religious scholars. This
movement has divisions within it.
a) A majority of the follower are religious and the leaders do not
mobilize the masses to be violent. They preach and ask the people to
use peaceful demonstration, in line with the constitution, to push for
the enforcement and implementation of the sharia laws. They believe
in the Islamic constitutional values.
168 Muhammad Zaman

b) However, there is a minority who mobilize people to become

violent and implement the Islamic laws by force. One of them is the
Taliban leadership in the tribal region, which operates secretly. The
popular Muslim scholars, on the other hand, forbid and oppose Tal-
ibanization. However, they are not in a position to control or restrict
the Taliban.
This movement is grounded in Islamic ideology, the Quran, Sun-
nah and Islamic jurisprudence. However, there are a variety of inter-
pretations of its sources from different school of thoughts. Similarly,
the personal interests of the leadership can also be distinguished in
some aspects of the movement. The leadership even mobilize the
masses to take personal revenge as is happening with the Taliban
movement.
In the islamization movement, the leadership uses emotions to
mobilize the masses. Some of those involved in the movement (es-
pecially madrassah students) allegedly believe that might violent co-
ercive authority has been used in order to force them to participate.
However, evidence of this is weak.
4.2.3. Constitutionalism is popular among the urban middle class
and educated segments of society. It is widely accepted among popu-
lations which are modern and believe in constitutional values. There
are also divisions within this movement: the ruling class, intellectual
and masses.
a) The ruling class is only interested in watching their person-
al interest rather than the masses. They believe that once they have
been elected for five years, they are free to run the country without
accountability. They believe that the local judiciary is interfering, by
keeping checks on them. In general, the political classes and political
leadership inherit a feudal or capitalist background and their interest
is maintaining the “status-quo” and political hegemony upon oppo-
nents as well as the masses. The personal interests of the ruling elite
dominate, rather than the interests of the masses.
b) Intellectuals believe and perceive this movement as the ideal
solution to achieve social justice for the common masses. However,
justice is not available for the common man in reality in Pakistan. The
government tries to mobilize intellectuals in their favour and some
of them also follow the government line. However, the majority of
intellectuals resist the ruling class’ self interests.
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 169

c) The common masses are unable to understand why the ruling

elite always watch their personal interests rather than the national in-
terests. Since the restoration of the judiciary in Pakistan, the common
masses have been frustrated by the government actions. There are
wide divisions between the ruling class and the common masses.
The source of inspiration of this movement are obviously secular
and constitutional values. The rule of law, equality and justice are
the slogan of this movement. Nevertheless, the constitutional values
promoted differ from the practice.
The constitutionalist movement is based on rationality and vol-
unteerism. It is grounded in the notion of the promotion of modern
civil values. Some critics argue that this movement is foreign-funded.
However, evidence supporting such claims is thin.

4.2.4. Where does the problem lie?

There are various dimensions which can explain the issue. One
perception is that the rise of extremism is due to increasing poverty
and deteriorating socio-economic conditions in Pakistan over a long
period of time. It is perceived that the people have no employment
opportunities, access to education and health facilities. They have
not access to resources. People fight violently for their rights and use
different strategies to achieve their goals. As a result, they join these
social movements.
In addition people have no access to justice in the state-run courts
of Pakistan. There are gaps in the legislation, which supports the elite
classes society. The common man is deprived from timely justice.
Justice comes late and it takes generations for justice to be achieved.
The justice system is perceived as in Pakistan as being only for rich
people, the elite class and not for the poor or marginalized segments
of society. It is also perceived that the interest groups (both inside
and outside the state) mobilize the masses into their own favour with
fascinating slogans and conspiracy theories. They may manoeuvre the
issue to toe their vested interests. It may be the denied, delayed,
unapproachable, costly justice in the legal system that provides the
conditions necessary to mobilize the common people. Traditional legal
or religious norms are an easy, understandable, approachable, cheap
and convenient way of achieving justice for the masses. The ruling class
and constitutionalists are responsible for such kinds of problems.
170 Muhammad Zaman

Keeping in mind the above debate on the three social movements,

it is clear that people want social justice in the society. Thus, this H1
is valid hypothesis. All of the three social movements’ leadership
mobilize the people on the grounds of social justice, but when they
achieve this goal (especially the constitutionalist movement); they
focus on their personal interests and their political hegemony. This
leads to reactive, aggressive and violent behaviour on behalf of the
people.
Contrarily, Eastern European and socialist economies were
transformed as a result of peaceful demonstrations. They received
the demanded social justice. However, in Pakistan, such demands
have been neglected. Mass mobilization was unable to achieve its due
goal. This kind of social environment is leading to conflict, extremism
and the disintegration of society. It is giving rise to chaos, anarchy and
conflict in society.

5. Theoretical interpretation

The evolutionary state process provides some theoretical inter-

pretation of the phenomenon. According to historical perspectives,
history repeats itself as if it were a spiral. History partly repeats it-
self and also provides a new dimension, an addition to the previous
social facts. Three social movements in Pakistan: tribalism, Islamism
and constitutionalism are the result of the repetition of history, but
their outputs nevertheless differ from previous history. These facts
are identical in nature. Two of the social movements (tribalism and Is-
lamism) are based much more historical facts than constitutionalism.
Furthermore, they have more oppressive mechanism by which they
can mobilize the masses than the third social movement. These two
social movements are violent and have mass support but not from the
“concerned” population or intellectual segments of society. They are
emotional and dogmatic rather than providing any practical solution
to life in the 21st century.
However, the third social movement (constitutionalism) was suc-
cessful to a certain degree. The judiciary was successfully restored
and the military intervention came to an end thanks to this move-
ment. This was celebrated in Pakistan. However, the masses are still
 Social Movements, Conflicts and Rise of Extremism in Pakistan 171

unable to receive the fruits of this movement: timely social justice.

The rule of law has still not been established in the country. People
are unsatisfied because nothing has changed according to them. I will
analyse the phenomenon according to three perspectives.

5.1. Independence of the Judiciary:

Separation of powers or Machiavellianism

The constitutionalist movement is based on the notion of social

justice and the rule of law in Pakistan. It was also intended that the ju-
diciary be free from government interference, based on Montesquieu’s
principals of the ‘separation of powers’ at a theoretical level.
However, in practice, the state has continued to interfere in the
judicial affairs. The Pakistan Peoples Party led the coalition gov-
ernment in Pakistan to try to manipulate the ideal notion of the
“rule of law” and “social justice”. The government adopted the re-
alism. The coalition-run government tried to avoid the restoration
of the judiciary, arguing that this had just been a rhetorical instru-
ment during the elections. They depicted theoretical idealism but
adopted realism in practice. This Machiavellianism on behalf of the
coalition regime paved the way to confrontation with the judiciary
and civil society. Nevertheless, relations between the judiciary and
the government have been tense over the past two years. Machi-
avellianism is dominates the current coalition government in Pak-
istan.

5.2. Restoration of the Judiciary:

Dialectic materialism or Power elitism

It was believed that the restoration of the judiciary would bring

social justice to the people of Pakistan. People were struggling with
different traditions, ideologies and constitutional values. Theoretical-
ly, it might be similar to the Marxist’s notion of dialectic materialism.
However, at the empirical level, the masses are unable to achieve
their goal of social justice. The political elite in Pakistan protect its
interests by forming a coalition (Mill 1956). Power politics in Pakistan
are based on the domination of the elite classes rather than social
justice and the masses.
172 Muhammad Zaman

5.3. Change through constitutional values:

Structure, culture and agency interaction

Why are none of these movements able to bring social change

in Pakistan? Sociological debates regarding the notion of the struc-
ture, agency and culture interplay (Archer 1996) shed light on this.
Structural agents maintain the stability, cultural strength it and agency
and try to maintain independence. This interplay brings about conflict
among the different agents. This is a continuous process in society.
The structural forces of society are based strongly on status-quo,
which restricts agency (forces of social change) to bring the change
in Pakistan. Furthermore, culture is another phenomenon which pro-
motes the inherited politics. Dynasty politics is a characteristic of
Pakistani politics which strengthens culture. Nonetheless, it is the in-
terplay between structure, agency and culture which impedes social
change in Pakistan. Conflict is based on the resistance of the struc-
tural forces to change and agency strives for emancipation from the
structural rules. The process of interaction between structure, culture
and agency generates aggression, violence and extremism.

6. Conclusion

The results of a social movement either give satisfaction to the

masses or bring frustration to them. At a certain point, such move-
ments transform and become violent, when masses become by the long
unsuccessful struggle, thus preferring to revolt. The realization of such
movements is also an evolutionary process. Some societies of the world
learn from their past experiences. However, other societies maintain
the status-quo and individual interests of the ruling class rather than
the demand of the masses. This leads to hostility, discord, bloodshed,
fanaticism and revolt. The structural forces pursue the status-quo and
remain the agent of stability rather than that of social change.

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