~rnnI t,.

pfll t:•••~I t~r~I ~flI ~ ~ trvn r~’

DAVID A. PHARIES

The Origin and Development

of the Ibero-Romance
-nc--/-ng- Suffixes

MAX NIEMEYER VERLAG TOBINGEN

1990
 Abbreviations
The Suffix -unK- 173
Summary 175
Excursus: Factors in the Vocalic Distribution of Recent -11g— De:
rivatives 177
References 185
Index of Topics and Names 200
Index of Words 203 A. Languages and Dialects

Aiav. Alavese Extr. Extremeflo

Aient. Alentejano Fr. French
(Southern Portugal) Frk. Frankish
Algarv. Algarvian Gai. Galician
(Southern Portugal) Gasc. Gascon
Aile. Alicante Germ. German(ic)
Amer. American Goth. Gothic
And. Andalusian Gran. Granadian (Spain)
Ant. Antillean Grk. Greek
Ar. Arabic Guad. Guadalajaran
Arag. Aragonese Guat. Guatemalan
Arg. Argentine Hisp. Hispanic
Ast. Asturian Rond. Honduran
Beir. Beirgo lE Indo-European
(Central Portugal) ital. Italian
Béarn. Béarnais Lat. Latin
Braz. Brazil Leon. Leonese
Can. Canary Isiand Lig. Ligurian
Carib. Caribbean Lomb. Lombard
Cast. Castilian Mali. Mailorcan
Cat. Catalan Manch. Manchegan
Cent. Central Men. Menorcan
Chu. Chilean Mex. Mexican
Col. Colombian Mii. Milanese
Cors. Corsican Minh. Minhoto
CRica Costa Rican (Northern Portugal)
Cub. Cuban Murc. Murcian
Ec. Ecuadorian Nav. Navarrese
Eng. Engiish NGerm. New (Modem)
Engad. Engadinian German
(i.e., eastern branch of NHG New High German
West. Rheto-Romance) Nic. Nicaraguan
VI VIi
Oc. Occitanian S. South B. Journals and Reference Works
0Fr Old French SaIm. Salmantino
OGal. Old Galiçian (Salamancan) AFA Archivo de filologia aragonesa
014G Old Fligh German Sali,. Salvadoran ALH Acta Linguistica Hafniensia
01 OId Icelandic Sant. Santanderino Ardu Leon. Archivos leoneses
OLG OId Low German (= Montaflés) ASNS Archiv fûr das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literatu
OScand. Old Scandinavian Sari Sardinian ren
OSp. Old Spanish Sic. Sicilian Aut. Augoridades (Academia Espaflola [1726-35) 1963.
Pan. Panamanian Sor. Sorian BBMP Boletin de la Biblioteca de Menéndez y Pelayo
Peru. Peruvian Sp. Spanish BF Boletim de Filologia (Lisbon)
PIE Proto-Indo-European Surselv. Surselvan BFiI Boletin de filologia (Chue)
Piedm. Piedmontese Tic. Ticino 81CC Boletin del InstituÉe Caro y Cuervo
PRico Puerto Rican Transm. Transmontano BIEA Boleti n del Instituto de Estudios Asturianos
Prov. Provençal (Northeastern Portugal) BLS Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistics Society
PÉg. Portuguese Tusc. Tuscan BRAE Boletin de la Real Academia Espahola
Quech. Quechuan Urug. Uruguayan DCAT Diccionari etiinolôgic j complimenrari de la ilengua catalana,
RDom. Dominican Republic Val. Valencian by Joan Coromines (1980-)
Rioj. Riojan Ven. Venezuelan DCELC Diccionaria cr(tico etimolôgico de la lengua castellana, by J.
RPlata Rioplatense Corominas (1954—57)
(Argentine) DCECH Diccionarjo critico etimolôgico casrel/ano e hispônico, by J.
Corominas and José A. Pascual
DCVB Djccjonari cagalà-valencjâ-balear, by A. Alcover and F. de B.
MolI (1926—62)
DCVB2 1980 reprint of Diccionari catalâ-ralencjô-ba/ear
DEEH Diccionario etiniolôgico espaflol e liispônico, by V. Garda de
Diego (1955)
DH Diccionario histôrico de la lengua espaiïola (1960—)
DRAE Diccionario de la Real Acadeinia Espaîïola (1984)
BI Enciclopedia dcl idioma, by Martin Alonso (1958)
FEW Franzàsisches etynwlogisches Wôrrerbuch, by W. von Wart
burg (1922—)
FM Le français moderne
HGIS Historische Grarnrnatik der italienischen Sprache, by G.
Rohlfs (1954)
HR Hispanic Review
IF Indogermanische Forschungen
Lg. Language
LSp Lebende Sprache
NM Neuphilologische Mitteilungen
PMLA Publications of the Modem Language Association of America
RDTP Revista de dialectologia y tradiciones populares
REE Revista de estudios extremefios
REW Romanisches etytnologisches Wàrterbuch, by W. Meyer-Ltibke
(1930—35)
RFE Revista de filologia espafiola
VIII IX
RO
RIEV
RIO
Romania Germanica, by E. Gamillscheg (1934—36)
Revista internacional de estudios vascos
Revue internationale d’onomastique
t C.
Acad. Academy n. m. noun, masculine
RLiR Revue de linguistique romane adj. adjective obsol. obsolete
Rom. Romania adv. adverb ornith. ornithology
RPh Romance Philology aeron. aeronautic part. participle
UCPL University of California Publications in Linguistics beg. beginning pej. pejorative
VA Vocabuiario andains, by A. Alcalâ Venceslada bot. botany perh. perhaps
VR Vox Romanica cent. century phr. phrase
ZCPh Zeiischrift fUr celtische Philologie deriv. derivative PI. plural
ZDA Zeitschrift fUr deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur diss. dissertation poet. poetic
ZFSL Zeitschrift fUr franzôsische Sprache und Literatur ed. editiori prep. preposition(al)
ZRPh Zeitschrift fUr rornanische Philologie esp. especially pres. present
ZvS Zeitschrift fUr vergleichende Sprachforschung fam. familiar prob. probably
fem. feminine refl. reflexive
fig. figurative rev. review
geol. geological sing. singular
insc. inscription taurom. tauromachy
interj. interjection tr. transitive
intr. intransitive y. verb
mar. maritime var(s). variant(s)
masc. masculine vol. volume
n. f. noun, feminine vulg. vulgar

X Xl
Acknowledgements Introduction

J thankfully acknowledge the support and encouragement of the many

The object of study in this book is a series of Ibero-Romance stressed
people who helped make this work possible. Above ail J would like to
suffixes whose number and formai multiplicity require the rather awk
express my gratitude to the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Bonn,
ward designation »—nc— / —ng—«, viz., Spanish’ —enco, —engo, —enque, —en
which supported both the research phase (through a Research Fellowship,
gue, —anco, —ango, —angue, —onco, —ongo, —bigo, —bigue, —unco, —ungo;
Heidelberg, June 1987 — May 1988) and the actual publication of the book
Galician -engo, —011cc, -ange, —ingo; Portuguese —engo, —engue, -anco,
(through a publication grant). Speciai recognition also goes to Prof. Kurt
—ange, —mcc, —ingo, —ungo; and Catalan —enc, —enco, —engo, —anc, —ango,
Baldinger, who ~vas kind enough to sponsor my work at the Romanisches
—mc, —ingo, and —ingue. To avoid this descriptive awkwardness, J will
Seminar of the Universitiit Heidelberg, generously placing ail of its excel
henceforth abbreviate the combination of —nc— and —17g— as —nK--, sym
lent research facilities at my disposai. Much appreciated assistance was
bolizing a cluster comprising a velar nasal consonant homorganic to a
also provided by other members of the Seminar, including especially Prof.
following voiced or unvoiced velar stop consonant.
Frankwalt Môhren, Prof. Johannes Hubschmid, Prof. Bodo Mflhler, Nico
The genetic relatedness of the clusters —ne— and —77g— is proven in the
une Hôrsch, and Ann Duggan. Additionaily, Prof. Jens Lûdtke of the Freie
chapters to corne beyond any reasonable doubt. The genetic relationships
Universitât Berlin was kind enough to invite me to present an earlier
between the various vocalic nuclei are more complex, and constitute one
version of Chapter Two at his institution.
of the main thernes of the work. Suffice it to say that, while —anK— and
On this side of the Atlantic, thanks are due to Prof. John Lipski, who
—enK— originated independentiy, their subsequent history, as well as the
kindiy read an earlier version of the work, Prof. Philip Rasico, who chec
origin and development of the —o,,K—, —i,,K—, and —unK— suffixes, are
ked over my Catalan data, and Prof. Charles Perrone, who proofread the
closely intertwined: Witness the many instances in which two and even
Portuguese data. Significant support was aiso provided by the University of
three of the suffixes are attached to a single root: Sp. zangandungo, —011go,
Florida in the form of a sabbaticai year leave during the research period.
—ango ‘tail skinny youth’, sefioronga ‘ridicuious woman’, seiioritango, —ingo
‘Little Lord Fauntleroy’.
Gainesville, Florida USA
The —nK— suffixes are not among the more productive of the plethora of
March, 1989
affective norninal suffixes available to speakers of Ibero-Romance. This is
particulariy truc in the standard languages. However, their representation
in nonstandard speech is fairly heavy.1 estimate that more than two-thirds
of the derivatives exist outside of the standards. Thus, though for historical
reasons the earliest attestations of the suffixes are in the well-documented
standards, patterns of dialectal development have proven to be indis
pensable dues to the origin, history, and development of the suffixes taken
both individualiy and together.

For brevity’s sake I eroploy the term »Spaaish~ in a sense akin to that of »Hispa
no-Romance«, i.e., to include not only Castilian and its rcgional varieties but also
the non-Castilian dialects of Hispano-Romance. The two types are kept strictly
separate in the data analyses, however.
XII
 My approach to this material is genetic, in that my primary goal is to data includes representative examples from the total. (5) The tonic vowel
identify the origin of each suffix. In that I also undertake to follow their —a—, with 40.9% of the derivatives, is the most common in Ibero-Romance
evolution, through the compilation and analysis of data, the approach can in general, followed closely by —e— (32.5%), then more remotely by —I—
also be characterized as both historical and descriptive. It is not, however, (11.8%), —o— (10%), and —u— (4.6%). (6) Final vowels, when present, are
in any sense synchronic: The study is based strictly on documented trans almost always orthographic —o or —a, the vowel —e being represented in
parent derivatives in —nK—. Thus, I have not polled informants for possible only 20/449 cases or 4.4% of the total. The final vowels —i and —u appear
data, nor asked anyone to rate the plausibility of hypothetical examples. dialectally or sporadically.
Nor have I tested whether native speakers synchronically regard as deriv The most important work on the -nK— suffixes, in terms of both quanti
atives such genetically nonsuffixal occurrences of —nK— as Leon. gorringo ty and quality, was published before 1960. Toward the beginning of the
‘pig’ < gorrino ‘id.’. century a heated debate broke out among Romance comparatists over the
The following chart provides an overall view of the historical produc provenience of —enK-- and —anK—, which were found to be represented in
tivity of the —nK— suffixes in four Ibero-Romance languages. Gallo-, Rheto-, and Italo-, besides lbero-Romance, as well as in Sardinian.
Major participants in the decades-long discussion included Diez, Meyer
Spanish Galician Portuguese Catalan Total Liibke, Philipon, Thomas, Muret, Brflch, Gamillscheg, Rohlfs, J.U. Hub
schmied, Dauzat, Aebischer, and J. Hubschmid. Unfortunately the debate
-anco 52 9 10 — 71
seems to have died out after J. Hubschmid’s final article on the subject,
-anc — — - 11 11
published in 1959. In part parallel to this tradition, and regrettably un
-ango 76 10 11 3 100
touched by it, there arose a body of literature on the suffixes in Ibero-Ro
-angue 2 - 2
mance, especially Spanish. After receiving only superficial treatment in
-enco 49 — 3 52
*32 32 the grammars of Menéndez Pidal and Hanssen, the suffixes were taken up
-enc -

4 in the mid-to-late forties by M. L. Wagner and J. B. Selva, both of whom

-enque 4 - - -
concluded that the suffixes other than —enK— must have a~isen in Amen
-engo 22 10 15 47
can Spanish. Uncorrected by participants in the broader discussion, this
-engue 9 — 1 — 10
view was soon widely accepted among hispanists, rising to the status of
-onco I
conventional wisdom. The aims of the present monograph are thus to
-ongo 44 - 44
revive the broader debate, to interpret the Ibero-Romance data in light of
-inco — 1 1
comparative insights, and to correct the temporary aberration in the
-ingo 43 1 1 3 48
Ibero-Romance scholarship.
-ingue 3 4
I have followed a three-part methodology in the preparation of the
-unco
work, the first being DATA COLLECTION. Inverse and rhyming dictionaries
-ungo 20 21
provided a logical starting point, but since the —uzK— suffixes are mainly
Total 326 30 40 *53 449 &infined to regional varieties of Hispano-Romance, J was forced to search
manually through scores of dialect studies, especially dictionaries. The
On the basis of this chart, we observe that : (1) —nK— combines with five higher representation of specifically Spanish —nK— derivatives in my data
tonic vowels; (2) the suffixes are most characteristic of Hispano-Romance, may be due in part to the incomparably greater number of such studies
in terms of both number and vocalic multiplicity. In particular, the suffix available for that language as opposed to the Portuguese and Catalan lan
es —o,,K—, —i,,K—, and —unK-- are a!most exclusively Hispanic. (3) In Portu guages. On the other hand, coverage for Galician is also fairly complete
guese and Galician only —anco / —ango and —engo attain appreciable num due to the existence of Gonzâlez Fernândez’s 1978 study on noun suffixes
bers, while (4) in Catalan representation is sparse, save for —eue. I have in Galician, and Estravis’s Diciondrio da léngua galega (1986). As a result
placed an asterisk by the number for —enc to indicate that it represents of my labors, and the progress in Ibero-Romance (especially Hispanic)
only part of the actual total of derivatives, since the suffix is synchronically dialectal lexicography, I estimate that my collection of derivatives is seven
productive in this language,2 making an exact count impracticable. My to ten times greater than has been available to any of my predecessors.
2 According to Mou (1957: 363), Cat. —enc »tiene vitalidad total para formar ad Complementing this part of the work was n period of etymological re
jetivos indicando participacién o aproximacién a la cualidad del primitivo<. search, during which I attempted to identify the various etymological ca

2 3
 tegories of words with —nK-- endings (derivatives, borrowings, cases of
suffix substitution, and the like). Not surprisingly, considering the num
bers of words involved, etymological identification is in many cases super
ficial. Moreover, I have been unable to etymologize ail the words I gath
ercd. In order to promote further research in this direction words of un
known origin are listed at the end of the respective chapters.
My database having been completed, I began the second stage, which
was to ANAL YZE the truc derivatives I had isolated according to several
criteria, namely (1) numerical / dialectal, to show productivity and areal
distribution of each suffix and to allow comparison on this parameter
between suffixes, (2) grammatical, to determine the mix of form-classes of
bases and derivatives, and (3) semantic, a two-part operation, in which I
f irst searched for preferred denotative areas (e.g., ‘physical defecis’), then
attempted to gauge the functions of the suffixes themselves (e.g., ‘pejora
tive’). Equaily important was the arrangement of data according to ending
and first attestation date.
The third stage in the preparation of the study was consultation of the
literature and 1NTERPRETA TION of the data and data analyses. Here I might
add that, though I have made every effort to take into account the findings
of my predecessors, I have as a matter of principie placed particular im
portance on the utmost utilization of my vast data resources, in the sense
that I did not use them to try to buttress any forgone conclusions, but
instead let them »teach« me about the phenomenon, leaving me in a better
position to judge the strengths and weaknesses of previous theories, or to
suggest my own.
The division of the material into chapters according to tonic vowel
(Chapter Two —enK—, Three —anK-, and Four —a,iK—, .-inK—, —unK-) re
sponds to my genetic analysis of the suffixes. The final section is an cx-
cursus on the vocalic distribution of recent —ng— derivatives. This part had
to come last, and be separate from the suffix-by-suffix analyses, because it
assumes ail of the information in each of them. Here the question being
posed is what factors, if any, determine the choice of stressed vowel in any
given new coinage in —ng-.
The chapters foilow a four-part pattern, comprising (1) description (as
outlined above), (2) origin, in which I list and evaluate possible hypotheses
in the light of the descriptive analyses, (3) development, in which I attempt
to show the evolution of the suffixal group from its point of origin to its
present state, and (4) a summary.
4 5
Chapter One
Data
The date are presented here together, rather than distributed out among
the various chapters, for several reasons, the most important of which is
that oniy in this Way is it possible to demonstrate the common phenome
non whereby more than one —nK— suffix is attached in a single base. Sp.
burra ‘donkey’, for example, has served as base for derivatives both in
-anK- (Can., Bxtr., Leon. burranco ‘young donkey’, And. burrango ‘brut
ish’, Sp. argotic burréngano ‘donkey’) and—enK-- (Ast. burrencu ‘who likes
w carry heavy loads’). This fact would be not be apparent under the sep
arated format. I did not think it advisable to carry this procedure so far as
to collapse ail four languages into a single iist, but in order to retain the
comparative feature throughout I have cross-referenced heavily:3 Thus,
under Sp. burranco I mention Gal. burrundangas ‘slow-wit’, Ptg. burranco
‘young donkey’, Cat. burreuc ‘donkey-like’, and burrango ‘insult’. Another
reason for piacing the various —,iK— suffixes together according to base is
economy, since this arrangement allows me to etymologize them alt to
gether, only once. Also, readers should find referring to a dictionary-like
source at the beginning of the book casier than having w locate each
chapter’s individual lexicon.
Not aIl of the hundreds 0f ibero-Romance words with —nK-- endings
appear in the data lists. I outline below thc criteria of selection I applied.
Most of the words cited are actual derivatives ranging in transparency
from obvious (e.g., Sp. azulenco ‘bluish’ — anti ‘blue’) to difficult (e.g.,
Arag. escardelenca ‘eariy maturing young girl’, ultimately from carda
‘thistle’, i.e., ‘one ~vho bas »grown tike a weed<’). These I have printed in
boldface, for easy location. These words are the input for the descriptive
data-analyses carried out at the beginning 0f each chapter.
The number of ~vords identified as bona fide derivatives is perforce
somewhat overstated on the one hand, but understated on the other, The
inflation arises from the fact that four closely related languages are involv
cd. The earliest words, e.g., Sp., Gal., Ptg. abadengo, Cat. abadenc, aIl
attested by the I3th century (except the Galician), undoubtedly represent a
single derivation at the proto-stage. However. in order to show accurately
~ To avoid needless repetition, roots are cross-referenced only at their first occur
rence, usually in Spanish.
 1•
the extent of derivation with —enK— in each language the item had ta be
oblonga ‘oblong’, Cub. bocamanga ‘wheel hub’, Argot doniingas ‘tits’), and
counted four times. Another problem is borrowing between languages.
That borrowing has occurred is sometimes made transparent by form (Sp. (2) borrowings from exotic languages which could net have figured in the
history of the suffixes (e.g., Mex. chilangos, shilangos ‘coastai nickname
foringo, with iLs initial f— < Cat. futinga), chronology (Ptg. ~nostrengo,
attested centuries after ils Castilian counterpart), or meaning (Cat. fandan for inhabitants of Mexican highlands’ ~< Maya], Chu. poronga ‘penis’ [<
Quech.], Sp. parasanga ‘unit of distance equal ta 1250 meters’ [< Persian],
go ‘Spanish dance’), but at other limes such an easy determination cannot
be made. In these cases I usuaily foIlowed the criterion that if the primitive Sp. cananga ‘odiferous plant’ [< Malayan], Braz. Ptg. boicininga ‘rattle
snake’ [< Tupi], ca~nundongo ‘small rat’ [< Kimbundu], Cat. galanga ‘me
exists alongside the derivative in the language involved, I would treat the
dicinal plant’ [< Arabic]).
derivative as autonomous. Thus, bullanga ‘commotion’ is counted as a
Nonderivative ~vords that ARE relevant te the histery of the —12K— suf
derivative in Spanish and Galician, both of which incorporate bulla ‘id.’,
fixeï&in be divided into three groups. First are Latin words containing
while Cat. bullanga js traced ta Spanish, since bulla in Ibis meaning is
—nK— sequences, which are by definition prime suspects as sources of the
foreign to Catalan. Exceptions to this rule were made where it was
Romance suffixes: e.g., Sp., Ptg. juvenco ‘young buli’ (< JUVE’CUS
counterindicated by other evidence, e.g., I trace Gai. mondongo ‘tripe’ and
‘young’), Sp. jeringa ‘syringe’ (< 5YRINGA ‘id.), Arag. floronco ‘bail’ (<
pindonga ‘whare’ ta their identical Spanish counterparts, since they are the
FUR UNCULUS ‘id.’). Second are borrowings, including a few from Basque
oniy twa Galician words having this ending.
(gorringo ‘egg yolk’, zorongo ‘scarf’), and a large number from Germanic
I estimate that the infiationary effects are iess serious than the opposing
ianguages (Sp. flamenco ‘Flemish’, eslinga ‘sling’, Gal. nierilaga ‘type ef
deflationary pressures. Chief among these is (I) the proliferation of var
seaguli’, Ptg. gardingo ‘nobieman of the Visigethic court’, CaL. camarlenc
iants. I count variants as new derivatives only where it seems clear that a
‘chamberlain’). A third group comprises words that have undergone form
separate act of derivation, i.e., cf word-coinage, involving the —nK— suffix
al changes resuiting in suffix-like —nK— endings. These inciude (1) werds
as a formant, bas taken place. Thus, separate status is flot justified for the
ending in —ii or —nV which have been expanded te -uKV (e.g., Mex. aji
variants of Sp. mondongo ‘tripe’ and ~norondanga ‘hodgepodge’, viz.,
golôn(go) ‘affliction’, Gal. morlôn(go) (ornith.) ‘kite’, Saim. gorrin(g,)o
bondongo ‘tripe’, mondonga ‘id., inendongo ‘id.’, borondanga ‘hodge
‘pig’); (2) words in which -K— has expanded ta -i,K- (Rioj. butra(n)co
podge’, ‘nurrundanga ‘id.’, or even bhvndango and furundanga ‘mixed
‘haie’, Ptg. i’elha(n)ddo ‘scoundrel’); (3) items in which an —nK— suf f ix or
vegetabie soup’, since though the latter two are probabiy biends, the suf
suffixoid bas been substituted for another ending, itself semetimes a suffix
fixai portion of the words was not created anew by this operation. Neither
(Sp. caballerango ‘stable boy’ < caballerizo id.’, Ptg. niedranco ‘cowardly’
did I count twice two apparently independent but parallel creations, e. g.,
< niedroso ‘id.’), and sometimes net (Sp. choringa ‘sausage’ < chorizo
Bol. claringo vs. RDom. clarbiingo. J aise think the numbers are artificiai.
‘id.’).
iy iow due ta (2) the large group of words which are in ail iikelihood
Maikiel, who bas contributed much b the theory of suffixal genesis and
legitimate derivatives, but whose etymologies I have been unabie te estab
growth, has not failed to consider the raie af the fiotsam and jetsam that
iïsh to my own satisfaction. Ta cite some of the more tantalizing un
seems to surround true affixes, i.e., the words whose endings, though form
knowns: Sp. ajango ‘piece of junk’, candanga ‘party’, chibanco ‘short’, Ptg.
aily identicai te the suffix, are actuaily part of the roet, or perhaps suf
faianca ‘poorly made abject’, presiganga ‘prison ship’. Aise prablematic is fixoidal. The latter occur wherever the ending appears net oniy formaliy
(3) the large number of unidentified toponyms, whose iack of a »meaning~< but aise functionally identical to the suffix. When subtracted, however,
makes their etymological identification, without topographical and hister they leave a nonmorphological residue rather than a ceherent stem, e.g.,
icai information, very risky. For the most part words of unknown origin jer-inga vs. borrach-inga. Whiie traditionai analyses have tended te elim
are marked » < ?< in the data lists, except where I am unable ta make any mate these from consideration, Maikiel bas been willing te promote them
contribution whatever. In these cases, for reasons of space, this label is te the status of secondary causes. For exampie, in his pioneering essay
omitted. »Multipie vs. Simple Causation in Linguistic Change< (1983, ong. 1967),~
This accounts for most of the words iisted in this chapter. As fer the Maikiel isolated ten »ascertainable or highiy probabie< (p. 260) causes of
remainder, i.e., words which contain a nonsuffixal —nK— ending, I have the Spanish atonic adjectival suffix —io. Besides the major cause, conf lu
inciuded some but not others, on the criterion, naturaily enough, cf wheth ence of reflexes of Lat. -mus on the one hand and -sus / -sus on the other, a
er they seemed necessary or relevant ta the expianation cf the histery and
development cf the suffixes. Words which I adjudged IRRELEvANT inciude
“Sec aise Malkiei’s studies on —iego (1951) and -are (1959), as weil as Dwerkin’s
(1) those whose —nK— endings are part of the root (e.g., Sp. ponga ‘put’, (1985) en the peiygenesis ef Sp. —ide.
6 7
number of lesser causes, in some cases »adduced to justify the derivation
of a single adjective<, came in to play, including learnèd formations, ac
cent shift, restructuring of borrowings, and metathesis. In light of this
analysis, Malkiel asks:
»ln the event that we accept this model [—le] as a contributing force in the
dynamics of the language under scrutiny, do the other explanations faN by the
wayside, or can two (or more) causes be recognized as mutually complementary
and coefficient?c<
The answer to this question, it seems to me, depends on the degree to
which one is willing to mix the synchronic and diachronic planes. Tradi
tionally minded analysts are likely to insist on a structure »stem + suffix«
in their data, preferring to view secondary structures as distinctly margi
nal. A more flexible, and in my view more defensible position, is to see
such factors as legitimate components in the history, if not origin, of the
suffix, on the grounds that from the moment that they are syncbronically
perceived as derivatives, they begin to exert an influence on the subse
quent history of the total suffixal Gestalt. They may, for example, enhance
the inherent productivity of the suffix, by increasing its numbers5, or they
may open up new lines of semantic development within the paradigm. The
term »suffixal paradigm< (note also Malkiel’s »model«) seems particularly
felicitous in this context, since the formai and semantic characteristics of
the suffix, rather than any set of historical circumstances, become the
central focus of subsequent productivity.
Readers who are acquainted with my book Struc,ure andAnafagy in Hie
PlayJ)H Lexicon cf Spanisli (1986) ~vil1 detect a strong resonance between
the treatment called for here in suffixal studies, and that applied there to
the study of analogical modifications motivated in playful words by the
attractive power of consonant-vowel skeleta I cal! »templates~. I wiil ex
plain templates at some length at this point, first, as a contribution to the
theory of suffixal development, and second, a practical reason, because
many etymologies in my data assume template changes of various sorts.
The central thesis of Structure and Analogy is that certain nonmor
phological combinations of form and meaning (abstractly conceived of as
templates) occasionally develop sufficient attractive power to motivate a
variety of formai (and occasionaily semantic) changes that have the effect
of bringing input words into compliance with the tempiate’s own proper
ties. A simple example is the Spanish template 2X ‘playful’, whose mcm-
bers incorporate a repeated sequence X consisting of any number of seg
ments, with meanings classifiable as playful, i.e., pertaining to a lexical
field including infantile words, insults, names of games and comic gestures
and movements, words designating physical, mental, or moral defecis, or
Sec the excursus for an extended discussion of the relationship between produc
tivity and numerical strength in suffixes.
8 9
shoddy workmanship and its fruits, as wefl as onomatopoeias, words for
fights or loud gatherings, and in general, words with whimsical or face
tious connotations. Among the formai changes in Spanish that have ap
parentiy been motivated by this pattern are (I) x — xx (bulle ‘(it) bous’ >
bullebulle ‘busybody’), (2) xv — xx (zumbar ‘to buzz’ > Cub. zunzz1n
‘hurnmingbird)’, (3) wxx — xx (,nuchacha ‘girl’ > chacha ‘baby-sitter’),
(4) vowel change —‘ xx (Ide ‘silly’ > Arg. lele ‘id.’), (5) consonantal chan
ge — xx (VLat. NONNU ‘old man’ > *noflo > hello ‘doddering’). The
parailel between this example and the third group of examples cited above
(e.g., ajigolôn(go), butra(n)co) is manifest, the difference being that the 2X
configuration, in that it specifies no particular segments, is more abstract
than — VnKV. On the other hand the latter is not entirely concrete itself,
since it specifies the values neither of the contiguous vowels nor of —K—.
The etymologies in the data-lists that make reference to templates can
be broken down into two sometimes overlapping groups, according to the
type of template they incorporate. The first of these comprises words con
taining an atonic sequence — vLV; — (where subscripts denote identity
within a particular word and L = liquid consonant), which may appear in
several syllable-accentuai positions, particularly (1) in the first two atonic
syllables, and (2) in longer words, in the two syllables immediately prece
ding the tonic syllable. The two possibilities are presented below:6
(1) first two syllables
Col. guirindanga ‘trif le’ < guinda ‘id.’
morondanga ‘hodge-podge’ < inondar ‘to clean out’
perendengues ‘trinkets’ < pender ‘to hang’
(2) interior, pre-tonic
Mcx. chiporrondingo ‘small, wee’ < chipi ‘id.’
dingolondango ‘expression of endearment’, Arag.
rocking motion’, dinguilindango Argot ‘penis’
< din dan ‘sound of beils’
And. ropilindango ‘filthy’ < ropa ‘clothes’
And. singuilindango ‘trifle’, Argot cl, inguilindango
‘penis’ < singar ‘to fuck’
Many of the above have also been modified through the operation of
the second relevant template, in which the —nK— suff ix is preceded by an
atonic sequence — Vnd—. These data are much more numerous, and I wili
6The sequcnce —VLV— has other sources in Alav. pipirripingo ‘poppy’ < Nav.
pipirripi ‘id.’, Nav. cincilindango ‘hanging object’ < Basque zinrzilik ‘hanging’.
jeringa ‘syringe’ and vars. (serengue, serendengue, sirindango, etc.) < Lat. SYLUN
GA ‘id.’, Cat. niarallenga ‘black bird’ < Frk. t?fleisiflga ‘titmouse’ x nicHa ‘black
bird’.
list them below, divided into formai classes, before beginning my discus
sion of the origin and nature of this template.7
r And.
And.
ropilindango ‘filthy’ < ropa ‘clothes’
singuilindango ‘trifle’ < singar ‘to fuck’
Hond. sirindanga ‘drunken spree’ < jeringa ‘syringe’
And. tontilindango ‘fool’ < tontln ‘fool’
-ANGO
-ondango
-andango
Alav. atalondangos ‘knick-knacks’ < atalajar ‘to prepare
Col. carrandanga ‘pile of stuff, a carload’ < carra ‘car a bag of clothes’
Arag. chafandanga ‘trickster, swindler’ < chafanda dingolondangos ‘expressions of endearment’, Arag. ‘rocking
‘crushing, tearing’ motion’, ‘partying’ < *dingo dango < diii dan ‘sound of
Ast. filandango ‘la que camina y va filando’ (sic) < fliando belis’
‘filing, walking’
Can. fulandango ‘so-and-so’ < fulano ‘id.’ —undango
Nav. echarse a la galandanga ‘to wander about’ < ga/dn Leon. ringundango ‘tassel’, ‘trinket’ < ringo(rrango) ‘id.’
‘suitor’ Gai. burnindangas ‘siow-wit’ < bunv ‘donkey’
And. marrandanga ‘filthy, unkempt’ < marrano ‘pig’
Ven. inochandango ‘shorn’ < niochando ‘shearing off’
iracamandanga Extr. ‘mix-up’, ‘trap’, Col. ‘flea market’ < tracamundana -ENGO
‘flea-market’
Manch. zangandango ‘tau, clumsy, lazy youth’ < zangôn —endengue
or zôngano ‘drone bec’ Cub. chequendengue ‘bank or governmcnt check’ < cheque
‘check’
-endango serendengue Extr. ‘sickly’, Ven. ‘liar’ < jeringa
querendango ‘lover’ < queriendo ‘loving’ ‘syringe’

—ùzdango
Arg. carrindanga ‘jalopy’ < carra ‘car’ -INGO
Nav. cincilindango ‘hanging object’ < Basque zinrzilik
‘hanging’ -andingo
Mure. coclaindango ‘filthy’ < cochino ‘id.’ Arag. alcorzandingo ‘bad shortcut’ < alcorzando ‘taking a
And. chorrindango ‘earring’ < chorro ‘id.’ shortcut’
Argot dinguitindango ‘penis’ < clin, dan ‘sound of beils Nic. cachandinga ‘theft’ < cachando ‘stealing’
(i.e., pendulating objecQ’ Germania inandilandinga ‘underworld’ < inandilandin ‘rogue’s
And. flojindango ‘slob’ < flojo ‘lazy’ or whore’s servant’
And. mainindangos ‘Christmas sweets’ < marnando ‘sucking on’ Arag. respandingarse ‘sprawl out’ < re.spantinga~se ‘id.’
Extr. petindangos ‘tatters’ < pelo ‘hair’ And. singuilandingo ‘trifle’ < singar ‘w fuck’
And. procindanga ‘scolding’ < proceso ‘trial’
Sp., Gal. querindango ‘lover’ < queriendo ‘loving’ — ondingo
Mex. chiponvndingo ‘small’ < chipi ‘id.’
‘Among the words of this form that I ‘vas unabie to analyze arc And. palandango
‘foreman’, Extr. tarandango ‘poorly made Uing’, Leon. ‘jerk’, Extr. ia/andaizgo
‘bad mood’, AsÉ. perlindango ‘girating dance for women’, Sant. tc/enguendengue
‘complications’, Extr. cajandongo, cojondongo ‘gazpacho’, Extr. tolondongo -ONGO
‘calmness’, Arag. zainandungo ‘idiot’, Chil, funindunga ‘flour pancake’, Aient.
xaran;andunga ‘slipshod piece of work’.

10 11
 -andongo The pattern that can be derived from the forgoing exampies is
Cub. caflandonga ‘inferior rum’ < ca&a ‘rum’ -VndVngV. As the foliowing examples show, however, this is oniy a sub
Cent. Am. chapandongo ‘imbroglio’ < chapando ‘splashing
category of a more generai pattern, i.e., -Vnd- ÷ suffix:8
about’
And. zangana’ongo ‘ciumsy, iazy youth’ < zangôn ‘id.’, or
Group 3
zôngano ‘drone bec’ Nav. pirindola ‘teetotum’ < perinola ‘jd.’
Extr. haragandina ‘iaziness’ < haragôn ‘idier’
—indongo florondôn ‘boil’ < florôn ‘large flower’
Arag.
Leon. alindongarse ‘to pretty oneseif up’ < lindo ‘pretty’ chiquirrindi’n ‘very smali’ < chiquirrin ‘id.’
Arag.
Extr. clarindongo ‘a littie clear’ < clapa ‘clear’
Can. filindonga ‘skinny, emaciated’ < fila, hua ‘thread’ Group 4
Argot querindongo ‘lover’ < queriendo ‘loving’ marindôn ‘husband’ < n,arido ‘Id.’
Ast.
Mex. serindongo ‘drunken spree’, ‘so-and-so’ < jeringa Arag. trapalandaina ‘trickster’ < trôpala ‘trick’
syringe’ guaparrandôn ‘dandy’ < guapo ‘id.’ + —arra, pej. suffix
Ven.

—ondongo
Nav. pichorrondongo ‘endearment’ < pichorrondôn ‘id.’ (<
pichorro ‘spout’)
-UNGO
- andungo
And. tna~nandungo ‘fritter’ < ,narnando ‘sucking on’
zangandungo ‘ciumsy, iazy youth’ < zangôn ‘id.’, or zôngano
‘drone bee’
RDom. zarandunga ‘binge’, ‘hubbub’ < zarando ‘tipsy’
—undungo
Mex. curundungo, corrundungo, corundungo ‘fat person’, Ven. cen-nin
dungo ‘chubby’ < curro ‘good-looking’
In ail there are 49 exampies of this pattern + —ng—, ail in Hispanic
diaiects excepi for Gal. burrundangas and querindango, which are shared
with Spanish. 0f these, 28 invoive -ango, 9 —ongo, 6 —ingo, 4 -ungo, and 2
—engue. The vowel preceding —nd- is most often -a— (20), foliowed by -u-
(19), —o— (4), —e— (3), and —u— (3). The most numerous combinations are
—indango (14) ami —andango (9). Dialectal distribution shows that the phe
nomenon is primarily Peninsular and Insuiar, where there are 37 exampies
to only 12 in America. Areas of heaviest concentration are Aridalusia /
Canary Isiands, with 13, followed by Castiie (inciuding argot and germa-
nia) (9), eastern dialects (8), western diaiects (6). Aimost ail (39) are nouns,
with 8 adjectives and 2 which are integrated into verbal stems. The phe
nomenon does not seem to be associated with any particular semantic area
within the »piayful« fieid.
12
I have ciassified the atonic sequence — Vnd— as a template because a
number of »conspiring« processes have contributed to building up the set
or paradigm of examples. in some cases, for example, —nd— seems to per-
tain to a legitimate gerundial suffix, as in Ast. filandango < filando, Sp.,
Gai. querendango, Argot querindongo < queriendo, Arag. alcorzandingo
< a/corzando, And. mamandungo < mamando, Ven. mochandango <
mochando, Arag. chafandanga < chafando, Nic. cachandinga < cacha,;
do, Cent. Amer. chapandongo < chapando. In other instances an ex
pansion of the form — Vn— < — Vnd- seems to have taken place, as in
Group 3 above as weli as in Can. fulandango < fislano, Nav. galandango
< galôn, And. marrandanga < inarrano, Arg. carrindanga < canin,
Murc. cochindango < cochino, And. tontulindango < ton:!n, Nav. cinci
lindango < Basque zinlzilik, Nav. pichori-ondongo < pichorro, perhaps
zangandungo < zangôn, with vocalic change. Much less common is the
corresponding operation, where — Vd— < — Vnd—: see Group 4 above as
well as Sp. dingolondango, Argot dinguilindango < *djng~ dango < diii
dan, Cub. caflandonga < cafiadonga. In this iast case it appears that the
insertion of a simple —d— between caiïa and —onga preceded the nasal
epenthesis. This may also be the case in Cub. chequendengue < cheque +
—engue, ropilindango < ropa + —ango, guaparrandôn < guapo + —arra
+ —ôn. Others, such as respandingarse < respantingaise, exhibit qualita
tiveiy different types of changes.
The next step is to ask how the — Vnd— pattern might have originated.
There are severai possible contributing factors. Specialists in phonetics wili
notice that the phenomenon is reminiscent of prenasaiization, whereby the
sequence »nasal consonant plus homorganic stop~< occurs in the same syl
‘The examples are taken from Pharies (1986: 224—38), with the exceptions of
haragandina (from Viudas 1980), and querendôn (from VA 1951).
13
lable, and is in fact regarded as forming a single unit phoneme? According
to Anderson (1976: 331),
»ln a variety of languages of Africa, South America, South Asia, New Guinea,
and variaus parts of the Pacific, elements transcribed [mb çd tjg] etc. clearly
1F
behave as single units . . . In some cases, as in Fijian and some other Pacifie
languages, these may be the only form in which voiced stops occur; elsewhere, as
in a great many African languages, they may be in contrast with bath simple
voiced stops and simple nasals.«
The extent of the phenomenon can be appreciated in Maddieson (1984), a
catalog of phoneme inventories world-wide. He Iists a total of 18 languages
which incorporate one or more prenasalized phonemes, from the follow
ing families: Niger-Kordofanian (e.g., Luvale), Nilo-Saharan (Yulu), Afro
Asiatic (Ngizim), Australian (Alawa), Sino-Tibetan (Hakka), Indo-Pacific
(Washkuk), and Southern Amerindian (Paez).
In Spanish the sequence [pd] is not a unitary phoneme and the twa
consonants may not occur within the same syllable. This cannot therefore
be considered an authentic case of prenasalization. On the other hand, as I
showed in Pharies (1986: 224—9), insertion of homorganic nasal conso
nants occurs before [b] and [g] as well:
grabucar ‘ta disrupt’, ‘to drive ‘mad’ > Ven. irambucar ‘ta shipwreck’, ‘to
go mad’
zabullir ‘ta plunge’ > zambullir ‘id.’
zaraburear ‘ta muddle’ > Cub. zaramburear ‘id.’
Sor. litirivaina ‘jerk, idiot’ > Murc. tizirbnbaina ‘id.’
cararnelo ‘caramel’ > Ast. carambelo ‘id.’
inendigar ‘ta beg’ > Ven. mendingar ‘id.’
mofiiga ‘cowchip’ > Cub. moflinga ‘id.’
millén ‘million’ > millongôn ‘ziilion’
The parallel with prenasalization is thus too complete ta ignore, and we
conclude provisionally that the Spanish phenomenon may respand ta the
same universai tendency observed in these many languages.
Turning now to other possible explanations of — Vnd-, a natural suppo
sition is that the sequence might itself be a legitimate suffix. After ail, a
few words cantain a recognizable gerundive —and— ar —end- (e.g., fi
landango, querendango), and with s little imagination we could extend
this explanatian ta —md- attached ta verbal raots, as in inamindangos <
marner, perhaps flojindango < flojear (rather than < flojo). This ex
planation does not take us very far, however, since mast af the roots are
nauns and adjectives. At ieast one writer, Buesa Oliver (1963: 23) proposes
9The definitian is paraphrased fram Catford (1977: 212).
14
withaut much conviction that some farms of
Araganese:
- Vnd— are noun suffixes in
»Cualquiera que sea el arigen de —ondo, —onde, -y -enda en las voces siguientes,
tienen estas terminaciones matiz menospreciativa en afirondo y lizondo ‘festi
vamente, dinero’, porrondo ‘porrén’, trapisonda ‘entremetido, enredador’, bipa”
da y milopanda ‘barachera’, porruchanda y purnichanda ‘chismosa, entremetida’,
iracamonda ‘excesiva quehacer’, ‘suceso desagradable’.«
I do not see much promise here, either. Buesa Oliver’s inability to ety
molagize mast of the ~vords leaves the morphological status of their end
ings very much in daubt, and the one ward that is assigned an etyman
(porrondo) is a clear case of template formation (where n > ndv). If
tracamanda, as it appears, is a clipped form of tracainandanga, attested in
Murcia in the meaning ‘mix-up, muddle’, then it must also be elimïnated.
Meanwhile, my further investigations of this possibility, using bath word
formational studies and reverse dictionaries, produced no corroborative
evidence of the existence af a nominal — Vnd— suffix.
The final cantributory hypathesis, perhaps most consistent with the con
spiratarial nature of the deveiopment of the —hd— paradigm, is that the
pattern respands ta esthetic factors. Malkiel hinted in this direction when
he described, under the rubric »Six Categories of Nasal Epenthesis< (1984:
38, emphasis mine), the factar of
»given speech communities apparently finding certain medial dyadic consonant
clusters sa AnRACTI vif as w expand, far na good reasan, an »etymologicah< —b
ïntoan —mb—.. also. . . ta widen an etymalogical —ni— mb the very same
Maikiel cites Sardinian data in illustration, and while the examples he
cites are nat fram the »playfuk lexicon (zibe / umbe ‘where’; silibba /
si/i,nba ‘sarrel’; simula / sùnbula ‘fine wheat flour’), they are nat 50 dif
ferent in meaning fram the Spanish wards containing the so-called »sufijos
âtanas(< (e.g., gâllara ‘aak-gail’), whase spread Maikiel likewise explains as
the resuit af esthetic preferences (1966: 354).
The supposition of an esthetic factor s most justified in cases such as
Cub. caiïandonga ‘inferiar rum’, where the original elements cafia ‘rum’
and —ange cauld nat be cambined without producing a hiatus, universally
avaided (see Pharies 1986: 230—2, Malkiel 1958: 162—5). As is most corn
mon in these cases, a dental stop was inserted to prevent hiatus (cafladon
ga). This was evidentiy cansidered insufficient, and the hamarganic nasal
was added, perhaps ta »reinforce« the stop. Note that the musical effect of
the insertion af a nasal consonant is ta prolang and emphasize the syllable
boundary, altering the rhythm of the ward in a way that Spanish speakers
presumably [md pleasing. The same effect is apparent where —n— is enlarg
cd ta —nd—, cf. *J)ilailango vs. jislandango. tcoc/zinango vs. cochmndan
go.’0
‘° Compare Selva’s (1949: 196) comment on canindanga: nIa des letra epéntica que
suaviza cl vocablo<.
15
 .~ç.
In my opinion, these factors are at least a good start toward explaining
the — Vnd— sequence. The important thing at this point is to note that the
sequence in almost ail cases stands between a root and a suffix, and that
among these suffixes, those incorporating the —ng— nucleus are most com
mon. This justifies positing the combined template — Vnd VngV, as propos-
cd above.
IL might be assumed that the addition of the interfixal — Vnd— occurred
subsequently to derivation with —nK—. This interpretation is suggested by
the numerous examples of doublets and near doublets (i.e., where the vow
cl preceding —ng— differs) showing a plausible intermediate stage with no
—M- sequence: filandango and J7lindonga / hilangos; inochandango /
mochongo; mamindangos and inarnandungo / marnengue; pelindangos /
pelongo; chiporrondingo / chipilingo; caflandonga / caliengue; clarindon
go / ciaringo; conwzdungo / corivngo. On the other hand, even though in
some cases we have no intermediate stage (e.g., corresponding to ropi
lindango there is no *ropiI,dango) only in the pair filandango / hilangos
may the shorter form be considered truly intermediate; the others are
likely to be independent creations. This leads to the supposition that the
intermediate stage is no longer necessary, and that the concatenated pat
tern contributes directly to the stock of —ng— words. In certain local varie
tics, such as Andalusian —— which may well be the birthplace of the tem
plate —— the pattern is established enough to produce under its own mo
mentum. One wonders, however, how the pattern was transmitted to other
areas. Here one suspects the agency of leader-words. The best candidates in
this respect are querindango ‘lover’, which is widespread and belongs to
the popular .rindango pattern, and two other older words from standard
Spanish, dingolondangos ‘expression of affection’, and zangandungo ‘tall,
lazy youth’, whose vocalic patterns are less common. Favoring these words’
candidacy is the fact that in none of them is the — Vnd— sequence a simple
insert: in querindango both —n— and —d— are independently justifiable, as
is —d— in dingolondangos and —n— in zangandungo. There is even some
chance that words containing the sequence — Vnd— as a part of the root
morpheme might have contributed to productivity, particularly in words
likely to be etymologically opaque to speakers, i.e., perendengues ‘trinkets’
< pender ‘to hang’, fandango ‘licentious dance’ < ?, inandinga ‘African
tribe’, ‘tribal member’, ‘devil’ < an African language, candonga ‘blarney,
joking’ < côndido ‘ingenuous’, and mondongo ‘tripe’ < inondar ‘to clean
out’.
16
Spanish
ABADENGO adj. ‘jerteneciente o relativo a la dignidad o jurisdicciôn dcl
abad’ [1099]” (DJtAE 1), n. m. ‘sehorio dcl que era titular una iglesia,
monasterio o cualquier otro instituto religioso’ (DII 1:28)
— abad ‘abbot’; cf. Ptg. [1099 adj., 1288 n.], Gal. abadengo, Cat.
ab(b)adenc(h), —enca [1068], badenc [l4th cent.] n., adj. ‘id.’
ABATUNGO Can. adj. ‘se dice de la persona que padece un quebranto fisico
producido por alguna dolencia’ (Guerra 20)12
abatir tr. ‘hacer perder cl ânimo, las fuerzas’ (D~E 3)
ABIANC0S toponym (Oviedo) (865], also ABEANcA, ABEANCOS (Corufla),
AVIANCOS (Lugo) (Philipon 1906b: 284)
— abia: »Es término indoeuropeo muy extendido en Celtiberia, signi
ficando ‘corriente fluvial’, de un tipo apa equivalente al acqua latino~
(Tejero Robledo 173),
AIWECANCA personal name [inscr.] (Hubschmid 1955: 20)
— Ableca ‘id.’ (ibid.); Albertos Firmat (4) confirms this deHvation.
ABOLENGO n. m. ‘alcurnia, linaje de abuelos o antepasados’, ‘patrimonio o
herencia que viene de los abuelos’ [1223] (E! 22, DX 112), AVOLENCO ‘id.’
[1032] (Aebischer 1949: 13), (DIR A) ABOLENGUE Ast. ‘ir a coger las cas
tahas tiradas por cl viento’ (Garcia Oliveros 228), ABOL0NG0 n. m. obsol.
‘abolengo’ [l3th cent., cf. Pérez Gonzâlez (242)] (DIz.≠IE 6), (GENTE DE)
BOLENGO CRica ‘rich people’ (Kany 1960a: 90), VOLENGA Ast. n. f. ‘de
recho de coger los frutos caidos’, ‘cl conjunto de chas’ (Garcia Oliveros
228)
— abuelo, or more accurately, in view of the paraliel Ibero-Romance
forms (Gai., Ptg. [922, auolinga] avoengo, Mail. avienc ‘id.’) < *AvoLUs
‘id.’ < *Av,ows (RElit § 830). The early attestation, as well as the com
parative data, disprove Corominas’ hypothesis (DcEdII 1:24): »Abolengo;
tan antiguo por b menos es abolorio, por b cual es posible que abolengo
sea secundario y esté modelado seg(in realengo y abadengo, que se ha
Ilan ya en los ss. xii y xiii y que vendrian dcl bajo latin, teniendo en
AIl dates, unlcss otherwise identified, are from DCECH.
2 To avoid literally huadreds of repetitions, I suspend in this section of thc baok
my use of the author-date system; dates are providcd only whcn a single author
bas more than one cited work in the References.
17
 cuenta si. sçjç. xc ‘c’n en cast.; los tres vocablos se emplearon AMATONGARSE And. y. refi. ‘esconderse en una mata la res venatoria’ (VA
inicialmerr~e ~e~’ecc:a a bienes.« According to the DH (112), »La 42), MATANCO toponym (Pais Vasco) (Philipon 1906b: 284), (Ast.) (Hub
forma ar~t’ como deformacién rûstica convencional, en schmied 252)
cl pasait :e :5~S-’~~~. ~hich is Lope de Vega’s »De vuesa alcunia y — mata ‘bush’, ‘grove’ (Hubschmied, for Matanco)
abolong: ‘e-re’ D’s sc~fix substitution (as opposed to the probably ARREBATINGA Guat. n. f. ‘arrebatifla [scrambie for coins thrown to chiidren
accidezm, .‘c.tz’etces of ahoio’igo) is one of the first appear at christenings, weddings, etc.)’ (Kany 1960b: 142, Neyes 47), Salv. (Ri
ances cf -. ~~-‘ ~‘: Ctrter 4). vas 44), REBATINGA Cent. Amer., Mcx. n. f. ‘rebatifla’ (Neyes 489)
ACANGA Pet ~c” ~ S~t~enutto 70) — an’ehata, ‘to snatch, to wrench away’ or < arrebatifla ‘icI.’, by suffix
— acô ‘ne-e substitution
AGRIENCO 4r~ .sc. ‘az-r~ de sabor âcido’ (lii 171), n. m. ‘acritud’ (Me ATALONDANGOS’ Alav. n. m. ‘utensilios, trebejos, generalmente de cosas
néndez ?ca~ :~≥ inûtiles ode poco valor; los atalondangos nunca son un sôto objeto, 5mo
— agn( SC varios reunidos o atados’ (Baraibar y Zumârraga 42)
AJANGO Pet t’ :—a~: nenutto 70) — Nav. aralajar ‘preparar o disponer un paquete de ropa, de provisio
< ? Aczzrtt~ Wictt’ 1944:322), from ajo ‘negocio sospechoso’. I nes’ (Iribarren 67) — atar ‘to tic (up)’. For —ondangos sec the introduc
do not f~c .- ~‘e D.e.~zing ‘trasto’ or ‘cosa despreciable’, though this tion to this chapter.
develor’ner, ~ :cssihle. AUvANCuM personal name [inscr.) (Hubschmid 1955: 20)
AJIGOLOM,: ~ - t’ ‘i.uOn (Bo~d-Bowman 118) — Auva ‘id.’ (Albertos Firmat 46): »tal vez basado sobre tavos ‘abuelo
< ajigoetr: t’ .i.tct. i.Z:cciôn. aprieto’ (Santamaria 47), by tempiate materno’(<
formant: .- ~-, kze: jngolear ‘urgir para que se haga una cosa AZIJLENCO adj. ‘de color azul o que tira a él, azulino’ (iii 602)
promo’ ‘c. .1-S. anti ‘blue’; Brùch (1932: 57) says this was formed analogically on the
ALBENCO ~-_ti i,tc, ,i,~ura de la madera’ (Rohlfs 1985a: 10) model of bennejenco ‘vermillion’ < Prov. rermellenc ‘icI.’
aiho n’a ‘ :e,:: ;S’r ‘whiteness’ BABANCO Leon. adj. ‘simple, bobalicôn, pâjaro’ [1611] (Lamano 269). BA
ALcoRzAwu:~:.c t z, ‘a:ajo malo’ (Buesa Oliver 1963: 24) BANCA And. ‘papanatas, atontado’ (Salvador 45)
— aicoc~,~ — ~«t’ Ss’.t. .Ara2. ‘acortar, abreviar, atajar’ (E? 229) — baba ‘spittle, dribble’ (REw § 852)
ALIENCO ~cccc.z ~‘~t Zctez Santos 24) BAILONGO Argot n. m. ‘local de baile de poca categoria’, ‘acciôn de bailar’
ALINDONG’JSt’ :~.N- • :e:” neriponerse, vestirse con excesiva elegancia’ (Oliver 28), ‘baite de muy baja categoria’ (Leôn 37)
(Lamait — bailar ‘to dance’, or baile ‘dance’; Wagner (1944: 325) lists the word
Iindt~ t’~ec- ‘CEt~ oôl). Nav. lindango ‘hanging thing’ is only as Peruvian, overlooking its Peninsular existence,
apparent’ ‘—:c~ BALANGO Can. n. m. ‘cizafla [chaff]’, BALANCO Can. ‘id.’ (Alvar 1959: 131)
ALISANCO ‘S’. ~ ,::n cent.]. ALESANCO [1046], LESANCO [1285], < ? Perhaps from bôlago ‘paja de los cereales’ (DcEcH 1:464)
ALASANC: -. J~zi 3.itatech Il), ALESANCO (Sant.), ail toponyms BARBARING0 toponym (Arag.) (Alvar 1953: 273)
(Philipo: ‘cc :,-~ — BARBA R US ‘wild, barbaric’ (Alvar); cf. Prov. Jjarbarencs < ~
aiLço ace’ }~‘strnied :52) gos (1w 1:336—46). 1 have taken the extraordinary step of omitting this
ALUNADE%C.: £C. .t2C0 (AndoIz 15) item from the data analyses, since iLs anomalous —f— would seem to
— aù,.,~- ~, ~~r- lame’. which is flot related place h in the —i,,K— category, rather than in —enK— where it belongs.
ALLANGA Pet, ~ 3C’efluttO 70) BARRANCO n. m. (BARn,&NcA n. f.) ‘despefladero, precipicio’, ‘dificultad. cm
barazo’ [1094, barrancus) (E? 651), Arag. n. m. ‘torrente’ (Rohlfs 1985a:
ALLARNESct ‘,~. ‘...s.a’ ::ane. apacible en un monte, donde suele 32), Ast. ‘solera o piedra fija dcl molino’ (Menéndez Garcia 179). SA
pernona.- z,—~c tz:’ ‘Àl’ar 1978: 257) RRANGO Arag. ‘brook’, ‘ravine’ (Alvar 1953: 185, Rohlfs 1977: 137). SA
— ilar ‘:~.‘-‘ - : i.E zt\D:a:Eed —n—; cf. ailarse Sant. ‘ponerse la RRINCO toponym (Sant.) (Philipon 1906a: 7)
tierra c..:: i., ~_:~: ~tt’mida, como et Ilar de la cocina’ (E! < Pre-Roman harranco ‘ravine’; Hubschmid (1960a: 45); cf. Ptg. bar
298) manco [1544), Cat. barranc [l4th cent.], Gal. barranca; cf. REW (~ 963a)
AI~ENCO At1- t — Ecte:::i.S’,i de un aflo’ (Alvar 1953: 274) BAYUNcA Cent. Amer, n. f. ‘taberna, bayuca’ (Neyes 66)
— aflo < bavuca ‘tavern’, wïth template-motivated —n— epenthesis

18 19
BAYUNCO n. m. (bot.) ‘espadafia jbulrush]’ [1871] (~i 670), Cent. Amer. adj.
‘huraflo [surly]’, ‘n~stico’, Guat. adj. ‘calificativo que se da en este pais a
los habitantes de los demâs paises centroamericanos’ (Neyes 66), vA
r BERME.JENCO adj. ‘bermejo’ (~i 687, dated lSth—17th cent.)
LLUNCO Cent. Amer. adj. ‘rûstico’ (Neyes 571), Salv. adj. ‘ridiculo, de
mal gusto’ (Rivas 1978:47)
< ? DCHCH (1: 549) bayunco ‘espadafia’: »cruce de haydn ‘id.’ con et
mozarab. yunco ‘junco’«. The connection with the meaning ‘surly’ ïs
problematic. The apparent presence of valle ‘valley’ in vallunco may be
due b folk etymology, or this could be an entirely separate, transparent
derivative. On the other hand, dwellers of mountains, not valleys, are
more often perceived as rustic, cf. l3ng. hillbilly.
BELINGO Can. n. m. ‘distracciôn, fiesta, regocijo, suceso de alguna bulla que
atrae la atenciôn popular y el comentario apasionado’ (Guerra 58)
< ? Cf. Can. belillo n. m. ‘bribôn, picaro, golfo’ (ibid.)
L3ERDANCO Arag. adj. ‘verdoso, tirando a verde’, n. m. ‘cardenal producido
por un golpe’ (Andolz 38), BERLANCO Arag. n. m. ‘cardenal’ (Id., 427)
verde ‘green’; cf. Ptg. verdoengo, verdolengo, verdurengo, i’erdelengo.
Cal. verdenc, verdolenc, verdosenc ‘greenish’
BERENGO Mcx. adj. ‘bobo, cândido’ (Malaret 17, Santamaria 131)
< ? »El adjetivo nacié allâ por los a~os 1800 a 1802, y el origen es cl
apellido dcl Exco. Sr. D. Félix Berenguer de Marquina, Virrey, que te
nia, dicen los aduladores, entre otras cualidades, la de ser muy tonto.<
(Santamaria, repeated in Kany 1960a: 59). This may be truc, but must be
treated with scepticism. As Corominas (DcHcH 5: 341) remarks anent
the anecdotal explanation of suripanla: »Todo esto parece muy seguro, y
asi en este caso podriamos renunciar a la desconfianza con que debe
acogerse toda etimologia anecdôtica, por b menos que no esté muy sé
idamente documentada.~
BRELANGA1 n. f. ‘juego de naipes en que se gana reuniendo Ires canas
iguales, como tres reyes, tres ases, etc.’ (DRAP 196)
< 0Fr. herlani ‘id.’ < brelenc ‘playing table’ (mod. brelan) < oac
brelling, diminutive of bret ‘table’ (NHG Bren) (DcHci-r 1: 566, FEW I.
518—9)
BERLANGA, toponym (Gamillscheg 1932: 133)
< VALERFANICA < VALERJUS, personal name (Gamillscheg); cf. Ptg.
Berlanga toponym, Gal. berlanga ‘small parcel of land given out as
compensation’
nERUNGA And. n. f. ‘nombre de los palos hincados en cl suelo, a los que se
ata un cordel o soga para tender ropa’, ‘rollizo [round logi de longitud
variable y de 10 a 12 pulgadas de diâmetro’ [1831] (vA 86)
< ? Cf. Gal. herlingas ‘poles used on small boats’. Cat. herlinga “teck
railing’. DCEC» (1:566) includes berlinga among the reflexes of Germ.
breiling, as in berlanga, without explnining how he relates the meanings
‘small table’ and ‘pole’.
20
bermejo ‘vermillion’; Brtich (1932: 57) considers this a Provenzalism
< verniellenc.
BERRENGUE Col. n. m. ‘vergajo, létigo’ (Neyes 67), BERRENQUE Ven. ‘létigo
recio de jinete’ (n 688)
< rebenque ‘id.’, by metathesis; cf. DCECH (4: 812)
BERTUNGA Arg. hypocoristic (VidaI 344)
— Berta personal name
BICHARÀNGO Can. adj. ‘se dice de cualquier insecto poco comûn o desco~
nocido’, ‘también se aplica en sentido despectivo a las personas despre
ciables por su falta de formalidad o por su irregular conducta’ (Guerra
60), And. BIcHARRANG0 n. m. ‘Id.’ (n 696), BICHARANGA, ificHURANG0
Ven. ‘id.’ (Kany 1960b: 128), ‘animalucho’ (Wagner 1944: 322), BICHO
RONGA Ven. n. f. ‘cosa insignificante’, ‘mujer pûblica’ (Neyes 69),
BICHANCA toponym (Alicante) (Philipon 1906b: 284)
— bicho ‘bug’, ‘tiny beast’; cf. var. bicharraco Can. ‘Id.’ (Guerra), sec
Malkiel (1958) for the —ar— interfix
BICHUNGA Arg. hypocoristic (Vidai 344)
Bicho personal name
BILL0NGA Ast. n. f. ‘panoya [car of corn] con algunos granos negros’ (Gar
cia Oliveros 384)
< billôn ‘vellôn’ (n 704), since a tuft sticks out of the top of an car of
corn. This is an example of template formation —du > —oligo.
BIRINGO Col. adj. ‘desnudo’, Peru. n. m. ‘perro chino’o lampi~o [hairless]’
(Neyes 69), VIRINGO Col. Ec. adj. ‘desnudo’ (Neyes 576), VERINGO, v~
RRING0 Col., Ec. adj. ‘id.’ (ibid.), BIRRINGA Cent. Amer. n. f. ‘mujer
casquivana’ (id., 69)
< ? Selva (209) guesses < verija ‘genitals (of both sexes)’ (< Lat. vi
RÎLiA ‘pertaining to the male sex’).
BIRL0NGA (A LA BIRLA) adv. phr. ‘modo de jugar al hombre’; »andar a la
birla birlonga< ‘frase para significar que uno anda a la suerte, a b que
sale, 5m dedicarse a cosa ûtil o virtuosa’ [1726] (Au!. 1:610), DE BIRLAN
oo And. prep. phr. ‘de picos pardos, de juerga’ (vA 89); BIRLONGO Ast.
adj. ‘bizco’ (Cano Gonzélez 90)
< 0Fr. beslonc, —gue ‘oblong’, ‘twisted’, »y éste derivado de loue ‘largo’
(Lit. LoNaus), con cl prefijo bes— que expresa idea de imperfeccién~
(DcEdu 1: 589).< As Corominas points out, birlonga neyer meant ‘va
riedad dcl juego dcl hombre’ as the DRAP indicates, rather ‘modo de
jugar al hombre’ (Aun). This contradicts Wagner’s (1944: 328) supposi
lion [bat birlonga is related to berlanga ‘card game’. On the other hand,
the inclusion of de birlango here scems appropriate to me, since it 100
suggests uncontrolled behavior.
BIRONGA Mcx. Pachuco n. f. ‘beer’ (Kany 1960b: 144)
— Eng. heer; cf. sodonga ‘soda’
21
BLANDENGUE adj. pej. ‘blando, con blandura poco grata’, ‘referido a per
sonas, de excesiva debilidad de fuerzas o de Animo’ [1874] (DiuE 197),
RPlata n. m. ‘soldado de caballerja dcl Virreynato del Rio de la Pinta, y
que consitutuin la policia de la campafla; los blandengues cran lanceros
y dicese que su denominacién viene de la accién de blandir sus lanzas’
(Guarnieri 37), BLÀNDING0 Arg. adj. ‘blandito’ (Wagner 1944: 336),
BLÂNDINING0 RDom. adj. ‘blando’ (Henriquez Urefia 193)
blando ‘soft’; vc’BCH (1:599) also places ‘lancera’ here, characterizing
the connection with blandir as a pun (s.v. blandir).
BLANQUININGA ROom. adj. ‘whitish’ (Kany 1960b: 142)
— blanco ‘white’
BOANGO Can. n. m. ‘calabaci n fmarrow, a fruit] de forma redonda, dc color
verdegay y de pulpa blanquecina, especialmente tierna y deliciosa’
(Guerra 63), BUBIANC0, BUBANGO Can. ‘id.’ (id., 69), MOGANG0 Extr. n.
m. ‘sue~o, pereza, desgana’ (Viudas 117), Extr. adj. ‘sin ganas de traba
jar, desganado para cl trabajo’, n. m. ‘modorra [torpor]’, ‘suei5o muy
pesado’ (Murga 68)
< ? Cf. Ptg. bogango, begango ‘type of squash’, Inogango ‘Id.’, ‘indo
lent’. Alvar (1959: 140) says < boba ‘calabaza’. In any case there is
evidently a metaphor comparing idlers ta gourds, in that they bath just
lie around.
BOCHANCLO Leon. ‘boche’ (Sânchez Sevilla 1928: 168), BUCHINGO Arg. n.
m. ‘buche, borrico recién nacido’ (DcEcH 1: 687)
boche, huche ‘newly-born donkey’, the former with a variant ending
suggesting -A NC(JL us
BORCHANc0 Ara8, n, m. ‘palo torcido y Ileno de nudos’ (Kuhn 213),
BROCHANCO Arag. adj. ‘dicese de un trozo de rama gruesa desgajada dcl
àrbol’ (Ferraz y Castén 34)
< Cat. buixanc ‘Id.’ < burxa ‘p(ia’ (DcECH 1: 672)
BORDENCO Nav. adj. ‘aplicado a plantas no injertadas ni cultivadas’ (ri
747, dated 1555), Nav. adj. ‘r(istico, silvestre, que brota esponténeamente
sin haber sido sembrado o plantado; se aplica a plantas y érboles; dicese
dc las érboles que nadie planté’ (Iribarren 93), REBORDENC0 adj. Arag.
‘estéril, véstago improductivo’ (81 3525), Arag. ‘stérile’ (Aebischer 1949:
21), Arag, ‘que no cria nunca’ (Kuhn 213)
— borde ‘bastard’ < Cat. bord ‘id.’ < Lat, BURDUS ‘mule’ (DcEcj-s’ 1:
40); cf. rebordo ‘ilegitimo, silvestre’ (Et); of different origin are Ptg.
bordalengo ‘at water’s edge’, ‘coarse, stupid’, Gal. bordingas ‘wooden
reinforcements along sides of ships’ (< borde ‘edge’ < Fr. bord ‘Id.’)
BORRANCHINGA Extr. n. m. and f. ‘aficionado al vina, borracho alegre’
(Viudas 26)
— bor,’acho ‘drunk, drunkard’, or template-modified from bor,vch,n
22
BRUTANCO AIav. n. m. and f. ‘persona muy bruta’ (Lépez de Guereflu 37)
bruto ‘brute’; cf. Cat. brutango ‘id.’
BUJERANCO And. n. m. ‘aumentativo de bujero, agujero grande’ (VA 102)
— bujero ‘agujero’ (si 794)
ØIJLLANGA n. f. ‘tumulto, rebullicio’ [1857] (si 776), BULLARANGA, n. f.
Amer. ‘bullanga’ (Neyes 80, Kany 1960b: 128)
— bulla ‘id.’; cf. Gal., Cat. builanga ‘id.’, CaL ‘bully’. DŒ~H (1: 695)
cites bulla [1601], bullaranga [Venez., Ec., Arg.] and bullarango [Arg.],
commenting: »Bullanga pasé también al catalén, donde creo se halla
desde la primerà mitad dcl siglo xix, pero debe ser castellanismo, puesto
que viene de bulla y bullir ‘agitarse’, que no son catalanes.< Malkiel
(1958: 177—84) identifies —ar— / —ai— among the most common interfix
es in lbero-Romance; cf., also in my data, Sp. bullarengue, bicharango,
buraienco, inacharanga, and inucharango.
BULLARENGUE n. m. fam. ‘prenda que usaron las mujeres para dar a las
nalgas apariencia voluminosa’ [1850] (D1t48 208), Argot, And., ‘culo de
mujer, especialmente cl voluminoso’ (Leén 41, VA 102), Murc. ‘copete
[top knot] en el peinado de las mujeres’ (Garcia Soriano 21), BUVAREN’
GUE Extr. n. m. ‘cula’ (Viudas 29), Col., Pan. ‘baile popular’, Cub., Mcx.
‘casa fingida o postiza’ (Neyes 80), Cub. ‘cualquier casa fingida, postiza,
de falso aparato y por antonomasia las nalgas artificiaies que usan ai
gunas mujeres’ (Pichardo 1953: 114), BULLARANGA2 Ven. n. f. ‘ciertos
abultados perifollos que suelen usar las mujeres en la parte posterior de
sus trajes’ (Alvarado 39)
— bollo ‘masa redondeada, aboliadura, plegado de tela, de forma es
férica, usado en las guarniciones de trajes de sefiora’ (DcEcH 1: 695).
Wagner (1944: 337), who does not know the origin of this word, sup
poses that it originated in America: »aus Amerika auch nach Andalu
sien gedrungen«. The relationship between bullarangai ‘bullanga’ and
bulla ranga2 ‘bullarcngue’ resulted apparently from the complete confu
sion of bullaranga1 and bullarengue, resulting in a transfer of meaning.
BURENCO Arag. adj. ‘arcilloso’ (si 799, dated l9th cent.), BURALENCO Arag.
‘arcilloso [clayey]’ (Nagore 182), ‘campa poco fértil (arcilloso)’ (Buesa
Cliver 1963: 23)
— but-o Arag. ‘greda, arcilla’ (si 801)
BURENGUE Murc. n. m. ‘esclavo mulato’ [1726] (Garcia Soriano 21)
< 7 According ta Dcac (1: 700), from OSp. buriel ‘gray-coiored cioth’
< 0Fr. burel, buriau ‘id.’; »de aqui también murc. burengue ‘esclavo
mulato’c<. Wagner (1944: 337) asks: »zu
BURLINGO Salv. adj. ‘mocking’ (Kany 1960b: 142), BURLANGA Argot n.
‘jugador de cartas o dadas’ (Oliver 41)
— burlar ‘ta mock’; the latter might be associated with berlanga ‘thrce
of n kind’, influenced by burlar
23
 BIJRRANCO Extr. n. m. ‘buche, asno jovenzuelo’ (Viudas 28), Can. n. m.
‘pollino dc un a~o’ (Alvar 1959: 141) Leon. (not defined) (Iglesias Ove
jero 118), BURRÀNct0 Leon. (not defined) (Sânchez Sevilla 118),
BURRANGO And. adj. ‘abrutado’ (Salvador 45), BURR.ÂNGAN0 n. m. ‘bu
rro’ (N~Wiez 106), BURRENcU Ast. adj. ‘dicese de quien gusta de Ilevar
cargas a la espalda’ (Fernândez Caûedo 44), BURRIANcAS toponym (Gra
nada) (Philipon 1906b: 284)
— bistro ‘donkey’; cf. Gal. burrundangas ‘slow-wit’, Ptg. burranco / Cat.
burrenc ‘donkey-like’, possibly ‘young donkey’, Cat. burrango, an insult
BUTRANC0 Rioj. n. m. ‘butraco, agujero’ (Goicoechea 1961 : 42)
< butraco ‘agujero’, with —n— epenthesis
nUraorqcjo And. n. m. ‘culo, algo muy corriente’ (Cepas 48)
< butrôn ‘trasero, glûteos’ (ibid.). Perhaps this and the previous word
are genetically related, ‘anus’ being the point of connection. Buhvngo
shows the effects of template modification.
CABALLERANC0 Mcx. n. m. ‘caballerizo [groom), mozo de estribo’ (Neyes
82, Wagner 1944:322)
< caballerizo ‘id.’, by suffix substitution
CABJANCA toponym (Ast.) (Philipon 1906b: 284)
< ? Perhaps (rom the inscription Cawius, personal name (Albertos Fir
mat 83), or related to Gal. cabanco ‘ravine, hole’.
CACHANOINCA Nic. n. f. ‘accién y efecto de cachindinguear: efectuar pe
quefias raterias’ (Scavnicky 83)
— cachando, pres. part. of Cent. Amer. cachar ‘robar, hurtar’ (Malaret
1946: 180). Malaret adds: »En calé espafiol cachear es ‘robar’.<
CAFUINCA Cub. n. m. ‘café muy aguado, casi 5m sabor’ (Neyes 90)
— café ‘coffee’, with an unexplained diphthong; Montes Giraldo (75)
cites Col. cafongo, implying but not stating that it is a derivative of café.
CAJONDONC0 Extr. n. m. ‘gazpacho especial de Ios hombres dcl campo’
(Murga 26, Viudas 33), C&J0NGA Hond. n. f. ‘tortilla grande de maiz mal
molido’ (Wagner 1944:332), CoJoNooNGo Extr. n. m. ‘picadillo [hash] de
tomate crudo convenientemente ali~ado [seasonedj’ (Murga 31)
< ? Cf. Extr. cajandona n. f. ‘mujer callejera y divertida en grado
sumo’ (Murga 26); Wagner associates cajonga with caja, apparently on
the assumption that the food is carried in a box.
CALENGA5 toponym (Leén) (Lépez Santos 24)
CALLONCA adj. ‘dicese de la castaûa o bellota a medio asar’, ‘mujer jamona
y corrida’, ‘cellenca, mujer p~iblica’ (si 870, dated l6th cent.), CALLONCO
Extr. adj. ‘se dice dcl cacharro de alfareria [pottery vessel] que esté a
medio cocer’ (Viudas 35), CALLONG0 Extr. adj. ‘se dice de la carne u otra
vianda, algo dura por no haberse cocido, asado o frito la suficiente’
(Viudas 36), CAYONcA Ast. n. f. ‘perra en celo’, ‘avellana revenida, de
sabor acre’ (Garcia Oliveros 382)
calto ‘callous’, as indicated by the meaning ‘uncooked, still tough’.
24
The meaning ‘fat woman’ may show the effects of calta ‘tripe’. Accor
ding to DCECH (1: 773), the definition ‘cellenca’ may be an error.
cAMANGO Can. n. m. ‘gesto o mueca hecho por enfermedad o hâbito y en
ocasiones como expresién de vivos estados de ânimo; es sinénimo de los
castellanos jeribeque y visaje’ (Guerra 84)
< ? See Guerra for speculation on the origin of this word.
cAMAflENGO n. m. ‘titulo de dignidad entre los cardenales’ (s, 873), Arag.
‘titulo de dignidad de la Casa Real de Aragén, cl cual era de grandes
preeminencias y correspondia en parte al de camarero [chamberlain] en
la Casa Real de Castilla’ [1438] (Andolz 58)
< Cat. ca,narlenc ‘Id.’ < Frk. *ka,ilarlii,g ‘chamberlain’ (DcEcH I:
779); cf. Ptg., Gal., camarlengo ‘id.’. According to Corominas, the ety
mon is a »latinismo tomado por las lenguas germânicas« (< camera
‘vault, arched roof’).
CAMINENCU Ast. adj. ‘dicese dc quien se fatiga caminando’ (Fernândez
Cai~edo 44)
carninar ‘to walk’
cANDANGA, Extr. »ir de candanga« y. phr. ‘ir lanzado’ (Viudas 36), And. n.
f. ‘reunién casera’ (Garda Cotorruelo 157), Ast. ‘jaleo, juerga, fiesta’
(Garcia Oliveros 141), Cub. adj. ‘tonto’, ‘enclenque’, Cent. Amer., Cub.
n. m. ‘cl diablo’ (»se b Ilevé candanga«) (Neyes 103), Mcx. n. m. ‘en
estibo festivo, cl diablo’, ‘jabali’ (Santamarfa 198), CANmNGA Chil. n. f.
‘cansera [nuisance]’, ‘majaderfa [nonsense]’, Hond. ‘chanfaina, enredo,
baturillo’, Mcx. n. m. ‘candanga, cl diablo’ (Neyes 103), c0NDINGA And.
n. f. ‘aguante, redaflos [guts]’ (VA 163), CALANDANGA Alav. n. f. ‘botarate,
calamidad’ (Lépez de Guereflu 42), CALANDRANGA Sant. adj. ‘dicese de
la persona 5m 5c50’ (si 849)
< ? Cf. Cub. gandinga ‘indolence’, Ptg. candango ‘name given to Portu
gucse by Africans’, ‘inferior person’, the latter traced by Machado (2:
512) to an unspccificd rool in Kimbundu. Some of these words may not
be genetically related, though therc are certain semantic commonalitics,
e.g., ‘devil’, ‘tripe/guts’. I sec no connection with céndido as in thc next
article. Thc words in cala- may have somcthing to do with calar ‘to
soak’.
CANDONCA n. f. ‘cancamusa, zalameria disimulada que hace uno para en
gaiiar a otro’ [1700], ‘chasco o burla que se hace a alguno dc palabra con
apodos o chanzas continuadas’, ‘mulo de tiro’ (si 895), And. »dar
candonga« y. phr. ‘dar en la cabeza con acciones buenas al envidioso o
mal intcncionado’, ‘excitar la envidia’ (VA 123), Can. n. f. ‘lugar donde
son arrinconados provisionalmente los gallos de pclca fracasados’, ‘câr
ccl’ (Guerra 89), Argot ‘peseta’ (Oliver 54, Leén 47), Rioj. ‘balancin para
cl riego de fincas situadas en un nivel superior al de la accquia; consta
de una caja apuntada y termina en pitorro en forma de canalillo’ (Goi
coechea 48), Arag. ‘costumbre, molestia cnfadosa a la que, por mira-
25
 mientos u otras razones, hay que someterse’ (Ballarin Cornel 243), Mex.
I
adj. ‘(la mula) vieja y estropeada que es casi ini~til para el trabajo’,
Rond. ‘pedazo cuadrado de trapo que se aplica al ombligo dcl recién
nacido’, Col., Ec. ‘pendientes’ (Santamaria 199), Hond., Salv. ‘pedazo
cuadrado de holanda o de cualquier otro género, que en cuatro dobleces
sirve para fajar a los nifios recién nacidos’ (Scavnicky 85), CANDONG0
adj. ‘zalamero y astuto’, ‘que tiene mafia para huir del trabajo’ [Ans.] (Et
895), Argot adj. ‘tranquilo, cachazudo’ (Oliver 54), Argot n. m. ‘escroto’,
‘prostituta’ (Martin Martin 56), CANDANGA2 Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez
de Ivashevsky 149), CACHICAND0NGA Urug. n. f. ‘baile o fiesta de negros
o personas de baja condiciôn’, ‘pelea’ (Neyes 88), CANDUNGO Peru. adj.
vulg. ‘cândido, zonzo’, PRico m. ‘planta’, ‘vasija hecha del fruto de esta
planta’ (Neyes 103)
— côndjd1j ‘naive, gullible’, with following haplology (DcscH 1: 803), as
seen explicitly in the hypocoristic (which Gômez de lvashevsky traces b
the proper name Côndida), in Rioj. candaina adj. ‘entremetida’ (si
892), and in Ptg. candura < candidura, candfssimo < candidfssi,no; cf.
also Ptg. candonga ‘flattery’, Bras. candongo ‘name given to Portuguese
by Negros’, Gal. candonga ‘old useless woman or beast’. Almost every
meaning listed here can be associated with gullibility and related con
cepts, such as teasing. Exceptions (‘balancin’, ‘trapo’) may have separate
origins. Brùch (1921) proposes < * tiitay < CANrs ‘dog’. Regarding
cachicandonga, cf. cachi (ncscH 1: 723): »prefijo nacido de la coinci
dencia de palabras de origen vario, e identificado popularmente con el
adverbio cas!, aunque 5m relacién etimolégica con él.«
CANGUINGOS Béjar n. m. pi. ‘comida o guiso fantâstico o inexistente’,
»~Qué vamos a comer? Canguingos y patas de peces.< (Marcos Casque
ro 53)
CAf~ANGAZO Cub. n. m. ‘trago de cafia’ (Wagner 1944: 322), CA~ADONGA
Cub. n. f. ‘rum of poor quality’, ‘popular dance’ (Kany 1960b: 143),
cASAND0NGA Cub. ‘id.’ (Suârez 107b), CAf~ENGo Nic. adj. ‘canijo, des
medrado’ (Scavnicky 82), CA5~ENGUE Cub. n. m. fam. ‘la persona débil,
desmadejada’ (Pichardo 153), CARINGUE Amer. adj. ‘enclenque’ (Wag
ner id., 336)
— enfla ‘cane’. A possible variant is canyengue RPlata n. ‘baile o reu
niôn de negros o gente de baja condicién’ (Guarnieri 50); cf. CRica,
Rond. caflifla ‘brazo o pierna flacos o enjutos’. The frequent references
to weakness are due to the thinness and weakness of cane.
CAPING0 Chu, n. m. ‘capa demasiado corta y de mala calidad, caperuza’,
Arg. ‘capa corta y airosa’ (Wagner 1944: 324), CAPIRRONG0 And. adj.
‘capigorrôn’, ‘figurén [show-off]’ (Garda Cotorruelo 157)
— capa ‘cape’; capirrongo is probabiy more precisely an alteration of
capirote ‘pointed hood’, or else a metathesis of capigorrôn
26
CAPUCHANGA Nav. n. f. ‘juego infantil’ (Iribarren 121)
capucho ‘hood’; cf. capuchaca ‘a type of keep-away played with a
boina’ (ibid.)
cAMNGA Guat., Hond. n. f. ‘carângano’ (Scavnicky 74)
< CANCER -CRI ‘crab’. This is also the source of cdncano, Ec., Cub., Col.
carôngano, PRico canângana (D~sc’H 1: 797). Caranga, a toponym in
Oviedo (Philipon 1906b: 285) may not be related.
CARAVANCA inhabitant name [inscr., Sant.] (Philipon 1906b: 284)
< ? Albertos Firmat (77) speculates that the etymon may be in *ke,.eu_
‘head’ > *ken(os ‘animal with horns’, ‘stag’.
c~aBuNco n. m. ‘enfermedad virulenta y contagiosa [anthrax]’, ‘tub? [15291
(si 936), cARBuNcL0, CARBONCLA ‘id.’ [Cid] (ibid.)
< Lat. CARBUNCULUS ‘id.’
cARLANCA n. f. ‘collar ancho y fuerte erizado de puntas de hierro que
preserva a los mastines de las mordeduras de los lobos’ [1609], ‘maula,
picardia’, Murc, ‘persona vieja’, Guat., Hond. ‘molestia’ (si 951), Murc.
‘ufia trasera del dedo dcl perro’ (Guillén Garcia 253), Nic. ‘harapo, gui
flapo’ (Santamaria 218), Mex. ‘pingajo’, Col., CRica ‘grillete’ (Selva 206),
cARLANcO n. ru. ‘ave zancuda del tamaflo de un polIo pequeflo y de color
azulado que vive en Espafia’ [1500] (si 951), cARLANGA Mcx. n. f.
(obsol.) ‘pingajo, harapo, guiflapo’ (Santamaria 218), cARRANCA n. f.
‘carlanca’ [l4th cent.], Arag. ‘pâjaro’, Germanja ‘cuello de camisa’ (si
959), Extr. ‘collar que se coloca a los mastines’ (Murga 28), GARRANGA
Nav. ‘carlanca o collar de péas de hierro que se les pone a Ios perros de
ganado’ (Iribarren 269), cARRANCLA Nav. ‘id.’ (ibid.)
< CARCANNUM ‘colla? followed by metathesis and disimilation (DCECH
1: 872—3). Corominas suggests that the meaning ‘bird’ may arise from a
collar-like marking. Cf. vars. carranclo [1765), carranque [1616) id.’
(r,CECH), Ptg. can-anca ‘sad face’, Gal. carranca ‘spiked collar’. In ga
rranga we see the influence of garra ‘claw’, a structure similar to a spike.
The variants carranclo, carrancla suggest the etymon *cARRANCULU.
cARLINGA n. f. (mar.) ‘hueco, generalmente cuadrado, en que se encaja la
mecha de un ârbol u otra pieza semejante’ [1575], (aeron.) ‘espacio desti~
nado en cl interior de los aviones para la tripulacién y los pasajeros’
(niz2a 277), CARRINGA Can. (mar.) ‘id.’ (Alvar 1959: 148)
< Fr. carlingue ‘id.’ < OScand. kerling ‘woman’, ‘hole for the mast’,
»por una comparacién sexua1~< (Dc’ECH 1: 875); cf. Ptg., Gal., Cat. car
linga ‘id.’; see ssw (2: 605b) for the French etymology.
CARRINDANGA Arg. n. f. ‘carro destartalado, vencido por cl uso y pot el
tiempo’ (Abad de Santillén 89), cARRANDANGA Col, n. f. ‘montén de
cosas’, ‘multitud’ (Neyes 117)
— various forms of carra ‘car’, ‘cart’; cf. carrada ‘carretada, carga de un
carro’, carrandilla Chil. ‘sarta, huera, muchedumbre’, carranganada
Rond. ‘cantidad grande de cosas’ (cf. Eng. cartload ‘large quantity of
27
 something’) (n 959), Leon. carrendera ‘carrera, camino real’ (DCECH I:
896). Corominas unjustifiably derives carrindanga from carrer X ca
‘iEra; Wagner (1944:322) and Selva (196) elect canin as the etymon, the
latter commenting: »Se forma con carr(n y —anga; la des letra epéntica
que suaviza cl vocablo.«
CASALENCO Arag. n. m. ‘casalero, persona que vivia en un casai o caseria’
(n 972), Nav. ‘et casalenco b forman bos terrenos de pasto y de babor
situados en las inmediaciones de un puebbo, donde tienen derecho a
pastar las ovejas dci pueblo’ (Iribarren 127—8)
casai ‘country house’, ‘empty or abandoned lot’
CASANGA Mcx. n. f. ‘el casamiento’, Coi. ‘duice de brevas, papayas y limo
nes, muy usado para festejar a los que se casan’ (Seiva 205)
— casar ‘to marry’
CATUNGA Arg. hypocoristic (Vidai 344)
— Cata(lina) personal name
CAZANGA CRica n. f. ‘comida campestre que se compone de ayote [pump
km] o de chiverre cocido con leche’ (Scavnicky 77)
— caza ‘hunt’ or cazar ‘to hunt’. Scavnicky adds: »La relacién con el
verbo cazar parece evidente puesto que la comida se da después de una
caza provechosa para celebrarla.<
CECENGO CRica adj., n. m. ‘cojitranco [cripple]’ (Neyes 125)
CERENGUE, ZERENGUE n. m. ‘baile popular’ [z—, I8th cent.] (ncac 4:865)
CERQuININGA RDom. adv. ‘cerquita’ (Neyes 128, Henriquez Llrefla 193)
cerquina ‘Id.’ — cerca ‘near’
CINCILINDANGO, ZINZILINDANG0 Nay. n. m. ‘colgajo, objeto que esté
pendiente, balanceândose’, ‘m. virile’ (Iribarren 139, 559), LINDANG0
Nav. n. m. ‘cosa que cuelga’, ‘fruto pendiente’, ‘chisme, cachivache, tras
to inétil” (Iribarren 319)
— Basque zintzilik ‘hanging’, ‘virile member’ (ibid.). The ending is due
either to hybrid derivation, or to the influence of Arag. dingoiondango
‘pendular movement’. Lindango has been clipped.
CLARINOONGO Extr. adj. ‘algo ciaro’ (Murga 30), CLARING0 Bol. adj., interj.
‘claro’ (Fernéndez Naranjo 35), CLARINING0 RDom. adj. ‘claro’ (Hen
riquez Urefia 193)
— claro ‘clear’
COCHINDANG0 Murc. adj. ‘sucio, puerco’ (Garda Soriano 31), Alic. ‘id.’
(Guillén Garda 255)
— cochino ‘filthy’
COJANCA toponym (Oviedo) (Philipon 1906b: 284), (CAsTIt.Lo DE) COYANCA
toponym (Leén) (Menéndez Pidal 1963:3:33)
COJANC0 Cub. adj. ‘que cojea algo’ (Neyes 137)
— colo ‘lame’; cf. Ptg. coxanca n. m. ‘cripple’
COLINGARSE Alav. y. refl. ‘columpiarse’ (Lépez de Guereiiu 56)
28
COLLINGA Bol. n. m. and f. ‘diminutivo familiar de colla (palabra con que
en las regiones orientales de Bolivia se designa a ios habitantes del resto
del pais)’ (Fernândez Naranjo 37)
— colla Bol. ‘id.’
COMPANGA Cub. n. f. pej. ‘compafia’ (Neyes 141), cOMPANGO n. m. ‘com
panaje (cold food eaten with bread]’ (aiME 345)
< cUMPANICUM ‘with bread’ (DcEcH 4:365); cf. Sant. compaiio [1765]
(ibid.) < CUMPANEU, Gal. compango ‘id,’.
CONTUCIANCUS personal name [inscr., Cuenca] (Albertos Firmat 94)
— Contuci’icL’ [inscr., Cuenca], also found in Aquitania (Albertos Fir
mat)
C0NVIANCA toponym (Leôn) [569] (Philipon 1906b: 284)
< ? Hubschmied (1939: 262) proposed < CON + VIA + — anca ‘On ~vo
die Wege zusammentreffen’
COPANCA Ladino n. f. ‘très grande coupe’ (Nehama 303)
— copa ‘cup’
CORRONGO CRica, Cub. adj. ‘gracioso, simpâtico’ (Neyes 149), CORUNCO,
CuRUNCO Guat. adj. ‘pelirrubio’ (id., 150), CURRIJNOIJNGO Ven. adj. ‘re
gordete’ (id., 165), Mex. n. m. and f., adj. ‘cl gallo o la gallina 5m cola’
(Santamaria 303), CURUNGO, coRuNoo, CURUNDUPJG0, CORRuND0NGO,
C0RUNDUNGO Mcx. ‘id.’, ‘persona rechoncha’ (ibid.)
— cunro ‘good-booking’ (< ‘Andalusian’) < Cuira < Pacurro < Paco
‘pet-name for Francisco’ + —unro, pejorative suffix (DCECH 2: 300, also
Wagner and Santamaria). Note that the various meanings ail refer to
physical appearance, the essence of cuira.
couNnkNcus personal name [inscr., Burgos] (Philipon 1906b: 284)
< 7 Albertos Firmat (98) points out the same root in a Segovian gentilic
Couneidoqum and in the compound toponym Viscunos.
CURÂNGANO n. m. ‘miserable or blasted pniest’ [l9th cent.] (Gooch 253,
Wagner 1944:322)
— cura ‘priest’
CURINGA Ec. n. f. ‘pequeiio fraude o robo’ (Neyes 165)
CHAnANCO5 Ast. n. m. pI. ‘terrones grandes’ (E! 1319)
CHABELONGA Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez de bvashevsky 149)
— Isabel, personal name
CHACHUNGO Arg. hypocoristic (VidaI 344)
— Chacho personal name
CHAFANDANGA Arag. adj. ‘chafandin, embustero’ (Andolz 87), CHAPARRAN
GO Rioj. n. m. ‘cosa hecha fuera de bugar o tiempo o contra razén o bey’,
‘destrozo, estropicio o rotura hecha generalmente por obrar con preci
pitacién’ (Goicoechea 67), CHAFARRANGA Rioj. n. f. ‘mujer que hace las
cosas con precipitaciôn y de maba manera’ (ibid.)
— chafar (or gerund chafando) ‘aplastar (especialmente cl caballo con
su herradura)’, ‘ajar (un tejido)’, cf. derivs. chafarrinar ‘desbucir una
29
 cosa con manchas y borrones’, chafarrjnaa’a ‘borrôn, garabato’ [ca. 1640]
but, ignorant of the non-Spanish reflexes, attributes -anga to the Yunga
(DcEcH 2: 310). The forms in —rr— suggest an etymon *c/iafai.rar cf.
Indian possessive suffix —ng—.
Arag. chafarrear ‘entremeterse donde no le importa’ (Et 1322).
CHARLANGA Leon. n. f. ‘conversaciôn, charla, parleta’ (Lamano 370)
CHALANGUERO Arag. adj., n. m. ‘presumido, postinero’ (Buesa Oliver 1963:
÷- charla ‘id.’
24), Nav. adj. ‘lisonjero, halagador, carifioso’ (iribarren 174)
CHATUNGO And. n. m. and f. ‘chato 5m exceso’ (vA 195)
< ? Cf. chalanquero Arag. adj. ‘franco, descuidado en su conducta’,
— chato ‘snub-nosed (person)’
‘alegre y poco propio en su vestido’ (Andoiz 87), chatd y. intr. ‘disfrutar
CHEQIJENDENGUE Cub. n. m. pej. ‘cheque bancario o dcl gobierno’ (Neyes
mucho’ (ibid.)
186)
CHALINGA Ven. hypocoristic (Gômez de Ivashevsky 149)
— chaque ‘check’
Rosa lia, personal name
CHIBANCO CRica adj. ‘chingo, corto’ (si 1343)
CHALONGA Ast. n. f. ‘rafla’ (Garcia Oliveros 385)
cHICHONGA Arg. hypocoristic (Vidai 344)
CI-JALUNGO PRico adj. ‘chapucero’ (Neyes 173)
Chicha, personal name
< 7 Cf. chalarse PRico y. ref. ‘fastidiarse’ (si 1323).
CHILINGO, ci-IluNco, (ssTAR) Arg. ‘estar sin camisa’ (Neyes 193)
CHANGANGO adj. Bol. ‘chapucero’
< ? Taking chingo Cent. Amer. ‘desnudo, en paûos menores’ (n 1354)
— changa Murc. n. f. ‘cosa inservible y despreciable’, And. ‘mujer poco
as the etymon and applying the »perendengue< template (sec Pharies
hacendosa’, ‘cambalache’ (Dcscn 2: 323). The changango cited by Neyes 1986: 118—38), we can derive a chihngo, but whether this has in fact
(177), RPlata n. m. ‘guitarra pequefia y ordinaria de cinco cuerdas’ pro
occurred 1 cannot say.
bably bas a separate origin.
CHINGOLINGO Mex., Guat. n. m. ‘rifa de las ferias’ (Neyes 198, Santamaria
CHANGUENGA Pan. n. f. ‘rifia, aiboroto’ (Neyes 178), CHANGONGA Col. n. f.
400)
‘hurla, irrisién’ (id., 177) < chinga ‘gambling’, foilowed by reduplication with liquid consonant
chango Pkico ‘practical joker’, ‘monkey’ (n 1330); cf. changuear apophony, sec Pharies (1986: 213—14). This is a different template than
Ant., Coi. ‘chancear [crack jokes]’, changa And. ‘broma, hipérbole’, as
the one cited in the previous article.
well as changango, cited above
CHINGONGO Pan. n. m. ‘chewing gum’ (Robe 87)
CHAPALENGO Ven. hypocoristic (Gômez de lvashevsky 149)
< Eng. chen’ing guai
— Chapelo ‘id.’ — Rafael, personal name
CHINININGO RDom. adj. vulg. ‘muy pequeflo’ (Neyes 199)
CHAPANDONGO Cent. Amer. n. m. ‘enredo, confusiôn’ (Neyes 179), cHA *~j~j~jft~ ‘id.’, or chininin Ec. m. ‘pizca’ (ibid.), by template modeiing;
PANDONGA Hond. n. f. ‘jaleo, diversiôn desordenada de gentes’ (ibid.)
cf. chino Col., Chue, Ec., Ven. ‘niflo’ (s’ 1354)
— chapando — chapar, in a meaning similar to Sant, ‘pisar agua, me-
CHINONGA RPlata n. f. ‘moza morocha [robust, dark], china [mestiza]’
terse en los charcos con el calzado’ (n 1332), i.e., ‘splash about’, cf. Eng.
[15531 (Neyes 199), Chu, n. f. pej. ‘china ordinaria’ (Oroz 263)
»to make a splash< ‘to create a sensation’.
< 7 This would appear to be a transparent derivative of china ‘mestiza,
CHARANGA1 Col. n. f. ‘baile familiar’ [1836] (Neyes 182), Mcx. ‘orquesta woman of mixed race’; Abad de Santillân (145) calls chinonga a »dimi
ratonera’, ‘baile familiar’ (Santamaria 363), CHARRANGA Col. n. f. ‘cha nutivo de chinôn«, itseif an »aumentatiyo de china«, which derives (p.
ranga, baile familiar’, Guat. ‘guitarra ordinaria’ (Neyes 182), CHARANG0
143) from Quech. china ‘female animai’. He posits the semantic de
Cub. n. m. and f. ‘cosa pequefla, reducida o fraccionada, como la cha velopment ‘female animal ‘ > ‘indigenous woman’ > ‘servant’ > ‘aIl
ranga u orquesta de pocos instrumentos mûsicos’ (Pichardo 243) women-folk’. DcEdn (2: 362) and Lenz (1905—10: § 405) agree. On the
< 7 Cf. Ptg., Gal, charanga ‘musical group of wind instruments’, Cat. other hand, as shown in Chapter Four, the appearance of chinonga
xaranga ‘military hand’; DCECH (2: 335) says »voz imitativa dcl sonido seem too marginal and eariy to fit into the deveiopment of —ongo sug
estridente«, citing Murc. charrar ‘charlar’, charranguear ‘chariatanear’. gested by other data.
Hond. charranga ‘jaleo, jarana’. Corominas rejects Wagner’s (1944: 322) cHIPILINGO Col., Mcx. n. m. ‘niflo de corta edad’, Cub. n. m. ‘ficha pequeiia
etymon charrar, a Cat. and Arag. var. of charlar, because of geogra usada en Ios juegos de azar’, Cub. adj. ‘raquitico’ (Neyes 200), CHIPO
phical distribution and the fact that /rr/ does not usually change to /r/, RRONDINGO Mcx. adj. ‘dicese por eufemismo y con sentido expletivo
though the reverse does sometimes occur. Selva (194) proposes < ciarin puramente familiar, de Ios nifios, o aun de animalitos curiosos; se en
+ —ango, citing alleged Ital. parallels! DES!! (124) < onom. char. Her cuentra en cierta literatura costumbrista dci sigio pasado’ (Santamaria
nando Balmori (p. 212) also traces the word to an onomatopoeic char, 403), CHIPILINGUE Mcx. n. m. and f. ‘chipilingo, niflo’ (ibid.)
30 31
 chipi Nav. ‘small’ < Basque txipi ‘id.’ (See Pharies 1986: 140), and in
the cases of words in ch,),iI—, .— chipiffn And. adj. ‘small’. Both Neyes
(200) and Kany (1960b: 142) daim that chipilingo is from Aztec tzipitl,
but the Peninsular manifestations 0f the etymon make this prospect
unlikeiy. Chiporrondingo bas been modified by the »chiquirritico< tem
plate (sce Pharies 1986: 94—117).
CHIQtJETINGO Arg. adj. ‘chiquitico’ (Wagner 1944: 336), CHIQUILING0 Pan.
n. m. ‘small person, child’ (Robe 1960: 86) CHIQUINING0 RDom. n. m.
‘chico’ (Henriquez Urefia 193)
< chiquitÉ’n, chiquilmn, *chiquinin ‘id.’, ail examples of template modi
fication, in which an original —(n was expanded to —ingo
CHIVUNGA Col, n. f. ‘cércel’ (Kany 1960a: 116)
— Ven. chiva ‘id.’
CHOCOLONGO Cub. n. m. ‘hoyuelo [dimple] debajo de la garganta’ (Neyes
207), CHICOL0NG0 Cub. n. m. ‘juego dcl hoyuelo’ (id., 188)
— chôcolo Col. n. m. ‘juego del hoyuelo’, Pan. chôcola ‘cierto juego,
choclén’, Cent. Amer., Arg., Bol., Chue, Peru, Urug. ‘juego dcl hoyuelo’,
chôcola n. f. Cent. Amer. ‘juego del hoyuelo’ (lii 1364). Hoyuelo ‘juego
de muchachos que consiste en meter monedas o boutas en un hoyo
pequeflo que hacen en tierra, tirândolas desde cierta distancia’ (id.,
2318). In chicolongo we see the analogical presence of chico ‘small’.
CHOLENCO Hond., Mcx. adj. and n. m. ‘dicese del caballo viejo y estropea
do’, Mcx. ‘enclenque’ (Neyes 209)
< 7 According to Dcccli (2: 402), from Ptg. chôco ‘podrido, achocoso’
CHOLONG0 Arg. adj. and s. m. ‘dicese de la fruta comida por los pâjaros o
los gusanos’ (Neyes 209)
CHONGUENGA Hond. n, f. ‘borrachera’ (Neyes 209, Scavnicky 82)
< ? Probably < Ven. chungo adj. ‘ebrio’ (si 1375), Mcx. chonguear
‘bromear’ (ibid.) or perhaps related to changuenga ‘disturbance’
CHORINGA Nav. n. f. ‘longaniza delgada’ (Iribarren 191)
< chorizo ‘sausage’, with »suffix« substitution
CHORRINDANGO And. n, m. ‘zarcillo [earring] largo’ (VA 207)
chorros And. n. m. pi. ‘pendientes o zarcillos largos de perlas y es
meraldas’ (ibid.)
CHOVENC0 Arg. adj. ‘deformado’ (Neyes 211)
— choya Chil. adj. ‘dicese de la persona simple y que pronuncia mal las
palabras por ignorancia’ (ibid.). Both words designate physical defecis,
and the close geographical proximity cements the case for this etymol
ogy.
CHuci-IANGA Can. n. f. ‘caracol, babosa’ (Alvar 1959: 163), CHUCHANGO
Can. adj. ‘se aplica también a las personas revejidas y a las de menguada
complexién o mala pinta’ (Guerra 134), CHUCHING0 Col. adj. ‘cobarde,
timido’ (Neyes 213), cHucHINGA CRica n. m. ‘hombre afeminado’
(ibid.)
chuchar ‘to suck, to moisten’ (Guerra); cf. Dcccli (2: 400)
32
CHUFINGA Chu, n. m. ‘ingeniero jefe’ (Oroz 263)
< 7 Oroz asks: »&adaptacién del inglés chief engineer?~<
CHULANGO Argot n. m.7 ‘chulo’ (Oliver 96), CHUL,&NGAN0 ‘id.’ (Nâfiez 106)
— chulo adj. ‘cocky’, n. m. ‘dandy’
CHULUNCO Rond. adj. ‘corto, rabôn [bobtail]’ (Neyes 215)
< ? Possibly, like chulango, from chulo; cf. the suspiciously similar
inulunco ‘animal with its horns cut off’
CHUPENCO Can. n. m. ‘casucha pequefia, estrecha y miserable’, ‘se aplica
también, como despectivo, a personas de baja condicién moral y a las
escuchimizadas [thin, puny], de escasas carnes y fuerzas’ (Guerra 134),
CHUPINGO Chil. adj. ‘medio borracho’, Arg. adj. ‘chupino’ (Neyes 217),
CHU!’ALANGANEO And. n. m. ‘arreglo por bajo cuerda [underhanded],
confusién aprovechada’ (Cepas 88)
— chupar ‘to suck’, chupado adj. ‘skinny, thin’, Amer. ‘tight, drunk’, or
chupino ‘malnourished, skinny (child)’ (Neyes). Guerra associates chu
penco with chopa, chupe.’a, while DCECH (2: 391) suggests < Gal.. Ptg.
choupa ‘cobertizo’, cf. Gal. chôpete ‘habitacién pequefia’ for the mean
ing ‘casucha estrecha’ (actually a transfer of the meaning ‘thin’). For
chupa/anganeo, cf. Argot chupôn adj. ‘aprovechado, que obtiene hene
ficios 5m merecerlos y 5m trabajar’ (Oliyer 98), also chupa/ande~’o Murc.
[1726] (DcEcH 2:409).
DEMONGU Ast. n. m. ‘demonio’ (Garcia Oliveros 385), DEMÔNGANU Ast.
‘id.’ (Canellada 165)
< den;onio ‘demon’, by template modification, perhaps »suffixoid<
substitution; DCECH (2: 442 s.v. den~onio): »Hay muchas deformaciones
eufemisticas, p. ej. demontre y denionche, que son generales; de~nongu
ast.< Wagner (1944:325) identifies the word as exclusively Cuban.
DESCUAJARINGARSE y. refl. fam. ‘relajarse, cansarse mucho’, Amer. ‘des
vencijarse un objeto’ (Wagner 1944:326), ESCUAJARINGADO And. ‘desen
cajado [twisted, contorted], destrozado, cansado’ (Cepas 112)
— descuajarve ‘cansarse mucho por conseguir algo’ (Wagner)
DESPISTADONGO Col. adj. ‘despistado’ (Montes Giraldo 75)
— despistado ‘lost’, ‘confused’
DESTORLONGO Mcx. n. m. ‘despilfarro [squandering]’, ‘desorden’ (Neyes
230),
< ? Cf. destorlongado adj. Mex. ‘que hace las cosas 5m concierto’ (ci
1522). Perhaps related to Extr. desto~gar ‘romper o tronchar las ramas
de las encinas cuando se suben en ellas los trabajadores para sacudir y
recoger las bellotas’ (ci 1522).
DIANGO Cub. interj. ‘diablo’ (Neyes 231)
< diablo ‘deyil’, through template modification
DINGOLONDANG0 n. m. fam. ‘expresién cariùosa, mimo, halago, arrumaco’
[ca. 1620] (DRAP 480), Arag. ‘expresién significando cl balanceo de una
cosa, también el parrandeo’, ‘de un lado a otro’ (Andolz 101), DINGUI
33
 LINDANGO ‘pija’ (Cela 2:360)
< *~jjjjg~.j dango < din, dan ‘onomatopoeia of tolling beils’. See Pharies
(1986: 176) for abundant cognates in neighboring languages.
EBURANc0 (PATERNe) personal name [inscr.] (Osma) (Hubschmid 1955: 20)
— Celtic cintras ‘cypress’, ‘yew’ (Albertos Firmat 110)
ESCARDELENCA Arag. n. f. ‘muchacha de precoz desarroilo fisico’ (Aebi.
scher 1949:21), ESCARDALENcA Arag. ‘id.’ (Kuhn 214)
— escardar ‘sacar Ios cardos y otras hierbas nocivas de los sembrados (si
1803) < carda ‘thistie’. A reference to ‘fast growth’, characteristic of
thisties and other weeds, as well as adolescents.
ESLINGA n. f. ‘maroma [rope, cable] provista de ganchos para levantar gran
des pesos’ [15871 (inùw 588)
< Engi. siing, possibly via French (ncsdH 2:728); cf. Ptg. eslinga ‘id.’.
ESPELUNGA Arag. n. f. ‘grotte [cave]’ (Rohlfs 1977: 138)
< espelunca ‘id.’
ESPERNANCARSE, ESPARRANcARSE Leon., Amer. y. refl. ‘abrirse de piernas’
(si 1853, the latter dated 1791)
— es— ± pierna ‘leg’ + —anco + —ar (Coromines 1943: 583); esparran
corse appears to have suffered a template modification to produce the
form -V~ L V-.
ESTRÀIDENc0 Arag. adj. ‘décoloré, maladif [sickly, morbid]’ (Aebischer
1949: 21)
— estrai’do ‘distracted’; for the semantic shift from mental to physical
disorder, cf. Amer. distraido ‘slovenly’. Estraer ‘distraer’ is attested in
Leon (si 1898).
ESTIUNGA n. f. obsol. ‘agujeta para atacar los calzones, jubones [doublet,
bodice] y otras prendas’ [1565] (DJME 611)
< Ital. stringa ‘id.’ < Germanic, possibly Gothic *sti.iggs (Dcscf-J 2:
810), which does not incorporate a suffix
FACILONGO Peru. adj. vulg. ‘Mcil’ (Neyes 260)
fôcil ‘easy’; the word dificilongo is cited but not otherwise identified
in the Cuestionario (1972)
FANDANGO n. m. ‘antiguo baile espafiol, muy com(in todavia entre los an
daluces, cantando con acompaflamiento de guitarra, castafluelas y basta
de platillos y violin, a tres tiempos y con movimiento vivo y apasionado’
[beg. lSth cent.], ‘taflido y copias con que se acompafla’, fig. y fam. ‘bu
llicio, trapatiesta’ (aRAS 631), Nav. adj., n. m. and f. ‘se aplica al que no
sirve para nada, al que se pasa la vida holgando’, ‘lelo, atontado’, n. m.
‘pendencia, rifla’, ‘confusiôn, desorden’, ‘nombre que dan ai baile de la
jota’, ‘verenda [private parts] feminae’ (Iribarren 247), Arag. ‘asunto
complicado y aun peligroso’, ‘algazara’ (Baliarin Cornet 186), Amer. fig.
‘reuniôn, baile, celebracién bulticiosa’, ‘alboroto, ho’ (Neyes 261), Mex.
‘hecho escandaloso sociaimente’, ‘accién de guerra’, ‘rebambaramba’
(Santamaria 520), FANDANGA Mex. n, f. vulg. ‘cosa enojosa, pejiguera’,
34
Ven. ‘bolsillo grande en la falda del vestido de la mujer’ (Neyes 261);
< ? Cf. Ptg. fandango ‘licentious dance’, ‘rag’, ‘inferior, ridiculous’,
fandinga ‘in tatters’, ‘inferior person’, ‘urchin’, ‘mound of pine leaf’,
Gai. fandango ‘Spanish dance and its music’, ‘commotion’, ‘inferior ~vo
man’s dress’, ‘female sexual organ’, Cat. fandango ‘Spanish dance’, ‘com
motion’. DCECH (2: 848) says the word is of unknown origin, perhaps <
*fadango »deriy. de fado ‘cancién y baile populares en Portugal (del
lat. FATtJM ‘hado’ porque el fado comenta liricamente e! destino de las
personas)... Et sufijo desp. —ango alude al carécter desenvuelto de los
fandangos. La propagacién de la nasal, como en manzana, ranch,, l’in-
cd,,, port. geringonça, Mendonça. En una palabra, fandango frente a
fado es exactamente paralelo a querindango junte a querido.« The pro
blems ~vith this etymology are that Oie word (1) designates today a Span
ish, not a Portuguese, dance, and (2) appears 1 1/2 centuries later in
Portuguese than in Spanish. Thus, in spite of Oie initial f—, Morais (5:
52), Machado (3: 18), and Cunha (348) aIl trace the Portuguese word w
Spanish.
FARANGA n. f. Leon. ‘haraganeria [idleness]’, ‘dejadez [slovenliness, cure
lessness]’ (DRAE 631)
< According to DCECH (3: 316, s.v. haragôn), a kind of back-formation,
perhaps template motivated: »faranga ‘haraganeria’ salm. derivado de
una forma local *farangân, con propagacién de la nasal.«
FARRANCA Arag. n. f. ‘piedra de rio, canto rodado’ (Kuhn 213), FARRANGA
Arag. n. f. ‘id.’ (Andolz 433)
FARRUNGA Arg. n. f. ‘fiesta de medio pelo’ (VidaI 344)
farra ‘blast, fun, wild time’ (Vidai)
FAXANGA Arag. n. f. ‘desfiladero [narrow passi’ (Andolz 433), n. f. ‘sahida
entre pefias’ (Rohlfs 1985a: 142)
— faxa n. f. ‘sitio estrecho entre pefias donde [sic] se pasa’ (Rohlfs)
FAYANCO Murc. n. m. ‘fardo [bundle], carga’, ‘caja, escaparate o vitrina de
vendedor ambulante’ (Garcia Soriano 57), Cast. ‘canastillo Ilano hecho
de mimbre’, FAYANCA n. f. ‘postura incémoda y poco firme del cuerpo,
»de fayanca< ‘5m la debida perfeccién y hecha de prisa’ [1620, also Au!.],
‘engaflo, burla, trama’ [17th cent.], And. ‘moldura que se coloca en las
ventanas, como vierteaguas’ (s’ 1975), FALLANCA n. f. ‘vierteaguas de
una puerta o ventana’ (id., 1959), FALLANC6N Leon. adj. ‘dicese de las
almendras y nueces cuando no tienen grano’ (ibid.);
< ? Cf. Ptg. faianca ‘poorly-made thing’ [1 3th cent.]. DCECH (2: 875) has
no solution, but contends that alt these meanings are related. The best
theory (876) is perhaps < Gal., Ptg. faia ‘beachwood’, except that this
wood is normally considered strong. Corominas (unlike Hubschmied
261) sees the connection with [allai- ‘to fail’ as the result of folk ety
mology, a view which is supported by the distribution of —Il— in the
variants: it appears in words free of the connotation of negligence.
35
FERRENCO Arag. adj. ‘fuerte como el hierro’ (Rohlfs 1985a: 145)
ferre Arag. ‘iron’; cf. Cat. ferrenc ‘id.’
FIL4NGANO Mcx. n. n. ‘harapo’ (Wagner 1944: 323), FILINDONGA Can. adj.
‘delgada’, ‘persona delgada, ahilada’, ‘consumida, vencida’ (Guerra 170),
HILANGO5 Col. n. n. pi. ‘tatters, rags’ (Kany 1960b: 141), FILANDANG0
Ast. n. f. ‘la (sic) que camina y va filando’, )>Filando me voy, filando me
vengo(< (Rato y Hevia 137)
file, hile ‘thread’, filando < filer ‘irse’ (E! 1999 as Sant.); cf. flan
dôn Ast. n. m. ‘fila concurria de muches mozes i q’ toes dan daqué p’el
candil’ (Rato y Hevia ibid.)
FILONGO Arg. n. n. and f. ‘novio o novia de inferior categoria social o que
se tiene cono pasatiempo’ (Vidai 343), FILUNGA Arg. hypocoristic (Vidai
344)
— flic ‘persona a quien se corteja o con quien se mantienen relaciones
que no han liegado a formalizarse’ [Vidai]) < Filoinene, —e, personai
name (Santamaria 524).
FILLING0, FIYING0 Arg., Urug. n. m. ‘cuchillio pequeûo’ (Neyes 264, Abad
de Santiliân 222)
< 7 Maiaret (1946: 414) proposes the etymon Braz. Ptg. fifille (sic, for
fiihinho) ‘littie son’, a meaning 1 have been unabie to verify in Brazilian
Portuguese. Abad’s suggestion: »es evidente que se trata de un diminu
tivo de fierro: fierringo, que ha sufrido la corrupciôn fonética tipica de
la prosodia de ios negros~. Another possibility is Coi. fleflo adj. ‘afi
lado’, ‘ahilado, recto y delgado’ (Malaret 413), which however fails to
expiain the paiataiized liquid.
FITANGO And. n. m. ‘desnayo, privacién del sentido’ (VA 277), VITANG0 n.
m. ‘id.’, ‘juerga, fiesta’ (id., 652), NTANG0 And. n. m. ‘fitango, accidente,
pérdida dcl sentido’ (id., 491), (P4.sARo) BITANGO adj. ‘cometa, juguete de
nifios’ (DîME 994) (NIR0) PITONG0 And. adj. ‘presumido’ (Cepas 249),
Argot ‘joven remiigado [finickyj y presuntuoso, generainente de con
dicién econémica adinerada’ (Oliver 244), Chu. vulg. ‘borracho, ebrio’
(Neyes 461), Pan, n. m. ‘protuberance’ (Robe 87), (NI~o) flETONG0 Mcx.
adj. ‘se aplica a la persona que afecta ser més simple de b que es en
realidad’ (Santamarja 136), (NIRA) nrroNoA And. adj. ‘zangolotina [big
baby]’(vA 89)
< 7 These are two very difficuit groups which are probabiy not related.
DFEH (1069) derives the phrase pôjaro birango from a *VflTANIcUs <
virrA ‘atadura, faja, venda’ (cf. baie ‘cuerda, cabo’). The DES (995) also
etynologizes pitango, bitango, fitango (along with sopiraffo, sopitipan
do), ail glossed ‘repentino’, as reflexes of SUBITANEUS ‘id.’. DCECP! (5:
341, s.v. suripanta) mentions And. pitango, bitango, frange oniy in
order to reject the DEEH’s etymobogy of them. Wagner (1944:331) sug~
gests African provenience, while Selva (210) says Chu. pitongo ‘borra
cho’ < pire ‘whistle, pipe, spout’.
36
FL2ANCO Ladino n. m. and f. ‘fils, fille déjà grands qui ont dépassé l’âge de
l’enfance’ (Nehama 213)
— flic —a ‘son, daughter’.
FLAMENco adj., n. n. and f. ‘natural de la antigua regién de Fiandes’ [1340],
adj. ‘dicese de b andabuz que tiende a hacerse agitanado’, ‘achulado’ (5f
2014), Argot adj. ‘valiente, atrevido’, ‘provocador, desafiante’, »estar f la
menca una mujer« ‘ser atractiva fisicamente 5m ser guapa’ (Oliver 131),
Cent. Amer., Mcx., PRico adj. ‘f laco’ (Neyes 264), FLAMENGO ‘flamenco’
[1340] (DcECH 2:906)
< Dutch fiarning ‘Flemish’ (DcEcH); cf. Ptg. flamengo ‘Flemish’, fia
mingo, faramengo obsol. (ornith.) ‘flamingo’, Gal. flamengo ‘Flemish’,
‘flamingo’. Corominas says there is no need for a separate etymon for
the bird-name, which arose due to the similarity of its reddish color to
the skin-color of Nordic races, cf. flamenco ‘encarnado de tez’. Brflch
(1932: 63), among others, supposes that the bird-name < Prov. flanieuc
‘flame-red’ < FLAMMA.
FLAQUENCO Cent. Amer. adj. ‘flacucho’ (Neyes 264)
— face ‘skinny’
FL0JINDANGO And. adj. ‘persona desaliflada en el vestir’ (vA 278)
— foie ‘slack, weak, poor’
FLORONCO Arag. n. m. ‘chichôn’ (Andoiz 142), FLORONG Arag. n. n. ‘fo
ri~ncubo [boil], divieso’ (ibid.)
< *pjJJ~(Jf,J~’~J,5 ‘métathése de FUR UNCULUS [boil]’ (Rohlfs 1977: 92); cf.
OProv. foronc, Prov. flouroun.
FLURITANGIJ Ast. n. n. ‘despectivo de for’ (Cano GonzMez 276)
— fier ‘fbower’
FODONGO Mcx. adj. and n. m. ‘sucio, desaseado’ (Neyes 265), Mcx. n. m.
‘pedo, cuesco, ventosidad’, ‘hombre gordo’ (Wagner 1944: 332)
< ? According to Wagner »wohl zu fader (heder) mit Labialisierunw<.
FORÂNGO Peru. n. m. and f. ‘forastero’ (Neyes 266), FOLANGO Arag. adj.
‘novato’, ‘forastero’ (Andolz 433)
< foraflo ‘id.’ [lSth cent.] < FORANEUS ‘stranger’ (DCECH 3:429), by
suffix substitution. FEW (3: 882) suggests < FOR ‘ladrén’, while Selva
(205) proposes < fiera ‘outside’ + -ange.
FONDONGO Mcx. adj. ‘grueso’ (Boyd-Bownan 118), Mcx. n. n. ‘fondôn,
fondillén’ (Santamaria 532), FONDONGA Ven. n. f. ‘vaca o yegua de mu
cho vientre’ (Neyes 266), FUNDANGO Pan. n. n. ‘hunan buttock, runp’
(Robe 86), FONDANGONA And. ‘fondona, nujer gruesa de carnes fbojas’
(ibid.), FONDINGA And. adj. ‘mala sombra [unluck~]. refiérese a la per
sona y a las cosas’ (»Yo no sé cémo quisiste a ese tio fondinga.~) (VA
280), ESFONDENGAK5E Extr. ‘fastidiarse’ (Viudas 67)
— fonde ‘bottom’; DcECH (3: 382). Anent esfondinga,’se, cf. Cub. des
fonder ‘quitar o romper cl fondo a un vaso o caja’ (Et 1485), Ast. esfon
dar ‘desfondar’ (E! 1833).
37
 FORONGO Arag. ‘as de oros’ (Buesa Oliver 1963: 24)
< fanS,, ‘fool’, ‘ace of oros’ (ibid.), by suffix substitution
FOTING0 Can. n. m. ‘auto Ford’, ‘auto viejo, destartalado’ (Guerra 353),
Antillas, Mcx., Pan., Peru. n. m. ‘cualquier automévil pequeflo de ai
quiler, algo anticuado o desvencijado [broken-down]’ (Hildebrandt 106),
Cub. ‘nalgas, particularmente las abultadas de mujer’ (Wagner 1944:
324)
< Cat. furinga ‘trifie’ < foire ‘to fuck’. This etymology was originated
by Ortiz »los catalanes han abundado de tiempo atrâs en Santiago de
Cuba«, cited and accepted by Wagner. Several scholars (e.g., Guerra and
Hildebrandt) suggest that the etymon might be Ford. Wagner attributes
this association to folk etymology.
FRAILENGO adj. fam. ‘perteneciente o relativo a frailes’ [1607] (DîME 657),
FRAILONGAS Nav. adj. ‘beato, santurrôn’ (s, 2050)
— fraile ‘friar’; DcEcH (2: 942) cites the variantsfrailenga, —eflo, —twa,
-ego [1644]
FRAXENC0, FRAXENG0 Arag, n. m. ‘cria de cerdo, cerdo impûber’ (Andolz
433), FRifixENC0 Arag. ‘cria dcl cerdo mayor que es »latôn de let« y
antes de 5cr »iatôn« o cerdo ya hecho’ (id., 145, Baliarin Cornel 203),
FRAJENCOS [1836], FRAJENGOS, FREIXENG0, FRAJINGOS (ail Arag., in An
dolz 145), FRECHENC0 Arag. (Kuhn 213), FLÀJENCO, FRAJENCO, FLEISEN
GO, FRAGENc0, FRUENC0 (ail Arag., in Rohifs l985a: 147—52)
< OLG frisking ‘young (animai)’ < J)-isk ‘young, fresh’ (vcEcH 2:942).
Also found in 0Fr., Gasc., Oc. (whence probably to Aragonese), S. Bal.
and Milan; sec FEW (3: 812), Rohlfs (1977: 95), 25W (~ 3519).
FRAUDULENCO Arag. adj. ‘fraudulento, furtivo’ (Andoiz 433)
< fraudulento ‘fraudulent’, by suffix substitution
FRIOLENG0 adj. obsol. ‘friolero [sensitive to cold]’ [1611] (DîME 661),
FRIOLENc0 Nav. And. adj. ‘id.’ [l6th cent.] (vA 283), Murc. adj. fam. ‘Id.’
(Garcia Soriano 58), Arag. adj. ‘id.’ (Andolz 146), Ladino adj. ‘id.’ (Ne
hama 218), FRIALENc0 Nav. ‘id.’ (Alvar 1947: 292)
— frior obsol. ‘coid’; cf. friolego (Cervantes) ‘id.’, friolenro [l6th cent.],
Cat. fredo!enc [1860].
FRIQUITINGA Arg. adj., n. m.? and f. ‘dicese de la persona traviesa, molesta’
(Neyes 268)
< ? Cf. friquirfn PRico, RDom. n. m. ‘figôn, bodegôn [cheap restau
rant]’ (si 2061), whose semantic connection with friquisinga is unclear.
FRITANGA n. f. ‘fritada, especialmente la abundante en grasa; a veces se usa
en sentido despectivo’ (D1t48 662, also in Leon [Lamano 464], and Cub.
[Neyes 268]), FRITANGO Can. ‘carne con mojo’ (Guerra 362)
— frilo ‘fried (food)’; cf. Gal. fritanga, Ptg. fritangada ‘id.’
FULANDANGO Can. n. m, and f. ‘fulano, sentido màs despectivo, fulandan
guito’ (Guerra 174), FULÂNGANO Argot ‘id.’ (Néiiez Fernândez 106)
— fulano ‘what’s-his-name’
38
nJLENCO Pan. adj. pej. ‘casi rubio’ (Neyes 269)
fufo ‘blond’ (Robe 85)
FULLINGUE Chu. adj. ‘fufiingue, tabaco ordinario’ (Neyes 269)
< FUUGINE ‘soot’ (DcscH 3: 378): »halingre burg. y cl chil. JWlingue
‘tabaco de mala calidad’ presentan otra alteraciôn, probablemente de
bida a un cruce con pringue y su antecedente pingre.~ Lenz (1905—10:
§ 768) cites both FtJLLÎGJNE and fumar (»derivaciôn burlesca«) as pos
sible etyma.
FLJF4INGUE Cub., Chu. adj. ‘dicese de la persona enclenque, débil, umida’,
Chu. adj. ‘aplicase al tabaco o cigarro ordinario’ (Neyes 269)
— futur ‘to hunch up’ (DcEcH 3: 378); cf. futUr Cub. y. tr. ‘encoger,
reducir’ (Neyes ibid.). Wagner (1944: 331) proposes African prove
nience.
FUXANCU Ast. n. m. ‘aiolladero [bog, mire, impasse]’ (Garcia Oliveros 138)
— faxa ‘fosa’; cf. Gal. fochanco
GALANDANGA (ECHAR5E A i.x) Nav. y. phr. ‘echarse a vaguear’ (Iribarren
264)
— galôn ‘handsome young man’, ‘suitor’, with a semantic extension
relating to ‘girl-chasing’
GANDINGA Cub. n. f. ‘indolencia, apatia’ (Neyes 273), Mcx. ‘antiguo adorno
del vestido’ (Santamaria 549), GANDUNGA Rioj. adj. fam. ‘haragân,
gandumbas [lazy-bones]’ (Goicoechea 93)
< gand— ‘lazy person’, the stem of gaudit!, gandiwibas, gandayas,
gandurro ‘id.’, by suffix substitution; DCECH (3: 74) traces gandaia
‘especie de redecilla para el cabello’, ‘tuna, vida holgazana’ to CaL.
gandalla ‘Id.’; Wagner’s (1944: 324) theory is: »von gaudir (altspan.)
‘corner’; amer. gandido ‘glotôn, tragôn’, And. ‘pasa de inferior calidad’«;
psw (~ 3671) traces Cat. gaudis!, Sp. gândulo, gandaya to Arab. gandin
‘dandy’. The relationship between gandinga and candinga is interesting.
GARDINGO n. m. ‘individuo de uno de los érdenes dcl oficio palatino entre
los visigodos, inferior a los duques y los condes’ [7th cent., Lex Visigo
thonun] (nR.4E 679), GARDINGUS personal name (Toledo) [l3th cent.]
(Piel 1976: 148)
< Gothic *ga,.dingôs ‘Id.’ — *gards ‘house, hearth’ (Gamullscheg 1932:
138); cf. Ptg. gardingo ‘id.’. The word is purely historical, for gardingo
was according to Garnillscheg »completamente incomprensible a fines
del siglo Vil, incluso en cl ambiente juridico.<
GAYANGOS toponym (Seville, Burgos)
GORRINGO Leon. n. m. ‘cerdo’ (Wagner 1944:324)
< gorrino ‘pig’ [1726]
GORRINGO2 Bilb. n. m. ‘la yema dcl huevo’ (Arriaga 108)
< Basque gorrùigo ‘id.’
GuAFSANGA Chu, n. f. ‘nostalgia, pena’, ‘andrajo, harapo’ (Neyes 291)
< ? Cf. guaflo Peru. adj. ‘enamorado, amante’ (Neyes 291), a poor
39
 candidate on semantic grounds. The word is probably an Americanism,
whatever its etymon.
GUASANGA Amer, n. f. ‘bulla, algazara’ (Neyes 295), GUASANG0 Guat. n. n.
‘pelotera [quarrel]’ (ibid.)
— guam ‘joke’, ‘dirty trick’. This etymology is proposed by Kany
(1960b: 141). Wagner (1944: 323) agrees but attributes guasanga to
blending rather than derivation: (»von guasa unter dem EinfluI3 von
bu/langa<). Corominas (ncEcH 3:251), following Cuervo (~ 950), insists
on a much more complicated situation in which guasa is a backforma
tion: »el indigenismo guazôbara ‘alboroto guerrero’, cruzândose con
bullanga, parece haber dado guasanga ‘algazara, baraùnda’, y de éste
pudo extraerse guasa, que en Cuba significa ‘jolgorio, alegria ruidosa~.
Contradicting this supposition is the presence of guasa on the Pen
insula: ‘chanza, burla’, cited by Corominas himself.
GUIRINOANGA Col. n. f. ‘cosa 5m valor’ (Neyes 301), GUARANDINGA Ven. n.
f. ‘cosa de poco valor’ (Neyes 292), Ven. ‘juguete, amuleto, baratijo’
(Alvarado 127)
guinda Chil. ‘cosa de poca importancia’ (ici., 300), at least for the
former. Guarandinga appears to be the result of a vocalic metathesis, cf.
singuilindango / singuilandingo, and Pharies (1986: 121).
HAMBRENQUE Peru. adj. ‘hambriento’ (Hildebrandt 204)
— hambre ‘hunger’; cf. CaL. famolene ‘id.’
HOYANCO adj. Leon. ‘natural de El Hoyo (Avila)’ (lii 2318), EL OYANCO
toponym (AsÉ.) (Philipon 1906b: 284), OYANCA5 toponym (Pais Vasco)
(ibid.), H0YANc0 ‘hoyo grande y profundo’, Col., Cub. ‘hoyo formado
accidentalmente’ (BI 2318)
hoyo ‘hole’
HUESARRÀNCO adj. (taurom.) ‘hueso, en el sentido figurativo de molesto,
impertinente; dicese dcl toro dificil’ (lii 2321), GOESARRANCA And. n.
m.? ‘persona de dificil trato’ (Cepas 137), And. n. m. ‘huesarrén’ (VA
327)
— huera ‘bone’ + —ana pej. suffix
HUMBERTIJNGO Arg. hypocoristic (VidaI 344)
~. Humbergo personal name
IrncENco adj. ‘natural de Ibiza, concerniente o relativo a esta isla’ [1879]
(81 2332)
Ibiza, on the model of Cat. eivissenc ‘ici.’; cf. Gal. ibicenco ‘id.’
JALENGUE Cub. n. m. ‘rifia, alboroto’ (BI 2449), JanNGun Cub. n. m. ‘ici.’
(Neyes 325), JALINGÔN Ast. n. m. ‘columpio’ (Menéndez Garda 17)
— jalar ‘to pull’, Amer. ‘to get drunk’
JERINGA n. f. ‘instrumento compuesto de un tubo que termina por su parte
anterior en un cafioncito delgado, dentro del cual juega un émbolo por
medio dcl que asciende primero, y arroja o inyecta después un liquido
cualquiera’ [l7th cent.], ‘molestia, importunaciôn’ [l7th cent.] (DRAE
40
768), Amer. ‘borrachera’ (Kany 1960a: 78), 5IRINGA n. f. (poet.) ‘especie
de zampoûa [pan pipe], compuesta de varios tubos de cafta que forman
escala musical y van sujetos unos al lado de otros’ [1495], Bol., Peru.
‘&bol. . . qtie produce la goma elâstica’ (DJZAE 1207), 5ERENGUE Arg. n.
m. ‘pasos de baile que se daba antiguamente (siglo pasado en el norte
andino) cuando se recibia brasa para hacerse fuego ... forma ceremo
niosa de sumisiân, respeto y agradecimiento’ (Abad de Santillân 884),
SERENDENGUE Extr. adj. ‘débil, mal nutrido’ (Viudas 159), Ven. n. m.
‘aire popular bailable’ (Neyes 514), ‘id.’, ‘mentecato’ (Alvarado 237), SI
IUNDANGA Rond. n. f. ‘embriaguez, borrachera’ (Neyes 517), 5TIUNDAN-
oo Cub., Mcx. n. m. ‘especie de pâjaro muy inquieto’ (ibid.), Cub. ‘pâ
jaro, sôlo se usa vulgarmente como frase comparativa de una persona
boba o tonta que anda continuamente aqui y allé, 5m objeto alguno’
(Pichardo 621), Mex. n. n. (pci.) ‘despectivo equivalente a fulango, zu
tano, y mengano, un personaje de marras, cuyo nombre poco importa’,
‘e! ano’, Hond. n. m. ‘pajarillo’ (»se le Ilama asi efectivamente por b
inquieto que es«) (Santamaria 176), SIRINDONGO Mex. n. m. ‘fulano’,
Rond. ‘borrachera’ (ibid.)
ci-ijaiNoo And. n. m. ‘vaso de aguardiente’ (DIu~ 432), Mcx. n. m.
‘fragmento o pedazo menudo de una cosa’, PRico ‘caballo pequeflo’
(Neyes 202), dHIRINGUITO Argot n. m. ‘quiosco o puesta de bebidas y
comidas sencillas al aire libre’ (Leén 62), cHIRRINGA Can. n. f. ‘aparato
para echar chiringuitos [chorrito menudo, como cl del pipi de un niho o
cl golpe de leche de una teta] o chïringuiar’ (Guerra 130), Alava n. f.
‘rueda en su caja para subir y bajar lémparas’ (Lépez de Guereflu 70),
cmaalNoo Mcx. adj. ‘enclenque, enfermizo’, ‘arrugado’, Col., Mcx. n.
in. and f. ‘chiquitin’, Mcx. ‘fragmento pequeflo, pedacito’ (Neyes 203),
RDom.
cHIRRINING0 adj. ‘chiquitito’ (ibid.), dHIRRINGuE Mcx. adj. ‘arrugado,
enfermo, enclenque’, ‘fraginento pequeflo’ (Santamaria 407), CHIRRIN
GUIS Col. adj. ‘chiquitin’ (Neyes 203)
< Lat. SYRÎNGA ‘syringe’; cf. Ptg. seringa ‘syringe’, charingas ‘candy
made with n syringe’, Cat. siringa, xeringa ‘syringe’. This is an extremely
rich family whose formai and semantic changes I hope to nddress in a
future study. Scavnicky (76) remarlcs anent the meaning ‘borrachera’:
»No hay que descartar la posibilidad de que sirindanga fuera una fiesta
bulliciosa para celebrar una abundante cosecha de la siringa ‘goma elâs
tica’. «
JIJONENCO adj. ‘natural de Jijona, ciudad de la provincia de Alicante’,
‘concerniente o relatiyo a dicha ciudad’ (8! 2453)
— Jijona ‘town in Alicante’, an example which could be categorized
with Catalan
JORUNGO Cub. n. m., adj. ‘persona molesta’, Ven. ‘gringo, extranjero’ (Ne
ves 330), JURUNGO ‘ici.’ (ibid.)
41
JOVENSININGO RDom. adj. ‘very young’ (Kany 1960b: 143)
~ ‘id.’ — joven ‘young’
JUDIENC0 Arag. ‘parecido a ios judfos’, ‘despectivo de judio’ (Andolz 165)
< judiego [1599] ‘id.’; cf. Ptg. judengo ‘ii’, ‘head-tax on Jews’, Gal.
xudenga ‘id.’ This explanation was proposed by Leite de Vasconceilos
(1924) and accepted by Malkiel (1951: 122, 163n29).
JUVENCO n. m. ‘novillo’ [1817] (E! 2474, dated l7th cent.)
< JUVENCu5 ‘young’, a Latinism; cf. Ptg. juvenco [1264] ‘id.’. DCEcIJ (3:
530) also cites Gal. xovenco,—a ‘de poco tiempo, novillo’.
L4NG0 Ven. hypocoristic (Gômez de Ivashevsky 151)
< *Fj~jI~p~g,~, < Friolôn, personal name, through suffix substitution
followed by initial ciipping; cf. Lengo
LAVANC0, ALAvANc0 n. m. ‘pato bravfo’ [l4th cent.] (E! 2524), NAVANC0 n.
m. ‘id.’ [1335] (ocEcu 3 603), LLABANCU Ast. n. m. ‘cl cerdo de a 3
meses’ (Garda Oliveros 138), n. m. pi. Ast. ‘trozos de tierra compacta
que cl arado mueve cuando la tierra esté dura’ (E! 2618)
< ? DCECH derives both lavanco and navanco from nova ‘lugar pan
tanoso y despobiado’, which is aiso listed in the REW (~ 5858) as
‘Hoch- oder Tiefebene, die von Bergen eingeschlossen ist’. Lai’anco
would then be the result of dissimilation. The problem with this for
mulation js that it fails to correspond to the italian evidence, where
lavanca (but not *Ilava,?ca) means ‘canard sauvage’ (Meyer-Lûbke 1895:
2: 600), and valanga ‘frana’, is derived by Alessio/Battisti (2186) from
»*/abatica ‘id.’, relitto ligure-sicano da *Iaba ‘pietra’, cf. lat. i~rns«. The
meaning ‘stone’ also fits well with the Asturian var. Ilabancu ‘trozos de
tierra’. The problem under either of these scenarios is to exp]ain the
passage to names for animais. See also Tejero Robledo (80), who cites
several places in Avila named Lavajos < *j~4 VA CLV ‘lavadero’.
LEBINCO toponym (Oviedo) (Philipon 1906a: 7)
LEBRANCA Murc. n. f. ‘liebre joven’, ‘mujer corretera’ (Garda Soriano 142),
And. ‘Tiebre joven’ (Salvador 45)
liebre ‘hare’
LEDANcA toponym (Guadalajara) (Philipon 1906b: 284)
< ? According to Hubschmied (252), from MLat. LETUS ‘serf’.
LENGO Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez de lvashevsky 151)
< *~~frjjg,.j < Belén, personai name, by suffix substitution followed by
initial clipping; cf. Lango
LICHONGA Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez de lvashevsky 151)
Felicia, personal name, ciipped
LORANCA toponym (Guadalajara), LORANQUILLO toponym (Sant.) (Phili
pon 1906b: 284)
LUANCO toponym (Ast.) (Philipon 1906b: 284), personal name (Meyer
Li~bke 1925a:77)
42
LUNANCO RPIata n. m. ‘caballo defectuoso, que tiene un anca [haunch]
ligeramente caida’ [1817] (Guarnieri 112)
*luiiz < hua ‘haunch’ (Leon, l2th cent.) < CWNIS ‘nalga’, ‘cadera’
(DCECH 3:713)
LUPANCO personal name [1027]
— Lupus (Hubschmid 1955: 20)
LLAMINGO Ec. n. m. ‘Ilama’ (Kany 1960b: 143)
— Ilaina ‘Ilama’
LLORAMINGU Ast. n. m. ‘iloriqueo’ (Garda Oliveros 324), LL0RAMINGAR
Ast. y. intr. ‘lloriquear’ (DcE~H 3:732)
< Iloramiga, hloramica [ca. 1640] < PLÔRÂBE ‘dry ‘ + mica ‘crumb’,
‘littie bit’; cf. Ptg. chorami(’n)gas, choringa ‘id.’. DEEJI (250) proposes <
PLORAM!CÂRE ‘lioriquear’.
MAcUENc0 Col. adj. ‘desmesurado, grande’, Cub., PRico ‘flaco, débil’,
RDom. ‘inservibie’ (Neyes 352)
< From the same root as Col. macôn ‘grande, desmesurado’ (Malaret
11), cf. Cub. macuico adj. ‘raquitico, flaco’ (Neyes ibid.). DCEC’J! men
tions this word twice, 5v. macuquino (2: 745), where it is described as
being of unknown origin, and s.v. enclen que (2: 599) where it is por
trayed as a variant of ,nanclenco.
MACHANGO Can. n. m. ‘muchacho’ (Guerra 203), Cub. ‘mujer hombruna’
(Neyes 353), Hond., And. n. m. ‘mulo’ (Wagner 1944:323), MACHANGA n.
f. (rabo de) ‘planta de jardineria’, ‘denominacién de! »sexo< femenino’
(ibid.), Cnn. adj. ‘mona: chica pinturera, despreciable’ (Guerra 354),
Chu. ‘machacén’, ‘machaqueria, pesadez, importunidad’ (Neyes ibid.),
MACHARANGA Ladino n. f. ‘manoeuvre délictueuse, expédient inavoua
ble, machination’ (Nehama 334), MUCHANGO Arg. n. m. ‘designacién
peyorativa que dan al muchacho los catamarqueflos’ (Abad de Santiilan
480), MUCHARANGO Arg. ‘id.’ (Seiva 196)
— macho ‘male’ (DCEcH 3: 747 s.v. macho I); cf. Gal. muxaranga ‘ri
diculous thing’, ‘undependable person’. This is the etymon at least for
inachango, and inachanga in the meaning ‘planta’, through the com
parison of the rabo with a penis. I am unsure whether macho could also
refer to the femnie genitals, cf. Ladino macho ‘matrice, vagine, organe
féminin de la reproduction’. Machango and machanga also mean ‘mon
key’: ‘denominacién generai dci mono’ (Can., America), adj. ‘torpe’, ‘di
cese de la persona que por su fisico, modales, etc., se parece ai mono’
(Cuba), and some of the meanings here may be extensions of ‘monkey’,
including ‘female sexual organs’ (cf. Mcx. chango ‘monkey’, ‘female se
xual organs’, but compare Ladino macho ‘id.’, cited above). DCELC (3:
747) notes that macho can refer to several varieties of European ani
mais, including the ram, boar, and mule, but it seems to me that mon
keys are qualitatively different from these, besides being indigenous to
America. I therefore have my doubts whether the meanings associated
43
 MAt~ONGO RDom. adj. ‘bobo’ (Henriquez Urefia 185), MA~UNGO Chu. liy
with ‘monkey’ derive from macho. Muchango and mucharango could be
pocoristic (Oroz 17)
clipped versions of muchacho, but I consider il more likely that they are
— Manuel proper name (Oroz), with infantile palatalization (see Phar
derivatives of macho, influenced by mucha cho.
ies 1987)
MALENCO Leon. adj. ‘enfermizo’ (Iglesias Ovejero 118), r~fAIÀNGA Cub.
MARENGO And. n. m. ‘pescador, hombre de ma? (Cepas 192), And. n. m.
adj. ‘cobarde, inhébil’ (Neyes 357), MALANGO PRico adj. ‘inhâbil, torpe’,
‘jabegote, cada uno de ios hombres que tiran Ios cabos de la jâbega, red
n. m. ‘una variedad del plâtano’ (Neyes 357), MALUNCO PRico adj. ‘di
muy larga’ (si 2718), ‘Meergeruch’ (Meyer-Lûbke 1925b: 96)
cese dcl gallo o la gallina de gran tamafio’ (Neyes 359), PRico adj. ‘cha
niar ‘sea’; DcECH (3: 838)
pucero’ (Malaret 1946: 18)
MARI(A)G0RRINGO Alav. n. m. ‘marigorri, mariquita’ (Lôpez de Guerei~u
— malo ‘sick’, ‘bad’; cf. Ptg. malungo ‘companion, feilow negro slave’
109)
[l7th cent.), probably unreiated in origin
< Basque ,narigorri(’2g0) ‘id.’ (Azkue 1906: 2: 17), where gorri is the
MAMANDUNGO And. n. m. ‘tejeringo, churro [fritter]’ (VA 377), MAMINDAN
Basque word for ‘red’, and —ligo is very likely the Basque diminutive
GOS And. n. m. pI. ‘los dulces caseros de Navidad: perrunas, mantecados,
suffix (sec Chapter Four)
hojaldres, etc.’ (id., 378), MAMENCUE Arg. adj. ‘de poco ânimo, apocado’,
MARRANDANGA And. adj. ‘descuidada, sucia’ (Salvador 45)
‘aprensivo’ (Wagner 1944: 336)
inarrano ‘filthy’
— ~namar ‘to suck, nurse’
MARTINENCO Murc. adj. ‘dicese de una variedad de higos mâs pequeûos y
MANDANGA n. f. ‘pachorra, flema, tardanza, indolencia’, pi. ‘condiciones,
impertinencias’ (Et 2683), And. n. f. ‘guasa [sarcastic joke]’, ‘camastro mucho mâs tardios que ios ordinarios’ (5! 2731)
(San) MargEa »por la época en que maduran< (s,)
neria [craftiness]’ (VA 379), ‘sangre gorda [sluggard, oaf]’, »tienes mucha
MASANGO Ven. n. m. ‘abultamiento en cl cuerpo, producido pot una masa
mandanga« ‘tienes mucho cuento [you put people on]’ (Cepas 190), Nav.
muscular’ (Alvarado 163)
n. m. ‘borrachera’, »ser un mandanga< ‘5cr vago, fiojo, gandul’ (iriba
max ‘mass’
rren 331), Argot n. f. ‘tonteria’, ‘marihuana y por extensiôn droga en
MATACINGA Salv. n. f. ‘matanza’ (Rivas 92), MArANcJNGA Nic. ‘accién y
general’ (Oliver 182, Leân 103), cARMAMANDANGA Extr. n. f. ‘gazpacho
con mucho aceite y rebanadas de pan gruesas, con cl que suelen desayu efecto de rehir o pelear de que resultan heridos y muertos’ (Scavnicky
nar los campesinos’ (Murga 28, Viudas 40), adj. ‘chismoso’ (Cela 2: 195) 83)
< ? Cf. mandorro Soria adj. ‘dicese dci hombre embrutecido’, ,nando
matacia ‘slaughter’, while ,natancinga is either — ,na(aflZa ‘id.’ or
rrotear Nav. ‘mandat’ (si 2685), Gal. mandanga ‘dirty, disreputable ~vo has changed under ils influence
MATANGA Mcx. n. f. ‘rebatifia [fight]’, ‘juego infantil’, ‘golpe que se da a uno
man’, Ptg. mandongo ‘lazy person’, inandronga ‘lazy woman’; DCEcH (3:
799) says: origin unknown. -
en la mano para arrebatarle b que tiene en dIa’ (Neyes 374), MATUNGO
MANDILANDINGA n. f. Germania ‘picaresca, hampa’ [1609] (D1t45 865)
Can. adj. ‘se dice de la persona que estâ ligeramente quebrantada [weak
< mandilandin n. m. ‘criado de rufianes ode mujeres pûblicas’ (ibid.);
ened] por alguna dolencia’ (Guerra 208), Arg., Urug. adj. ‘dicese dcl
cf. DCECH (3: 828). caballo o yegua inservibles por viejos y trabajados’, Cub., PRico adj., n.
MANDINGA Amer. adj., n. m. ‘dicese de los negros en general, y en el Pcri~ m. ‘hablando de animales, desmedrado, f laco; aplicase a veces también n
de la persona que tiene algo de negro’ [I6th cent.], n. m., adj. Amer. ‘cl las personas’ (Neyes 375), adj. ‘matalôn’ (Malaret 1946: 18, Selva 212)
MATURRANGO S. Amer. adj., n. m. ‘dicese dcl mal jinete’, ‘aplicase a la
diablo’, RPiata n. m. ‘hombre vivo, astuto, experimentado’, CRica n. m.
‘hombre afeminado’, Arg. n. f. ‘brujeria’, Ven. n. f. ‘red pequefia para persona inexperta, novata’, Chu. ‘dicese de la persona pesada y tosca en
pescar’ (Neyes 363), Murc. adj. ‘baidragas [spineless, meek; mouse]’ sus movimientos’, Peru. ‘matungo’, Arg. ‘dicese dcl que no es buen ji
(Garcia Soriano 79), REMANDINGO Cub. n. m. ‘scandai, tumuit’ (Kany nete; en ci periodo de las guerras de la independencia se dio este nombre
1960b: 143), Cub. n. m. ‘correcorre’ (si 3573), (HAcERSE LA) SINGA a Ios espafloles; después se hizo extensivo a cualquier extranjero, siem
MANDINGA And. n. f. ‘hacerse la pufieta’ (Wagner 1944: 331), MACHI pre en cl sentido de inhâbil como jinete’ (Abad de Santiliân 434), MA
MONDINGA Murc. n. f. ‘pelazga, contienda’ (Garcia Soriano 78) TURRANGA n. f. ‘treta, marrulleria’ [1879], Germania ‘ramera’ (sr 2747),
< mandinga ‘name of Negro tribe in West Sudan’ (DcEcH 3:801); cf. Extr. ‘argucia, sutileza, sofisma’, pI. ‘ramera’ (Murga 119), Nav. ‘argucia,
Ptg. mandinga ‘tribe and language of Sudanese negros’, ‘witch-craft’ ardid, engafio’ (iribarren 341), Ven. n. f. ‘desorden o irregularidad ex
MANENGA Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez de Ivashevsky 151) trema’, Hond. ‘picardia, delito’, Saiy. ‘gatuperiO, embroilo’, Peru. ‘mai
— Maria Magdalena, personal name, clipped
jinete, cabalio malo y f Iaco’ (Alvarado 165)
45
44
 — inatar ‘to kil!’ and its derivatives, esp. maralôn ‘weak o!d !iorse with
many sores (mataduras)’; cf. Ptg. matungo ‘nag’, ‘wind-instrument used
by negro?, Gal. ‘nag’, ‘inferior person, animal, or thing’; DCECH (3: 879,
s.v. marungo) explains the meaning ‘ramera’ (~naturranga) as an ex
tension of ‘o!d nag’. For the semantic combination ‘swind!e’, ‘old horse’,
cf. dola,na ‘engaflo’, ‘defecto oculto de una caba!leria’. Comparative da
ta: Ptg., Gal. maturrango, PLg. Inaturrengo ‘inept horseman’, p!. ‘worth
less things’. Selva explains the connection between inatungo and main
rrango in defining the latter as an »individuo que apenas sabe andar a
caba!!o, que sô!o es capaz de montar matungos«.
MATULANGA Cub. n. f. ‘bulto grueso y por excelencia con re!acién a los
manojos de tabaco’ (Pichardo 572)
motu! Cub. ‘handfu! of tobacco’, ‘bund!e’
MAYENCO Nav. n. m. ‘crecida dcl rio a causa de! râpido deshie!o; por !o
visto, coincidia e! deshielo con cl mes de mayo’ (Iribarren 341), Arag. n.
m. ‘crecida de! ri o; aumento que experimenta e! cauda! de! Ecera du
rante mayo y parte de junio, debido a la fusién de las nieves en dias de
ca!or’ (Ba!!arin Cornel 322)
— maya ‘May’
MAYOFtENCA Nav. n. L ‘res que ha cerrado sus dientes y que pronto serA
vieja’, ‘oveja de cuatro afios en adelante’ (!ribarren 341), MAYORENCO
Rioj. adj. ‘viejo, que està cerrado de dientes (ap!icase a las reses)’ (Coi
coechea 113), MAYORENCO Arg. Lunf. adj. ‘aplicablea toda persona que
tiene mando superior: guarda de tranvia, regenta de prostibulo’ (Villa
mayor 145)
— mayor ‘o!d, older’
METENGuE Cub., PRico n. m. ‘dificu!tad’, Pkico, RDom. ‘dinero, p!ata’,
»tener mejengue« Cub., PRico ‘tener bemo!es, ser difici!’ (Neyes 378),
Cub., PRico n. m. joc. ‘dificu!tad’, PRico, RDom. ‘ta!ento’ (Ma!aret
1943: 17), MEJENGA Cent. Amer, n. L ‘borrachera’ (ibid.)
< 7 DC’E~H (4: 39n): »De un cruce de mejunje con mnerengue puede
resultar cl portorriqueflo y cubano mejengue ‘dificultad, intringulis’.«
MENDINGO Extr. adj., n. m. ‘cara dura’, ‘desoficiado, vago’ (Murga 67)
< mendigo ‘beggar’ (Murga 119)
MERENGUE n. m. ‘du!ce, por !o comûn de figura aovada, hecho con c!aras
de huevo y azûcar y cocido al homo’ [1765] (aï 2797), Argot adj. ‘de!
c!ub de fûthol Real Madrid’ (Leân 105), CoI., RDom., Ven. n. m. ‘un
baile tipico de estos paises’, Chi!., Peru, PRico ‘persona delicada de cuer
po y comp!exiôn’ (Neyes 380), Arg. Lunf. ‘jovencito que viste bien, es
educado y algo afeminado’ (Vi!lamayor 146)
< Fr. meringue ‘id.’ (ocEcli 4: 49); cf. Pig. merengue ‘id.’
MEREQUETENGUE Mcx. n. m. ‘bai!e o fiesta’ (Boyd-Bowman 118)
< mnerequetên PRico ‘riot, fight’ (E! 2797), by template elaboration
46
MESINGO Leon. adj. ‘débi!, de!icado’, ‘que afecta demasiada de!icadeza, me
!indroso’ (rnz~w 902)
MIJANCAS toponym (Pais Vasco) (Phi!ipon 1906b: 284), MLJANGOS toponym
(Burgos) (id., 285)
— inijo ‘millet’ (Hubschmied 252)
MINDANGO Murc. adj. ‘gandu! [good-for-nothing]’, ‘bigardo [lazybones]’
(Garcia Soriano 84), MINDONGO Extr. n. m. ‘se I!ama asi a un pa!o basto
[rude] y sue!e decirse: »estaba sostribao en un mindongo& (Murga 68)
< 7 Garcia Soriano secs in mindango a variant of pindanga, whi!e
DCELC (4: 477n) brings in a hypothetica! Mozarabic ref!ex of PENDÊRE:
»De un mozâr. *benga!!o saldrâ e! murc. mengajo ‘jirôn’, comp. e!
murc. mindango ‘camandulero, socarrén’, mindanguear ‘pasar !a vida
5m trabajar’, junto a !os comunes pendanga y pindonga.< li is not clear
how these exp!anations wou!d relate to mnindongo.
Mir~ANGAS Arg, Bol., Urug. n. m. pi. ‘a~icos, trizas [bits, fragmentsj’ (Ma
laret 1946: 17), MIFJANGO Arg. ‘pedazo pequeiio de cua!quier cosa’ (Vida!
340), MIF~UNGA Arg. n. f. ‘pequeûuela’ (Wagner 1944: 333)
< ? Vida!, Wagner, and Se!va (212) attempt to associate this word with n
diminutive root niin—, men—, as in menor, Inîninlo, meflique. The words
may instead be semantic derivatives of hypocoristics, as shown by the
fo!lowing two items.
MISANGUE Ven. hypocoristic (Gômez de Ivashevsky 151)
Miguel Ange!, personal name
MIR0NGA Ven. hypocoristic (Gômez de !vashevsky 151)
— Miija ‘id.’ — Herniinia, personal name
MIQUINGO Col. adj. ‘sma!l, insignificant’ (Kany 1960b: 142)
mica ‘miga’, Arag. ‘nada, poquisimo’ (Andolz 189)
MIRUÊNGANO Ast. adj. ‘se dice de un niflo flaco y demacrado’ (Cane!lada
268)
— *nhiro,?go < niirar ‘to look at’. Like Barbaringo, this apparent deriv
ative is left out of the analysis for forma! reasons: h is diachronica!ly n
derivative of —otigo, but appears to contain —engo.
MIRRANGA Cent. Amer., Col., Cub. n. L ‘pizca, migaja’ (Neyes 384).
MIRRINGO Col, n. m. and L ‘chico, rapaze!o’ (ibid.)
— ,nirra Ven. ‘pizca, migaja’ (ibid.). Likely variants, perhaps inf!ucnced
by pizca, are pirringa S. Amer. n. f. ‘pizca’ and pirringo Co!. adj. ‘pe
que~in’ (Neyes 458).
MISINGO Hond. n. m. ‘gato’ (Wagner 1944: 326)
mizo < ‘niz (mis) ‘voz que se suele emplear para Ilamar al gato’
MISTONGO Arg. Lunf. adj. ‘pobre, de poco va!or, deslucido [shabby]’ (Neyes
385)
— misto ‘mezclado, revuelto, confuso’ (Wagner 1944: 332)
MflADENCO adj. ‘dicese de! censo frumentario, que se paga en dos especies.
mitad y mitad’, n. m. ‘mezcla de trigo y centeno’, Arag. ‘gemelo’ (u
47
 2853), (PAN) MEITADENCO Nav. adj. ‘pan mitad trigo y mitad cebada’
(Iribarren 343)
— mirait ‘half’
MOCHANDANGO Ven. adj. ‘mocho, habiando dè personas’ (Alvarado 168),
MOCHITANGA Mex. n. f. ‘la mocheria, et conjunto de los mochos o ca
tôlicos; designaciân pejorativa de la clase religiosa’, adj. ‘perteneciente a
la mochitanga’ (Santamaria 730), MOCHONGO Mcx. n. m. vuig. ‘hazmc
rreir’ (Neyes 386), Chil. ‘individuo bajo, grueso y de piernas no bien
formadas’ (Oroz 264), Mex. n. m. ‘animal que no quiere trabajar’ (Ma
laret 1946: 18)
— macho adj. ‘shorn’, ‘lacking some extremity’, Mex. ‘cleric’
MOJIGANGA n. f. ‘fiesta pûblica que se hace con varios disfraces ridiculos,
enmascarados los hombres, especialmente en figuras de animales’ [ca.
1640], ‘obrilla dramâtica muy breve para hacer reir en que se introducen
figuras ridiculas y extravagantes’ (tri 2865), MUGIGANGA, MOGIGANGA
And. n. f. ‘fiesta taurina en son de burla’ (VA 407), BOJIGANGA n. f.
‘compaflia corta de farsantes, que en b antiguo representaba comedias y
autos en los pueblos pequefios’ [1603] (rn?jIE 202), MONIcANcA And. n. f.
‘mojiganga’ (vA 410), MOJINGA Cub. n. f. ‘buria, mofa’ (Neyes 387)
— voxiga ‘bladder’, var. of vejiga ‘id.’; cf. Ptg. bugiganga ‘dancing of
apes’, ‘inferior thing’, ‘fishing net’, Inogiganga ‘dance in which animal
masks are worn’, Gal. morondanga ‘masked bail’, Cat. inoLtiganga ‘id.’.
DCECE’ (4:116, under mojiganga): »la forma mAs antigua es bojiganga:
designaba primitivamente un personaje caracterizado por unas vejigas
sujetas a la punta de un palo, personaje que era tfpico de las mojigan.
gas; prob. deriv. de voxiga, var. fôn. de vejiga.< For the in— / b- varia
tion, cf. ilion— bondonga, moron— borondanga.
MOMENTININGO RDom. n. m. ‘brief moment’ (Kany 1960b: 143)
momenr(n ‘id.’ ~— mo,nento ‘moment’
MONDONGO n. m. ‘intestinos y panza de las reses, y especialmente los dcl
cerdo’ [1599], ‘los del hombre’, ‘morcilla’ (tri 2874), Extr. ‘morcilla hecha
con sangre y tocino dcl cerdo’ (Viudas 118), Murc., Hond. ‘guiso de
callos’ (Garda Soriano 85), Arag. ‘id.’ (Andolz 192), And. ‘estômago de]
cerdo’ (Garda Cotorruelo 176), Bol. ‘amasijo [dough] de afrecho [bran],
maiz y miel que se da a los caballos’, Col. vulg. ‘ârbol de frutos comes
tibles’, Guat., Mcx., PRico ‘adefesio [gaudy sight], adorno de mal gusto’,
‘la persona que b Ileva’ (Neyes 388), MONDONGA Extr. n. f. ‘morcilla
hecha con los vientres de reses menores mezclados con cl sebo grasiento
dcl cerdo’ (Viudas 118), ‘criada rûstica y grosera’ [1680], And. ‘fregatriz’
(Wagner 1944:325), MENDONGO Ast. n. m. ‘conjunto de morcillas’ (Me
néndez Garcia 179), BONDONGO n. m. ‘id.’ [16011 (vcEcu 1:488)
MORONDANGA n. f. fam. ‘mezcla de cosas inûtiies y de poca entidad
[1734]’ (s 2897), And. ‘regaho [scolding], paliza’, ‘conjunto de cosas lie
terogéneas’, ‘cosa que causa molestia’, ‘dicho vano o vacuo’ (vA 416),
48
Arg. ‘persona o cosa insignificante, 5m importancia’, »de morondanga~
Arg., lJrug. ‘de mata muerte’ (Neyes 391), MOLONDANGA Murc, n. f.
‘masa de las morciilas’ (Garda Soriano 85), MURRUNDANGA Cent. Amer.
n. f. ‘morondanga, mezcla de cosas in(itiles’, ‘Ho, embrollo’ (Neyes 397),
MEL0NDRONGO Extr. n. m. ‘tocino de cerdo, ahejo [cured]’ (Viudas 115),
B0RONDANGA And. n. f. ‘vulgar por morondanga’ (VA 96), (soPA on)
BIRONDANGO Extr. n. f. ‘sopa de tomate, pimiento, etc.’ (Viudas 22), aU
RUNDANGA Cast., Col., Cub., Peru, PRico, RDom. n. f. ‘trastajo, ma
rondanga’ [1725] (Neyes 81), Mex. ‘id.’ (Santamaria 157)
FuRRUNDANGA Nav. n. f. ‘nombre genérico que apiican a los residuos
que quedan en el recipiente donde se han hecho natillas [custard], mag
dabenas [sponge cake] y dulces, y que se dejan a bos chicos para que los
rebafien con los dedos’ (Iribarren 261), FURUNDANGA Col. n. f. ‘mo
rondanga’ (Neyes 269), FURRUNDUNGO Chil. n. m. ‘pesti~o de Tnasa de
harina’ DcECH (4: 304), FURUNGUNGO Chil. n. m. ‘rollo, masita de ha
rina, huevos batidos, leche y az(icar, de forma piramidal’ (Neyes 269),
FURUNDUNGO Chil. ‘id.’ (tri 2079)
mondo ‘free of impurities and superfluities’ — inondai ‘to clean an
object by removing ail impurities and superfluous parLs’; cf. Ptg., Gal.
niondongo ‘tripe’, ‘filthy person’, (Ptg.) ‘rag’, f. ‘woman who cieans tripe’,
Ptg. mondrongo ‘name given by Brazilians to the Portuguese’; Ptg. bur
rondanga, morondanga, Gal. moivndanga, niorendanga ‘hodge-podge’.
The two word-groups inondongo and inoivndanga have not normally
been placed together. Wagner (1944: 325) derives niondongo from mon
dar, but is unsure of morondanga, of which lie erroneously daims (332)
that it ȉhnlich ~vie mandinga, monicongo von Mittebamerika nach
Spanien verschleppt wurde,< Selva (210) agrees that inondongo < ilion
dar but secs moro ‘Moorish’ in inorondanga. The REW (~ 1205), in a
rare comment on an —ng— word, bebieves inondongo (morondanga is not
mentioned) to be a combination of the Arabic root bondoka ‘Ktigeb
chen’ (whence Sp. albôndiga) with the Basque suffix —ng—. The DC’ECH,
on the other hand, while tracing morondanga to ,nondar (4: 126: »deriv.
de inorondo o bien metâtesis de *,,io,idai.a,îga es inorondanga ‘conjunto
de cosas insignificantes’~), secs mondai as only a secondary factor in the
formably more similar mondongo (1:488: »Estâ cbaro que nos halbamos
frente a un radical band— bond— moud—, con sufijos varios. . . Las for
mas con In— se explican bien por asimibacién de una b— a la nasal
siguiente, y sébo las formas en b— se hallan en la Edad Media... Et
vocablo ha penetrado ampliamente en cat. occid. y vabenciano.<) But
according to Corominas’s own dates inondongo is cartier than bondon-
go. Comparing Vabenciano nzandocà(da), Ptg. bandôga ‘bandubio’, and
Campid. mandùgu ‘condumio, todo b que se come junto con et pan’,
Corominas concbudes: »derivan de MANDUCARE ‘comer’, con influjo se
cundario dcl sufijo —otigo (actuando después de la propagadién fonética
49
 de la nasal) e incorporaciôn secundaria a las familias de mondejo
(bondejo, bandullo) y de monda,- (puesto que hay que limpiar las tripas
para hacer el mondongo).< As for the forms in f—, the DCECI! (4:304 s.v.
orondo) wonders if Chil. furrundungo ‘pestiflo de masa de harina’ is a
derivative of orondo. In view of the meanings of the words in f—, which
include ‘morondanga’, I prefer to stress the relationship to monda,-, and
to expiain the change through phonetic (labial variation) or analogical
factors. Two more words conceivably reiated to inondongo are ,nonden
go Exir. adj. ‘holgazân, perezoso, que no quiere trabajar’ (Murga 68)
and mondingo Mex. adj., n. m. vulg. ‘dicese del caballo que da pnsos
cortos y râpidos y mueve mucho ios cuartos traseros [hindquarters] al
andar’, Mex. ‘este modo de andar del caballo’ (Neyes 388)
MONENGO Nic. n. m. and f. ‘persona rûstica, encogida, vergonzosa’
— mono ‘monkey’ (Scavnicky 82)
Mot~INGA Cub. n. f. ‘bofiiga’ (Wagner 1944: 326)
< mofliga ‘id.’, with nasal consonant epenthesis
M0RÂNGANO And. adj. pej. ‘marroquf’ (Cepas 198),
— moto ‘Moorish’
MOIUANCA Can. n. f. ‘zarzamora’ (Alvar 1959: 207); MORANCAS toponym
(Leon) (Philipon 1906b: 284, dated [987] by Minguez Fernândez § 338)
— ~nora ‘(mul)berry’; cf. Ptg. moranga, inorango ‘strawberry’. The w
ponym could belong to the previous item.
MOSTRENCO adj. ‘dicese de los bienes muebles o semovientes que por no
tener duefio se aplican al Estado’ [1287], ‘dicese de los bienes tanto
muebles como raices que carecen de dueflo conocido’, ‘dicese dcl que no
tiene casa ni hogar, ni seflor o amo conocido’, ‘ignorante o tardo en cl
discurrir o aprender’, ‘dicese del sujeto muy gordo y pesado’ (E! 2905),
Nav., And. ‘desmesurado, muy grande’ (vA 418), Ast. ‘que vive aislado,
5m familia’ (Fernândez.Cafiedo 44), MUSTRENCO Ast. adj. ‘dicese de la
persona gorda y pesada, generalmente poco activa, desidiosa’ (Cano
Gonzâlez 351), MOSTRENG0 Arag. adj. ‘ici.’ (Es 2905), MESTENCO adj.
‘mostrenco, mesteflo’ (E! 2807), MESTENGO adj. ‘mostrenco’ [1492]
(DcEcH 4: 165)
— itiesla ‘herd of stray animais of unknown owner’ X mostrar ‘to show’,
and in some cases, X monstruo ‘monster’; cf. Gal., Ptg. inostrengo ‘clum
sy, fat person’, ‘bum’, ‘worthless things’, adj. ‘shameiess’. DCECH (4: 165):
»alteracién del ant. mestengo, mesteflo o *meSte,Ico ‘perteneciente a la
mesta, o sea ai conjunto de reses de varios duefios o 5m dueflo conocido:
la alteracién se debe al infiujo dcl verbo tnost rat, por la obiigacién que
tenia cl que encontraba animales 5m duefio de hacerios manifestar por
cl pregonero o mostrenquero.< Wagner (1944:322) also appreciates this
connection. The Andalusian meaning shows the semantic admixture of
monstruo ‘monster’, which explains REW’s (~ 5665a) etymon Â1o(N)-
STJ?UM ‘monster’. Brftch (1922: 60) is far afieid with his proposai of
50
Germ. inuster ‘lively’; he reasons that if the suffix is Germanic, the root
must be too.
MORRONGO n. m. fam. ‘gato’, ‘bolsôn de piel de gato’ (E! 2899, dated 1605),
And. ‘escondite de dinero’, ‘boisa o gato dei mismo’, fam. ‘monte de
Venus [female genitals]’ (vA 416), Extr. adj. ‘torpe, terco’ (Viudas 119),
Arag. n. m. pi. ‘ilaman a los de Antillôn’ (Andoiz 194), And. ‘voz para
ilamar cl gato’ (Garda Cotorruelo 177), Mcx. n. m. and f. ‘mozo, moza,
sirviente’, ‘cigarro ordinario, que se liama también morrôn’, ‘especie de
pan en forma de rollo y cubierto de azécar’ (Neyes 391), Mex. ‘peôn,
joven que en tiempos pasados traia la comida a los mineros’ (Boyd-Bow
man 118), Arg. Lunf. n. m. ‘gato’ (Villamayor 149)
— inorro ‘kitty’; DcEcH (1:361) (s.v. arnillar) »De un cruce con ~nauIlar
vino ,nan-ullar ‘roncar (el gato)’ usado en Extr. y otras partes; de ahi los
nombres hipocoristicos dcl gato morro [1734], morroflo, Inorrongo;
murc. inorroncho ‘manso’ [Aut.].< Wagner (1944: 329) also mentions
—oiYo and iLs »variant«, but thinks Mcx. monongo ‘muchacho’ < mo
r~vnguear ‘chupar, beber’ < Inuno ‘snout’. More apt to be etymologically
independent, in my opinion, is Mex. ‘cigarro ordinario’, a likely variant
of inorrôn ‘id.’.
MORTANGÔN Leon. n. m. ‘aplicase al animal manso, de pocos brjos’ (Wag
ner 1944: 323)
— mon—, inuerto ‘dead’ (Wagner)
FvIOzANCÔN n. m. and f. ‘persona moza, aRa y fornida’ (E! 2910), Cast.
‘mozo’ (Wagner 1944: 336), MOZONGIJITO And. ‘mozuelo’ (ibid.)
— mozo ‘young (boy)’
MUCHrrANGA Cub. n. f. ‘baile popular antiguo’, PRico ‘populacho’, ‘mu
chacheria o grupo numeroso de muchachos que meten ruido’ (Neyes
394), Peru. ‘muchedumbre soez’ (Benvenutto 70)
— *,nuc/ljto — ,nucho ‘much, many’. Compare mnochitanga, from an
other source.
MunErqco Mcx. adj. ‘mudo’ (Cârdenas 103), Hond., CRica ‘tartamudo’
(Wagner 1944: 336), MUDENGO Peru. adj. ‘zonzo’ (Benvenutto 70), ‘ton
to, tartamudo’ (Seiva 206)
— mudo ‘dumb, mute’
MUJERENGO Cent. Amer. adj. ‘afeminado’ (Neyes 395)
— niujer ‘woman’; cf. Ptg. muiherengo, Gal. ~nullerengo ‘id.’
MULENGO Cub. adj. ‘mulato’ (Es 2919)
< mnulato ‘mulatto’ ÷— ,nu!o ‘mule’; 1 categorize this as a suffix substi
tution rather than a derivation, since the latter would assume that the
metaphor ‘mule’ > ‘haifbreed’ ~vas created afresh for Inulengo, an un~
iikely prospect.
MULUNcO, MULUNG0, MoLuNco Arg. adj. ‘aplicase al animal vacuno 5m
cuernos o mocho’ (Neyes 396)
< ? Could be < ,nulo.
51
 PALANGA Arag. n. f. ‘palanca’ [131h cent.], ‘puente hecho con grandes vigas
MUQUENGO Arg. adj. ‘dicese del hombre afeminado y débil’ (Neyes 396)
para atravesar un rio’ (Rohlfs 1985a: 227), BALANGO Nav. n. f. ‘pabanca’
inuca Arg., Bol., Chu, n. f. ‘maiz masticado que sirve de levadura
(Alvar 1947:285)
para la elaboracién de la chicha [maize liquor]’ (id. 394); cf. rnuquear
< palanca ‘id.’, ultimately of Greek origin; cf. Cat. palanca; DcEcH (4:
Arg. y Bol. ‘preparar la muca, masticando el maiz’ (ibid.). Confirming
348). Allen’s (16) supposition that Ptg. palanca ‘fortification made of
that weaklings may be compared to pap is Eng. inilquetoasi.
poles or stakes’ is a derivative of paio is tempting, but probably in
MUSICANGA Cub. n. f. ‘mûsica ratonera’ (Neyes 397)
correct.
— nuisica ‘music’
PANCITINGO Salv. n. m. ‘belly’
NADADORENQUE Peru. (Hildebrandt 204), undefined, but derived from
— pancito ‘id.’ < panza ‘id.’ (Kany 1960b: 143)
— nadador ‘swimmer’
PANDINGO Bol. adj. ‘Ilano, de poco fondo, dicese también pando’ (Neyes
NARANCO toponym (Ast., Sant.) (Philipon 190Gb: 284), NARANCUS MONS
425), Arg. ‘id.’ (Wagner 1944: 336)
toponym (Oviedo) [875] (ibid.)
.- panda ‘id.’
NIANGO Mex. adj. ‘quisquilloso’ (Neyes 402)
PAPENCO n. m. ‘papanatas’ (HI 3132, dated l7th cent.)
— nido ‘nest’; cf. niada n. f. Ast. ‘nidada’, niai n. m. [l7th cent.] ‘nidal’,
nialar Leon. y. tr. ‘formar un nidal’, ‘incubar un nidal’ (Et 2973), Ast. papa ‘pap’
PARLANGA Extr. n. f. ‘charla’ (Viudas 131), Leon. ‘id.’ (Lamano 563)
aniar y. intr. ‘anidar, anidar’, ‘abrigar, acoger’ (E! 365). The image is of a
.~— parlar ‘to talk’; cf. pairar Leon. ‘hablar’ (Lamano 560), Ptg. parienga
person seen as a spoiled »nestling«.
‘grandiloquent speech’, ‘argument’
N0ANCA Leon. toponym [961] (Minguez Fernândez 191)
PASTENCO adj. ‘aplicado a la res recién destetada que se echa al pasto’ (Es
NÔNGANO Argot adv. ‘no’ (Seco 442)
— no, where —ôngano is a variant of —ongo, cf. puténgana, etc.
3169), Arag. ‘id.’ (Alvar 1953: 274).
— pasta ‘pasture’
!~ATUNGO Arg. hypocoristic (VidaI 344)
PATANGAS CRica n. m. ‘persona que tiene un vicio en la conformacién de
— Rata, personal name
0BRANCA toponym (Leon) (Lôpez Santos 25) los pies o de las piernas, patuleco’ (Neyes 434), PATULENCO Guat. adj.
< ? Probably from obra ‘work’, ‘works’. ‘patuleco [lame]’ (Neyes 436), PATULENQUE Cub. adj. ‘patuleco’ (ibid.)
OUANCU Ast. n. m. ‘ave de rapifla’, ‘tela que no tiene recto e! bib de la pata ‘foot (of an anima»’; for the interf ix —u!— sec Malkiel (1958)
urdimbre’ (Garda Oliveros 138) PAULENCO toponym (Granada) (Philipon 1906a: 7)
< ? Perhaps a local devebopment of PÂBJLUM ‘feed’, cf. Sp. apaularse
OJANCO ‘cicbope’ [1726], Cub. ‘pez del mar de ojos grandes’ (E! 3030), OJAN
cos And. n. m. pi. ‘ojos grandes y saltones’ (vA 434), 0JÂNCANO Sant. ‘to feed’ < pABULÂRI (DcELc 4: 596, s.v. poliila)
‘cklope’ (Wagner 1944: 336), JUÂNCAN0 Sant. ‘id.’ (Gonzâiez Cam PAYENGO Leon. adj. ‘vecino de BI Payo’ (Iglesias Ovejero 105)
— Paya toponym
puzano 116), 0JANCLO Leon. ‘id.’ (Smnchez Sevilla 168)
PECHELINGUE n. m. ‘pirata de mar’ [16th cent.] (DRAE 1030), PIcHILINGUE,
010 ‘eye’
OSANGO toponym [952] (Nav.) (Hubschmid 1955: 19) pEcHaINGuE ‘id.’ (DcEcn 4: 529)
PACHANGO Chil. adj. ‘pachacho [chubby]’, Cub. ‘calmoso [sluggish, calm]’, < Viissingen, Dutch city; cf. Ptg., Gal. pechelingue ‘id.’
‘pachorrudo [indolent]’ (Neyes 417), PACHANGA Arg. adj. ‘cansado, cx PEDANGO, (A) Ladino adv. phr. ‘â toute vitesse’ (Nehama 420),
tenuado’ (ibid.), Mcx. ‘fiesta, alboroto’ (Cârdenas 102), Ven. ‘desmayo, PEDANKYON Ladino n. m. ‘tout jeune garçon, prétentieux, qui se mêle
ataque nervioso’ (Alvarado 181) d’émettre son avis devant des personnes d’âge, d’expérience’ (id., 421)
— pedar Ladino ‘to fart’ (ibid.); cf. Eng. 11111e fart ‘a bothersome youth’
— pacho Cent. Amer., Chu. adj. ‘regordete, rechoncho, bajo’; Cent.
Amer. ‘chato [snub, blunt]’; DCECH (4: 332 s.v. pachôn), Scavnicky (77). PEDRANCA Ast. n. f. ‘juego de niflos con cinco piedras pequefias’ (Cano
Lenz (1905—10: § 985) says the most likely etymon is pato ‘duck’. Gonzâlez 375)
— piedra ‘stone’
PAJARANCOS toponym (Avila) (Tejero Robledo 31)
— pajar ‘straw loft’; cf. Pajares, top., which, along with the fact that PELADINGA Bol, n. f. ‘diminutivo de pelada mujer’, ‘mujer del puebbo’,
Tejero Iists Pajarancos as a toponym of »uti1idad~<, indicates that this is ‘manceba’ (Fernândez Naranjo 96), PELÂNGANO Argot undefined
probably not < pdjanv ‘bird’. (Néfiez Fernândez 106), PELENCO Guat., Hond. adj. ‘caballo viejo y a-
pALANDANGO And. n. m. ‘chiquichanca, mandadero de un cortijo’ (VA 444) rruinado’ (Scavnicky 81), PELONGO Col. adj. ‘polIo que adn no es volan
< ‘1 Could be related to the next item. tôn’ (Neyes 440), Mcx. ‘pelôn, de pelo corto’, ‘implume, hablando de
53
52
 1!
aves’ (Santamaria 827)
— pela ‘hair’ and derivatives; cf. Ptg. pelanca ‘young sparrow’
PELINDANGOS Bxtr. n. m. pi. ‘pingajos de la manta de hierro o de trapo’
(Viudas 132), PELLARANCA Leon. n. f. ‘pellejo’ (Igiesias Ovejero 118),
PELLINGA.J0 Chu. ‘estropajo’ (Oroz 262)
— pie! ‘skin’ and pellejo, where the latter two in pet!— are cases of suffix
substitution; cf. Ptg. pelanga, pelhanca(s) ‘soft, hanging skin’, ‘emacia
ted or wrinkled flesh’, Cat. pellanga ‘tail skinny person’, ‘tau boy’, ‘stu
pid, lazy woman’, ‘tau, grouchy person’, pelleranga ‘lazy woman’, pelle
ringo ‘piece of meat that is mostly skin’, ‘rag, tatter’, ‘hidden defect’,
(inf.) ‘penis’.
PENDANGA n. f. ‘en cl juego de quinolas, la sota de oros’ [1726], ‘ramera’
[1726] (n 3206), Extr. ‘mujer poco trabajadora’ (Viudas 133), Leon.
‘mujer perdida’ (Alonso Garrote 288), PENDANGIJES Ast. n. m. pI. ‘nu
barrones’ (Garcia Oliveros 141), PENDANGO PRico adj., n. m. and f.
‘cobarde’, Cub. n. m. ‘hombre afeminado’ (Neyes 442); cf. Ptg. pendanga
‘argument’, Gal. pendanga ‘tau, awkward woman’, ‘slut’
PINDONGO Arag. adj. ‘persona callejera’ (Andolz 222), Extr. ‘haragén,
que desatiende b suyo y se mezcla en los asuntos de los demés’ (Murga
75), PINDONGA n. f. fam. ‘mujer caliejera’ [1843] (E! 3280), Argot ‘pros
tituta’ (Oliver 240), ‘mujer callejera o amiga de ir de un sitio a otro en
vez de estar haciendo las cosas de su casa’ (Marun Marti n 223), Extr.
‘persona callejera’ (Murga 75), Arg. Lunf. ‘testiculo’ (Villamayor 162),
ESPINDONGADO And. adj. ‘crecido, alto, estirado’, adj. ‘persona atrevida’
(VA 264), (HABLAR CON) REPINDONGO Arag. n. m. ‘hablar con retintin
[sarcasm], con intencién de mortificar’, var. repindoneo (Andolz 244),
REPINDONCO Arag. n. m. ‘como »repindongo«’ (ibid.), PINDANGA Arag.
adj. ‘mujer ociosa y callejera’ (id., 221), PINDANGAS n. f. ‘patas de los
bueyes’ (ibid.), Mex. ‘mujer callejera’ (Santamaria 853)
PERENDENGTJES n. m. pi. ‘pendientes’ [1726], sg. ‘cualquier otro adorno
mujeril de poco valor’, ‘moneda de veilôn, con valor de cuatro mara
vedis’ [1611] (n 3222), Argot n. m. pi. ‘testicuios’, ‘problemas, compli
caciones’, »echarle perendengues« ‘atreverse, tener valor’, »tiene pe
rendengues la cosa o el asunto< ‘exclamacién con que se pondera b
desagradable o dificultoso de aquello a que se refiere’ (Oliver 233), Extr.
n. m. ‘adorno colgante’ (Murga 74), Extr. pi. ‘pendientes, y en generat,
alhajas de las mujeres’, ‘testicubos’ (Viudas 133), Col. n. m. ‘chiquitin’
(Neyes 444), PELENDENGUES Nav. n. m. pi. ‘nombre que dan al par de
cerezas cuyos cabos o rabos esuin unidos’, ‘monserga [nuisance], im
pertinencia’ (Iribarren 405), Murc. n. f. ‘perendengue’ (Garda Soriano
97), Arag. n. m. pi. ‘ôrganos sexuales masculinos’, »tener muchos PC.
lendengues una cosa« ‘5cr enojosa, dificultosa’ (Andolz 215), Rioj. n. m.
‘dobie ramito de cerezas o guindas’ (Goicoechea 129), Sant. pI. ‘requi
brios, dificultades o acciones no gratas’ (Sânchez Llamosas 162),
54
PERENDENGA Ast. n. f. ‘pendiente’ (Garcia Oliveros 228); cf. Ast. pe
rendeca ‘whore’, Gal. perendengue, perindengue ‘pendant’
PENDINGUE (T0MAR EL) y. phr., fam. ‘tomar cl pendu’ (Es 3206), Extr.
n. m. ‘equipaje de los que se embarcan’ (Murga 74), Rioj. »coger ci
pendingue< ‘accién de marcharse’ (Goicoechea 130), Sant. ‘id.’ (Sénchez
Llamosas 162), Arag. ‘id,’ (Baliarin Cornel 376), PENDENGUE Nav. n. m.
‘id.’ (iribarren 407), PINDINGUE Murc. n. m. fam. ‘id.’ (Garda Soriano
100)
— pender ‘to hang’. DŒCH (4: 476) associates pendanga and pindonga
(whose »i se deberâ al influjo de pingo o de pidôn«) with pende’, and
posits an unnecessary stage *pendere,igue (sec Pharies 1986: 119) for
perendengue. Corominas cails pendingue an »alteracién de pendiiz (ta
niar el pendin, ast.), por influjo de candi! (en la frase toinar e! candi!
‘irse a la cama’, pendit ‘candil’ en Andj<, but in my view pendingue is
just as iikely to be an independent creation on the basis of pender.
PERÀZANCAS toponym (Burgos, Sant.) (Philipon 1906b: 284)
— peraza ‘pear from a grafted stem’ (Hubschmied 252)
PERLANGA Alav. n. f. ‘alza mdvii sobre las presas de ios moiinos’ (Lépez de
Guerehu 128), PERLINDANGO Ast. n. m. ‘antiguo baile mujeril en rueda
giratoria’ (Garcia Oliveros 141)
< ? in form related to the next item, these words’ meanings suggest a
relation to pender.
PERLENGUE Sant. n. m. ‘bacaladilla, lino; pez marino, de carne blanca’
(Sânchez Llamosas 163)
perla ‘pearb’, from the pearl-white color of the fish
PERLINGO Ladino adj. ‘agité, désordonné, pris de bougeotte [fidgetyl’, »irse
por perlingo« ‘aller à l’aventure’ (Nehama 429)
PERRANCO And. adj. (sic) ‘aumentativo de perro’, ‘persona floja’ (VA 474),
PERRANGA Extr. n. f. ‘hantera, liantina’ (Viudas 134), Leon. ‘Ibanto,
acompa~ado de gritos, que coge un ni~o, cuando se enfada y encoleriza
por verse contrariado en algûn antojo’ (Lamano 572), PERRÂNGAN0 n.
m. ‘wretched or biasted dog, hound or mongrel’ (Gooch 253, Wagner
1944: 323), PERRENGA Extr. n. m. and f. ‘persona traviesa y caprichosa’
(Viudas 134), pERRENGUE n. m. fam. ‘ci que con faciiidad y vehemencia
se enoja’ [ca. 1640] (n 3239), ‘el niflo que se emperra con facilidad’
(Wagner 1944: 336), Nav. ‘patatûs, soponcio’, ‘sustancia principal o in
terior de un objeto’ (»A esa aceitera se le sobra ci perrengue [aceite])<
(iribarren 409), Bxtr. ‘valentia, fuerza, osadia’ (Viudas 134), And. ‘canta
rillo de barro cocido para llevar vino’, ‘perrera o Ibantina de chiquilbo’
(VA 474-5), PERRINGALLO Arag. n. m. ‘trapo viejo, mengajo’ (Buesa Obi-
ver 1963: 26)
— perro ‘dog’; cf. perra ‘tantrum’, Ptg. perrengue —o ‘impotent, coward
ly’. DCLV!! (4:501) mentions perrengue oniy.
55
PICHANGA Col. n. f. ‘rustic broom’ (Kany 1960b: 141)
< Quech. pichana ‘broom’ (Kany); probably unrelated is Chu. pichanga
n. f. ‘término usado en cl juego de dados’, ‘nombre de un juego de
naipes’, ‘fiesta hogarefla, con canto y baile que se celebra con ocasién de
un cumpleaflos, etc.’ (Oroz 263)
PICHANG0 Chu, n. m. ‘picho, perro’ (Oroz 263)
— picho ‘dog’
PICHILINGO Mex. n. m. and f. ‘chipilingo, niflo de muy corta edad’ (Neyes
450)
< pichitin And. adj. ‘chipilin, chiquitin’ (VA 482). Santamaria (846) says
< Aztec piciligi2e ‘hacerse menudo b que era grueso’, and adds pichi
Iingui ‘pato silvestre’.
PICHIRONGA Arag. n. f. ‘clase de juego de naipe parecido al Lute’ (Ferraz y
Castén 87), (A LA) Arag. adv. phr. ‘hecho de cualquier manera, 5m es
mero, al desdén’ (Andolz 220), PICHELONGA Arag. n. f. ‘juego de cartas;
hay una carta maldita con la que nadie quiere quedarse’ (ibid.), mcm
GONGA Arag. n. f. ‘pichiionga, juego’, ‘la sota en dicho juego’ (ibid.)
PICHONGA1 Arg. hypocoristic (Vidai 344)
— Picho personal name < Petrona
PICHONGA2 Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez de lvashevsky 152)
Sitnplicia, personai name
PICHORRONDONG0 Nav. n. m. ‘nombre que apbican a las personas a las que
se quiere mucho —— suelen decir las madres a sus pequeûos’ (Jribarren
413)
< pichorrondôn Nav. ‘id.’ (ibid.), by template modification — Nav. pi
chorro ‘pitorro’ (ibid.)
PILONGO adj. ‘dicese del que es extremadamente alto y flaco’ [1625], ‘en
algunas partes aplicado al beneficio eclesiâstico destinado a personas
bautizadas en ciertas pilas’ (DRAF 1025), Extr. n. m. and f. ‘cl niflo re
cogido, hospiciano [inmate of orphanage]’ (Murga 75), Rioj. adj. ‘bau~
tizado en una parroquia determinada’ (Goicoechea 133), PILONGA Extr.
n. m. and f. ‘persona tonta’ (Viudas 136), (cAsTAr’~A) PILONGA n. f. ‘la que
se ha secado al humo y se guarda todo el aflo’ (muE id.), Ast. n. f.
‘mayuca [chestnut stili edible in May] cocida’ (Garcia Oliveros 385),
(cAsTAF~A) PIRLONGA And. adj. ‘castaûa pilonga’ (VA 490), PILINGuT Ar~
got n. f. ‘prostituta’, »ser una mujer un poco pilingui~ ‘acceder con
facilidad a tener relaciones sexuales’ (Oliver 239), PILANCu Ast. n. m.
‘atolladero’ (Garcia Oliveros 138, si 3273, dated 1574), Leon. ‘tropiezo,
obstéculo, apuro’ (Abonso Garrote 292), mLANco Alav. n. m. ‘abreva~
dero, pila donde bebe cl ganado’ (Lépez de Guereiiu 131), PILANcÔN
Peru. n. m. ‘fontaine’ (Corominas 1943: 582)
— pila ‘basin’, ‘baptismal font’; cf. Ptg. pilonga ‘dried chestnut’, ‘type of
grape’, pilungo ‘old nag’, ‘emaciated person’. ocscn (4: 543, pila I).
regarding pilongo: »probablemente cl sentido primitivo fue ‘pertene
56
ciente a la parroquia o pila’, ‘mantenido por la parroquia’, aplicado par
ticularmente a los expésitos, y de ahi ‘flaco, macilento’«. DRAE suggests
< *pJj~Øf4ftJ(J~5
PING0R0NGO Extr. adj. ‘empinado [erect], alto’ (Murga 76), Mcx. ‘peyora
tivo de pico’, ‘en Tabasco, pico irregular y mal hecho’ (Santamaria 853)
< ? DcECH (4:525, s.v. pico): »Picorota, picuruta salm. ‘b mâs alto de
una torre’ X pingano ‘rnontaûa de cima puntiaguda’, salm. pingaro
‘cumbre’(< pingar) > pingorote ‘punta’ [1899], salm. pingorota ‘id.’ y
sus derivados pingorotudo [1735, Au!.], y empingorotado [1735, Aut.,
donde se habla también de un ‘juego de los muchachos, Ilamado el
pingorongo’]; (se trata de un mero derivado con sufijo compuesto, como
cl de penderengue = perendengue, de petzder).~
PIRINENCO Arag. adj. ‘pirenaico’ (Nagore 182)
— Pirineo ‘Pyrenees’
T’JPIRR3PINGO Alav. n. m. ‘mariquita’, ‘amapola’ (Lépez de Guerefiu 131)
pipirripi ‘poppy’ (lribarren 401), with semantic extension due to the
formaI similarities between poppy flowers and butterflies. Harder to
explain are the variants pipirritingo (ibid.) and bihirriringo (p. 32).
PIRIPING0 Alav. adv. ‘en cuclillas’ (Lépez de Guereflu 132)
< ? Cf. Nav. ponersepiripi ‘achisparse’ (Iribarren 419)
PIRONGO Extr. adj. ‘bueno, sano’ (Viudas 137)
POCHONGA1 Chu, n. f. ‘mentira, embuste, pocha’ (Neyes 464)
— pocha Chu, n. f. ‘mentira, embuste’ (ibid.)
POCHONGA2 Arg. hypocoristic (VidaI 344)
— Pocha, personal name
POLANCO toponym (Sant.) (Meyer-Liibke 1925a: 77)
< ? Perhaps related to Paulenco.
POLINGO Ven. hypocoristic (Gémez de lvashevsky 152)
— Apolinar, personal name; cf. Poli < Apolinaria
POLLANCÔN n. m. and f. ‘polIo y poila de mayor tamaflo’ (mus 1046)
polio ‘chicken’; cf. Cat. poilanc ‘fast-growing shoot’
< POPULUS
POPENCO Arag. n. m. ‘cria de yegua que »pope<’ (Ballari n Cornel 396)
— popé Arag. y. tr. ‘chupar la teta, mamar, tetar’ (ibid.)
POQUININGO RDom. adv. ‘poco’ (Henriquez Urefia 193)
— *poqu(n ‘id.’ — poco ‘littbe, not much’
POTENCO n. m. ‘perro’ [1064] (DcEcIl 4: 586), Arag. ‘estéril’ (Alvar 1953:
274, Kuhn 213), PODENCO n. m. ‘perro’ [1120] (DcEcH ibid.), adj. ‘dicese
dcl perro sumamente sagaz y âgib para la caza’ [l4th cent.], Nav. ‘dfcese
comb insulto dcl individuo calmudo, cachazudo’ (s, 3329) ‘basset
[hound]’ [1220, Campé] (Aebischer 1949: 13), POTENGO [1042], PODENGO
‘perro’ [1120] (both DCECFI ibid.)
< ? Cf. Ptg. podenco, —engo ‘rabbit dog’, ‘servile folbower’, Prov, podenc
‘dog’. ncscn lists aIl these words as of unknown origin, specubating that
57
 they might be Germanic (on the basis of Oie suffix), or cisc pre-Roman.
REW (~ 6698) posits *PonNcus ‘tracker dog’.
POTINOLIE n. m. fam. ‘cualquier bebida de botica’ [1843] (nI&tE 1093)
< Cat. potinga, —go, —gue ‘brew, concoction’; DCEC» (1: 642, s.v. bote).
This is not precisely Corominas’ conclusion, but I sec no reason to posit
paraliel derivation in Spanish and Catalan. The morpheme is noticeably
more vigorous in Catalan, judging form the variant in -ingo.
POTRÀNCA n. f. ‘yegua que no pasa de tres afios’ [1492] (~i 3369), And. n. f.
‘palo que atraviesa horizontalmente, dândole consistencia, el borriquete
para asserar’ (vA 503), POTRANcO And. adj. ‘mujer marimacho’ (ibid.),
RPlata n. m. and f. ‘equino de I a 3 ahos’ (Neyes 468), PournÀNco Arag,
‘id.’ [1435], POLTRANGA Arag. ‘id.’ [1361] (DcEcu 4:628)
— porro ‘colt’ [939] (DcEcn), OSp. polira [924]; cf. OGal. po!dranco
[I3th cent.], Ptg. potranco ‘colt less than three years old’, Cat. poiranc
POZANCO n. m. ‘pozo que se cia en las orillas de los nos’ [1879] (w 3371),
POZANCAL n. Sant. ‘lugar cenagoso’ (ibid.), toponym (Avila) (Meycr.
Lflbke 1925a: 77, Tejero Robledo 119), POZANCu Ast. n. m. ‘bache [po
thole]’ (Fernândez Caûedo 43), P0zANcÔN Arg. ‘id.’ (DcELc 4: 629), p0-
duANco Arag. n. m. ‘pozo pequeflo de agua corriente’ (Buesa Oliver
1963: 15), POZANCLO Leon. ‘Id.’ (Sânchez Sevilla 168)
— pozo ‘well’, ‘pit’, ‘deep place in a river’; cf. Ptg. poçanco, Gal. pozanco
‘small well’, ‘puddle’. Additional items, which however may be attribu
table to Basque txi/o ‘hoyo pequeflo’ and zi!anga ‘hoyuelo’, or to a com
bination of Basque and Spanish elements, include And. pocilanco n. m.
‘charco hondo’ (Salvador 45), cilanco n. m. ‘charco que deja un ri o en la
orilla al retirar sus aguas o en cl fondo cuando se ha secado’ (~i 1061),
And. clii!anca n. f, ‘poza o charco de agua donde rebalsa un manantial’
(Hubschmid 1955: 25).
PRADENCU Asi. n. m. ‘aplicase al animal no acostumbrado a la estabula
cién’ (Fernândez Ca~edo 44)
— prado ‘meadow, field’
PROCINDANGA And. n. f. ‘regaflo, filipica’ (VA 507)
< proceso, procedimienso ‘trial’, sec Pharies (1986: 234)
PUDINGA n. f. (geol.) ‘conjunto aglomerado de almendrilla [gravel]’ (DRAP
1118)
< Eng. pudding (stone) ‘id.’ (DcEcH 1:687). Wagner (1944:335) agrees,
but posits the intermediacy of Fr. poudingue ‘id.’; cf. Cat. pudinga ‘ici.’,
PurANGA Argot n. f. ‘puta’ (Nâflez Fernândez 64), PUTÂNGANA Argot n. f.
‘prostituta o mujer libertina’ (Martin Martin lxix)
— putts ‘whore’; cf. Gal. putango ‘Id.’.
PuxAr4coNEs toponym (Leon, crestones muy agudos) (Alvarez 188)
puxar dial., pujar ‘b struggle against obstacles’
58
QuERINDANGO n. m. and f. ‘amante, quenido o quenida’ (And. [VA 516],
Cast. [Gooch 253, dated l9th cent.], Ast. [Cano Gonzâlez 413]), QUE
RENDANGO n. m. and f. ‘id.’ (~t 3465), QUERIDANGO Cub. n. m. and f, ‘ici.’
(pi 3466), QUERINDONGO Argot n. m. and f. ‘id.’ (Cliver 259), QUE
RENDONGA Extr. n. f. fam. ‘querida, barragana, concubina’ (Murga 78)
— queriendo ‘loving’ — querer ‘to love’, cf. Gal. querindango ‘ici.’, as
well as the forms listed by DCEC!-! (4:718): Querendôn, Gal. querendoso.
For some reason Corominas fecls that querindango requires an analo
gical explanation: »por cruce con ~naturranga (< *que,.idango) y pro
pagacién de nasale
REALENGO adj. ‘aplicase a los pueblos que no son de sefiorio ni de las
ôrdenes’, ‘dicese de los territorios pertenecientes al estado’, Gran. ‘que
no hace caso de nadie’, Col., PRico, Ven. ‘vago, desocupado’, Mcx., PRi
co ‘vago, desocupado’, n. m. obsol. ‘patrimonio real’ [I3th cent., Alfonso
X] (DRAP 1108, lii 3520), And. ‘alcurnia’, ‘sendero o camino especial’
(Cepas 273), REALENGA And. ‘mujer que (sic) le gusta la »marcha< [pa
liza con motivo amatoriosexual], masoquista’ (Cepas 273), Amer. ‘ga
bela, ocioso, sin gravamen’ (Selva 207), REALENCO Cast. adj. ‘ici.’ [1300]
(DcEdH 4:900), And. adj. ‘realengo, contrapuesto a morisco’ (VA 527)
— rets! ‘royal’; cf. Ptg., Gal. rea/engo, reguengo, regalengo ‘id.’, Cat.
reialenc ‘ici.’ (DcEcH 4: 900). Judging from Oie Gai.-Ptg. varïants, this
word was formed at Oie proto-stage, from an etymon REGÂLENGU.
REcA-rANG0 Arg. Lunf. n. m. ‘cl individuo pobre, infetiz y sin mayores
alcances’ (Villamayor 171)
< ? Possibly related to recala ‘prudence’.
REGORDENCO Arag. adj. ‘regordete’ (Ballarin Cornel 421)
— regordo ‘very fat’
RELANGO Ast. adj. ‘dicese dcl terreno compuesto de barro y guijo’ (DRAP
1167), RELENGO Ast. adj. ‘ici.’ (s 3570), RELONGA Leon. adj. ‘dicese ciel
canto rodado o piedra cuya superficie es redondeada y lisa, siendo su
forma oblonga’ (Alonso Garrote 308)
< 7 Cf. Ptg. re!engo ‘moderation, caution’. DRAP says (bis isa variant of
realengo, as though royal lands tended to be of poor quality, an unlikely
prospect. DCECH (4:475) mentions relengo only briefly under penco in
the discussion of —enco, —engo.
ItELINGA n. f. ‘cada una de las cuerdas o sogas en que van colocados los
piomos y conchos con que se calan y sostienen las redes en cl agua’ [lSth
cent.], (mar.) ‘cabo con que se refuerzan las onillas dc las velas’ (DRAP
1167)
< ra/inga [1493] ‘id.’ < Fr. ralingue [l2th century] ‘ici.’ < OLG rô/î/c ‘ici.’
(DcPcn 4:868); cf. Cat. ralinga ‘ici.’
REPANTINGARSE Arag. y. refl. ‘seule down’, ‘loti, sprawl out’ (Andolz 245),
RESPANDINGARSE Arag. ‘ici.’ (ibid.)
< repantigarse [1517] < *REPANTICARE < PAÎ’JTICP ‘tripe’, ‘belly’
(DcPcH 4:379)
59
RESTINGA And. n. f. ‘parte de la mar cercana a la costa, donde las aguas no
alcanzan una profundidad mayor de los 140 metros’ [1492] (Cepas 276)
< ? Perhaps from Eng. rock string (DcEcH 4: 888); cf. Ptg. restinga
‘shelf, reef’ [1540]
RICONCA5, (A) Rioj. adv. phr. ‘a hombros, a las gigantillas’ (Goicoechea
149)
RINGORRANGO n. m. fam. ‘rasgo de pluma exagerado e inûtil’, fig., fam.
‘cualquier adorno superfluo y extravagante’ [1735] (DRésE 1190)
< some intermediate stage of Frk. liring ‘ring, circle’, e.g., ringlera ‘line
of things’, dngtera ‘fines on ruled paper’, cf. Cat. ringo-rango ‘side-to
side movement’
RINGuNDANG0 Leon. n. m. ‘alamar [adornment]’, ‘cintajo’, ‘adorno de mal
gusto, que suelen emplear en las prendas mujeriles’ (Lamano 618)
— ringofrrango) ‘id.’, with possible influence of dingolondango ‘pendu
lar movement’ (as of tassels and earrings). DCECh’ (5:19) mentions Leon.
ringundango under rigodôn [rigadoon], of unknown origin.
ROANGA And. n. f. ‘aro que emplean los nifios para jugar’, ‘rueda (coche)’
(vA 551), REANGA n. f. ‘aro para jugar los flifios’ (Viudas 147)
< ? The variant makes apheresis of ara an unlikely hypothesis.
ROMANCO5 toponym (Guadalajara) (Meyer-Lflbke 1925a: 77)
ROMA ‘Rome’; Meyer-Lûbke, departing from RÔMÂNOS, notes that
*R0MANANc0s would be expected.
ROPILINDANGO And. adj. ‘astroso, desaseado’ (VA 555)
— ropa ‘clothes, with the intervention of both templates mentioned at
the beginning of this chapter
RLJBIANC0 And. adj. ‘muy rubio’ (vA 557), RUBIANcA And. adj. (sic) ‘rubia’
(Cepas 279)
rubio ‘blond’
RULENCO Chil. adj. ‘concerniente o relativo al rulo’ (s 3667), Chil. adj.
‘raquitico’ (Malaret 1946: 11), RULENG0 Chil. adj. ‘raquitico’, ‘dicho de
caballos, lunanco’ (Neyes 500), Chil. n. m. ‘animal torcido, mal desa
rrollado, caballo lunanco’ (Selva 206)
— rulo Chil. n. m. ‘secano, tierra de labor 5m riego’ (s ibid., Lenz 1902:
§ 1281) is the etymon of the first meaning. The others probably have
separate origins, though Lenz does not come to grips with this problem.
RUCIANGO Chil. adj. ‘peyorativo de rucio’ (Oroz 263)
— rucio ‘gray, gray-haired’, ‘donkey’
SALACENCO Nav. adj. ‘natural dcl valle de Salazar’, ‘concerniente o relativo
a este valle’ (s 3686)
— Salazar toponym, clipped
SALOBRENCO Arag. adj. ‘salobre [salty]’ (Menéndez Pidal 1952b: 234), ‘que
tiene salobre’ (Aebischer 1949: 21)
— salobre ‘salty’
60
SANDUNGA n. f. fam. ‘gracia, donaire, salero’ [1849], Col., Chil., PRico ‘ja
rana, jolgorio, parranda’ (rnt4E 1218), Extr. ‘puntilla [lace] pequefia, de
picos redondos, haciendo ondas, que sirve de adorno en las ropas y
vestidos’ (Viudas 156), Arag. ‘gallardia en cl manejo dcl cuerpo, donaire’
(Ballarin Cornel 448), Arg., Chu., Pkico ‘gracia, donaire’, ‘jarana, jol
gorio, parranda’ (Neyes 508), ZANDuNGA Mcx. n. f. ‘cancién popular,
mûsica y baile dcl folklore mexicano’ (ibid.), Cub. n. f. ‘garbo [grace],
gracia’ (Pichardo 704)
< ? According to DOscîr (5: 150), of unknown origin
SAPENCO n. m. ‘caracol terrestre con rayas pardas transversales’ (s 3712)
— sapa ‘f rog’ (DdscH 5: 158)
5ARANG0 Pkico n. m. ‘sarampiôn’ (Wagner 1944: 326)
< sarampiôn ‘measles’, where derivation is preceded by an odd clipping
of the root, more drastic than is usual in suffix substitution. Selva (206)
inserts a curious remark: »por apécope sara + ango que quita im
portancia a esta enfermedad«.
SARLLERENC0 Arag. adj. ‘cerlereflo, vecino de Cerler’ (Rohlfs 1985a: 281)
— Sarlier, var. of Cerler, toponym
SEffiNGO Cub. n. m. ‘secreciân producida por cl desaseo de los ôrganos
genitales del hombre’ (Wagner 1944:324)
sebo ‘id.’
SELLENCA n. f. ‘la ramera que espera sentada en cl burdel’ [1607] (DcEcH 2:
21)
— OSp. siella ‘silla’
SELLENCO adj. ‘estrafalario, estrambôtico’, ‘caracteristico, especial, raro’
[1738] (s 3736), Sant. adj. ‘caracteilstico, propio’ (»con la gracia sellenca
dcl lenguaje pescaderil«) (Sânchez Llamosas 188)
— sella ‘seal’
sEr~oRONGA Argot n. f. ‘seflora ridicula’ (Nâfiez Fernéndez 64), SEF4ORI-
TANGO Arag. adj. (sic) pej. ‘sefiorito’ (Andolz 257), SII1URITANGu Asi.
‘id.’ (Cano Gonzélez 457), SE&ORmNG0 n. m. and f. ‘id.’ (s 3748), 5E-
R0RITINGA Extr. n. f. ‘presumida, que hace alardes de elegante en sus
ruodos’ (Murga 86)
— seflora ‘lady’, —ho ‘Little Lord Fauntleroy’
SEF’TIMANCA toponym (Arag.) (Philipon 1906b: 284), 5IMANCAS toponym
(Vallad.) (id.)
SEPTIMU ‘seventh’
5ERENOLENGuE Arag. n. m. ‘ajetreo [rush, bustle]’ (Rohlfs 1985a: 285)
S~NGUILINDANGo And. n. m ‘cosa baladi, 5m importancia’ (VA 577), cwi~
GUILINDANG0 n. m. ‘pija’, SINGUILANDINGO And. n. m. ‘cosa baladi’
(Wagner 1944:335)
— singar, cingar ‘to scull’, ‘to fuck’, chingar ‘to fuck’ (sec Zamora). A
strong concomitant factor was evidently dingolondango (as pointed oui
by Cela [2: 312] and [ribarren). The apparent vowel metathesis in shi
61
 guilindango / singuilandingo is paralleled by the case of guirindanga /
guarandinga.
SODONGA Mex. Pachuco n. f. ‘soda’ (Kany 1960b: 144)
— Eng. soda; cf. bironga ‘beer’
SOLARIENGI Cast. adj. ‘solariego’ [1099, Latin doc.] (Aebischer 1949: 15)
— solar adj. ‘ancestral (estate)’, cf. Pig. solarengo ‘id.’
SOLDUENGO toponym (Burgos) (Gamillscheg 1932: 133)
< SALTUS LONGUS (Gamillscheg)
SOLINGO Arg. adj. ‘solito’ (Wagner 1944:336), SOLINING0 ROom. adj. ‘muy
solo’ (Neyes 520)
— solo ‘alone’
SOSANGU Leon. adj. ‘soso’ (Iglesias Ovejero 118)
— 5030 ‘insipid’
SPARANGA Ladino n. f. ‘asperge’ (Nehama 524)
< ASPARAGUS
SUCINGA Arg. adj. ‘sucio’ (Kany 1960b: 142)
sucio ‘dirty’
TAI3ANC0 Germania n. m. ‘bodegôn’ [16091 (DCEcH 5:360)
< laberna ‘tavern’, »prob. resulta de un cambio de ‘sufijo’ con inten
cién despectiva« (DcEcH)
TABLANCO n. m. ‘petit étal ~stall, stand]’ (Philipon 1906b: 283), TRABANCA n.
f. ‘viga,’ ‘mesa formada por un tablero sobre dos caballetes’ (si 4000),
TRABANC01 Ast. ‘tablado para cama’ (Rato y Hevia 236), TRABANCOS n.
m. ‘madero que corona la presa del molino’ [1817] (oCECI-! 5:573), TRA
VANCA n. f. obsol. ‘viga’ [l3th cent.] (ibid.), TRABENCO Vallad. n. m. ‘mesa
de tablas para poner dulces y bebidas en las ferias’ (id., 5:361)
tabla ‘plank’, with metathesis in the case of trabanca; DcEcJ-t (5:
574). lt is difficuit to sort out the various derivatives of tabla ‘board’ on
the one hand, and those of traba ‘hobble’, on the other, vid. TRABANCO,.
TALINGAR Sant. y. intr. ‘colgar en forma de columpio’ (Calderén Escalada
395)
TAPANCA Col, Ec. ‘gualdrapa [blanket] del caballo’, Chil. ‘asentaderas’ (si
3888)
lapa ‘lid, top’
TARAMINGA Ast. n. f. ‘columpio’ (Garcia Oliveros 324)
TARANC0 toponym (Sant.), TARANCÔN toponym (Cuenca) (Philipon 1906b:
284)
TARANDANGO Extr. adj. ‘algo mal hecho’ (Viudas 164), Béjar ‘persona sin
formalidad, sin juicio’, ‘formalidad, juicio’, ‘If nea de palos y estacas en
los setos [fences]’ (Marcos Casquero 146), TALANDANG0 Extr. n. m. ‘mal
temple [mood]’, ‘orden en las cosas’ (Viudas 163)
< 7 Cf. Ast. tarandolo n. m. ‘tarambana’ (si 3893)
TARANGA Sant. adj. ‘se dice de un tipo de morcilla ordinaria, se oye en la
frase »morcilla taranga~< en tono despectivo’ (Sénchez Llamosas 195),
62
TARANGANA n. f. ‘especie de morcilla muy ordinaria’ (si 3893)
< 7 Cf. DEEH’S (387) incomprehensible formulation: taranga, taringa
< taranca < Lat. TRAEIC’A ‘de palos’
TARINGA Sant. n. f. ‘paliza’, ‘tarea’ (Sânchez Llamosas 196)
< tarea ‘task’, clipped, with ‘>suffix« substitution
TEJERINGO And. n. m. ‘masa frita parecida a los churros’ (Cepas 310)
< 7 Martin Alonso’s (si 3908) Einfall: “de te, 2° art. (sic), y jeringar,
por alusién al instrumento, especie de jeringa, por donde se echa la
masa para frefrla~<.
TELANGA And. n. f. ‘dinero’ (Cepas 310), TELÂNGANA ‘Id.’ (Néfiez Fer
nândez 106)
— tela ‘cloth’
TEMPRANININGO RDom. adv. ‘very early’ (Kany 1960b: 143)
*telnpra,ff,I ‘id.’ .— lemprano ‘early’
TENGIJERENGUE Extr. adj. ‘sentado en diffcil postura, que puede caer fécil
mente por falta de base’ (Murga 89), And. adv. phr. »en tenguerengue«
‘de forma inestable, a punto de caer’ (Cepas 311), TENGUEDENGUE Mex.
n. m. ‘dengue, remilgo’ (Santamarfa 1029), TELENGUENDENGUE Sant. n.
m. ‘perendengues, dificultades’, ‘requiloquios’ (Sénchez Llamosas 196),
ErrrENQUERENQuE Extr. adv. ‘en desequilibrio’ (Viudas 76)
< en tanganillas ‘unstable’; see Pharies (1986: 219) for further discus
sion.
TEROENCO Arag. adj. ‘aplfcase a la res de ganado mayor que tiene tres a~os~
(si 3929)
< tercero ‘third’, by suffix substitution
TIANGA Argot n. f. pej. ‘tia’ (Wagner 1944: 324), TIONGA Arag. n. f. ‘pros
tituta’ (Buesa Oliver 1963: 24)
— lia ‘woman’, lit. ‘aunt’; cf. tiaca ‘id.’ (Wagner ibid.)
TIEMPENQUE Peru. undefined (Hildebrandt 204), derived from
— tie’npo ‘weather’, or ‘time’
TIERRANCA Ast. n. f. ‘labrantio estéril o muy pendiente’ (Fernândez Caiiedo
43)
— tierra ‘land’; cf. Sant. tierruca (st 3951)
TIFINGO Col. adj. ‘de color negro subido’ (Neyes 545)
< 7 Perhaps related to ujo, tifiis n. m. med. ‘género de enfermedades
infecciosas, con aparicién de costras [scab, crust] negras en la boca’ (si
3952); cf. Ptg. titinga ‘white spots’.
TILINGO Mcx., Peru, RPlata adj., n. m. and f. ‘memo, lelo’, Ven. n. m.
‘juego infantil en que se impone silencio a los participantes’ (Neyes 545).
TELENGUE Arg. adj. ‘bobalicén, memo’, Cent. Amer. n. m. pI. ‘trebejos’
(ibid.), TELENQUE Arg. adj. fam. ‘bobo, memo’, Chil. fam. ‘enclenque’ (s,
3912)
< tilt,; ‘ting-a-ling’; cf. Eng. ding-a-ling ‘id.’, ‘idiot’; DCECH (5: 490) a
nent tilt,; remarks: ,,Voz expresiva emparentada es tilingo«.
63
 TINANCO Rioja n. m. ‘tina pequefla de madera con pitorro a manera de
embudo [funnel] para trasvasar el vina a las cubas’ (Goicoechea 164)
tina ‘vaL, tub’; cf. var. linaco [1817] (DcEcH 5:493)
TIPULINGO Nav. n. m. ‘cebollino’ (Alvar 1947: 28)
< Basque ripulin ‘brotes de la cebolla ya fuera de tierra’ (Azkue 2: 279)
< tipula ‘cebollino’. Taking into consideratioa the Basque diminutive
—ng— suffix, this is most likely a direct borrowing, though Azkue does
not list a Basque tipulingo. Tipula ‘cebolla’ is registered in both Navar
rese (Iribarren 511) and Basque, but the meanings show that tipulin
must be the direct source.
TOLONDONGO Extr. n. m, ‘tranquilidad’ (Murga 90)
TONTILINDANCO And. adj. ‘tontucio’ (VA 613)
— tond,, .— tonto ‘fool’, ‘foolish’ , with template modification
TOSÂNCANO Sant. n. m. ‘tas fatigosa y profunda’ (Garcia Lomas 292)
— tos ‘cough’
TRABANCO2 n . m. ‘palo que asido del collar del perro, le impide bajar la
cabeza’ (s 4000, dated l8th cent.), ‘sorte d’entrave’ (Philipon 1906b:
283), TRABANCOS toponym (Sant.) (id., 284), TRAVANCA Cub. n. f. ‘atra
banco, obstâculo o estorbo que impide una accién’ (ncEcH 5: 573),
TRABENCLJ Ast. n, m. ‘mura para desviar cl agua de un rio’ (Rata y Hevia
236)
— traba ‘hobble’, ‘obstacle’; cf. Ptg. travanco, —a ‘id.’. Tejero Robledo
(77) says of the Avilan toponym Trabancos: »es un céltico (sic) relacio
nado con el irlandés ire?, ‘casa’.
TRABILLANcO Arag. n. m. ‘mendrugo [crust of hard bread]’ (Buesa Oliver
1963: 23)
irabil Arag. ‘canto de un pan cortado de parte a parte’ (Andolz 275)
TRACAMANDANQP, Extr. n. f. ‘enredo, trampa’ (Murga 90), Col. ‘traca
mundana, trueque de casas de poco valor’, PRico vulg. ‘burla’, ‘matraca
[nuisance]’ (Neyes 555), RACAMANDANGA Extr. n. f. ‘tela para faldas de
camilla [bed]’ (Murga 79), SACAMANDANGA Extr. n. f. ‘sacalifias’, ‘triqui
fluelas, engafios’ (id., 115), TRACAMONDANGA And. n. f. ‘alboroto, lia’ (VA
619), ZANGAMANDANGA Extr. adj. ‘dicese de la vida que llevan algunas
personas sin oficia y que viven de la zangamandanga o engai~o’ (Murga
96), ZARAMANDANGA Extr. n. f. ‘maturranga, treta, astucia, marrulleria’
(ibid.)
< iracamundana ‘trading-spree’, ‘commotion’; cf. Pharies (1986: 204—5)
for further analysis
TREVINCA toponym (Ast,, mountain) (Philipon 1906a: 7)
TUCIJr4GO Ven. n. m. ‘bestia con las orejas caidas o gachas [droopy]’ (Al.
varado 252)
— tuco ‘atrâs’, ‘manco’ (ibid.)
TUDANCA toponym (Sant.) (Philipon 190Gb: 284)
64
TURANCI gentilic [inscr., Alava] (Albertos Firmat 237)
< ? According ta Hubschmied (252), from Germanic Turo, personal
name; cf. also Toranco toponym (Burgos), Durango toponym (Vizcaya)
(Philipon 1906b: 284)
VARENGA n. f. mar. ‘brazal [brassard, piece of armor]’ [1696] (Da4E 1367)
< Fr. varangue ‘id.’ < prob. OScand. vrang ‘ship-frame’ (DcEcH 5: 743)
VEJANCO Arg. adj. ‘viejo’ (ncEcH 5:805), vEJANcÔN adj. fam. ‘aumentativo
de viejo’ [1739] (E! 4131), vImARIt4Nco And. adj. ‘Id.’ (VA 648), VIMAN’
co Cub. adj. ‘vejancén’ (Neyes 574), VIEJANCO Mcx. ‘Id.’ (ibid.), UIEYAN
cu Ast. adj. ‘achacoso’ (Fernândez Caiiedo 43)
viejo ‘old’; Ptg. velhancaria is not related
VILLARENGO And. adj. ‘natural de Villardompardo’ (VA 649)
— Vi!Iar(dompardo) taponym
VIVANCO Arg. Lunf. adj. ‘vivo, despejado’ (Barcia 173), toponym (Sant.)
(Philipon 1906b: 284), LOS vivANcos toponym (Murcia) (ibid.)
— vivo ‘alive’, ‘lively’
VOcINGLERO adj. ‘que da muchas voces o habla muy recia’ [1607], ‘que
habla mucha y vanament& [lSth cent] (n 4192)
< ? DCELC (5: 845), citing the variant vocimbrero [lSth cent.], says »qui
zâ de VOCIFERÂRJUS ... con influjo progresivo del sinénima ,/inglero
(jinglar ‘dar gritos’)~<. The fact that the next earliest appearance of —ing—
is in the l9th century lends credence ta this theory.
ZALAMENGO Sant. adj. ‘zarrapastroso y desgalichado’ (Alcalde dcl Rfo 276)
zALANC0 adj. ‘bobo’ (E! 4229, dated lSth cent.), And. ‘pedazo grande de
pan’ (DCELc 4:857), ZALAMANC0 Arag. n. m. ‘cantero o rescaiio de pan’
(Buesa Oliver 1963: 23)
< 7 DcELC: »De un cruce con zâtico con algtmn sinônimo deriva quizé
za!anco«.
ZALENC0 Ven. adj. ‘chulenco, patojo’, Col. ‘renco, cellenco’ (E! 5230)
ZAMANDUNGO Arag. adj. ‘tonto, torpe’ (Andolz 289)
< 7 Nagel (294) proposes a blend: zamacuco ‘hombre tonto, torpe y
abrutado’ X zangandungo ‘clumsy youth’
ZANGANDLJNGO n. m. and f. fam. ‘persona inhébil, desmaflada [clumsy],
holgazana’ (E! 4234, dated 1852), ZANGANDONGO n. m. and f. fam. ‘zan
gandungo’ [1735] (DRAE 1410), Cub. ‘muchachén ya casi hombre que
persiste en mezclarse en las juegos de las chiquitos’ (Pichardo 711),
ZANGANDANGO Manch. n. m. ‘zangandungo, muchacho de alta estatura,
inhâbil y holgazân’ (Chacôn Berruga 40), ZANDANG0 Arag. n. m. ‘zén
gano de las abejas’, (Andolz 442)
ZANGUANGO adj. ‘indolente, embrutecido par la pereza’ [1817] (E!
4235), Murc. n. m. ‘guisado de patatas, calabaza y bacalao’ (Garcia Sa
nana 134), ZANGUANGA n. f. ‘ficcién de alguna enfermedad o impedi
mento para trabajar’ [1735] (DCELc 4: 827), ZANGUANGA5 Arag. ‘testi
culas’ (Buesa Oliver 1963: 24), SANGUANGO Can. adj. ‘bobo, atontado,
65
 I
apocado’ (Guerra 263), Arag. adj. ‘se aplica a la persona torpe, desma
fiada, holgazana’ (Ballarin Corne! 448), SINGuANGO Can. ‘pobre de espi
ritu, inocente, bobalicén’ (Wagner 1944: 324); cf. Gal. zanguango ‘in
dolent (person)’
zangôn ‘tali, lazy adolescent’, or zângano ‘drone bec’. Anent zangan
dungo etc., DCELC (4: 827), in attributing [hem to the expressive root
zang-, says »Mâs bien que un doble sufijo habrà aHi un derivado de
zângano paralelo al gail. zango(n,)ango. De *zanganoflgo >
go por disimilacién, y zangandongo con propagacién de nasal.~< Wagner
(1944:329) < zangôn. Selva (211) < zôngano + —ongo, with the com
ment, »hay una d epéntica (sic) que suaviza la voz<. Regarding zen
guango etc., DcELc (4:827) remarks: »tomados del gall. zanguango ‘pe~
rezoso, maula, que busca pretextos para no trabajar’, deriv. de zango
nango con pérdida de la —n-- intervocélica, segûn es regular en gallego.<
Wagner (1944: 324): »wohl zu zôngano in semer Ubertragenen Bedeu
tung ‘hombre holgazân’a; Selva (196) zanguango < zanco (from which
zangôn); Alernany (111) < zangôn or zôngano. The form singuango
may be attributable to folk etymology with si,i ‘without’.
ZARAMINGO And. adj. ‘adulto basta que cumple la mayor edad’, ‘zangén
[muchacho en la pubertad]’ (vA 660)
ZARANGA Arag. n. f. ‘fritada parecida al pisto’ (Andolz 289),
ZATUNGALLO Arag. n. rn. ‘pene’ (Buesa Oliver 1963: 26), cHAaANGA2 Extr.
n. f. ‘morcilla [blood sausage] hecha con verduras’ (Viudas 54), Arag.
‘fritada de verduras’ (Andolz 430), And. (mar.) ‘pequeflo alrnacén en que
se prepara el pescado’ (ut 1335)
< ? nCEci-r (2: 947 5v. frangollar): ‘quebrantar cl grano dcl tripo’: »Pa
rece ser variante fonética cl and. zarangollo ‘juego de cartas parecido al
truque’; de ahi derivado regresivo arag. zaranga ‘fritada’.<
ZARANDuNGA RDom. n. f. ‘jarana, diversién bulliciosa de gente ordinaria’
(Neyes 588)
— zarando Ven. adj. ‘ligero de cascos’, Col. ‘calamocano [tipsyl’; cf.
zarandona n. f. ‘bailoteo, fiesta, juerga, zarando’ (si 4240), zarandear ‘to
knock about, jostle’
ZARINGALL0 Arag. n. m. ‘andrajo, trapo viejo’ (Buesa Oliver 1963: 24)
< cerigallo Arag. ‘id.’ (si 1039), with nasal epenthesis
zARRAMPLINGA Sant. n. f. ‘zarramplin, chapucero’ (si 4242)
< zarraniplin ‘hombre chapucero y de poca habilidad’; DCBUI (4: 766
s.v. ramplôn)
ZARRANCO Alav. n. m. ‘zarra, palo grueso, estaca’ (Lépez de Guereflu 167)
— zarra
zouLuNco Mex. adj. ‘fuerte y muy desarrollado’ (Neyes 589), Amer. adj.
‘grueso’ (Navarro Tomés 78)
< ? Apparently not related to cellenco and vars.
66
ZOPENCO adj. ‘tonto y abrutado’ [1765] (si 4250), SopuNco Arag. adj. ‘necio
y abrutado’ (Ballarin Cornel 470)
— zopo ‘crippled’, ‘clumsy’; cf. Gal. zopenco adj. ‘stupid’. DcSLC (4: 863)
suspects that zopenco might be a derivative of zopo, but »como el sufijo
—enco es raro en cast. (salvo voces juridicas)«, in the end he decides for
a blend: sue (> zo) + penco or sa ÷ penco X zote. The stacement
about —enco can no longer be accepted in light of the evidence presented
in Chapter Two.
zoRuNco CRica adj. ‘zopenco, zozo, zopo’ (Cuervo 1938: 257), AZORENCO
Cent. Amer. ‘id.’ (Malaret 1943: 132)
zokoNGo n. rn. ‘pahuelo doblado en forma de venda, que los aragoneses y
algunos navarros dcl pueblo Ilevan alrededor de la cabeza’ [1849], ‘rno~o
ancho y aplastado que usan algunas mujeres dcl pueblo’, ‘baile popular
andaluz’, ‘mûsica y canto de este baile’ (DRAE 1414), Rioj. n. rn. ‘vestido
mal hecho ornai puesto’ (Goicoechea 179), (Mor~o) CHORANGO Nav. adj.
‘Ilaman al moflo alto que antes lievaban las rnujeres’ (Iribarren 191)
< Basque zoronga ‘tocado de rnujer’, tzorongo ‘pa~ue1o’ (DCELc 4:865):
DEEH (426) < Lat. SYRÎNGA; cf. Ptg. sorongo ‘Brazilian dance’, adj.
‘lazy’, ‘stupid’. Possibly related is zorongollo Béjar n. m. ‘plato tipico de
tornate, cebolla, lechuga, pescado, sazonado con aceite de oliva, sal y
vinagre’ (Marcos Casquero 157).
ZOTINGA Mex. n. f. ‘zurra de azotes, azotaina’ (Santamaria 1156)
— azote ‘whïp’, ‘whiplash’; Santamaria remarks: »Tabasqueflisrno de
muy donosa formacién, como derivado de azote, con la desinencia peyo
rativa nga.~<
ZULLENCO adj. ‘que ventosea mucho’ [ca. 1640] (si 4253), CELLENCO adj.
‘dicese de la persona que por vejez no se maneja sino con trabajo y
dificultad’ [1617] (id., 1021)
— zulla ‘excremento (Alemany 53); in the case of cellenco there seerns
to be some admixture of sellenca; cf. zullarse ‘ensuciarse al ir de vientre’
»aplicado al viejo que se ensucia involuntariarnente« (DcELc 2: 21).
ZURDANCO Leon. adj. ‘zurdo’ (Baz 53)
zurdo ‘left-handed’
ZURRÂNGAME Ast. y. tr. ‘zérrame’ (Rato y Hevia 126)
— zurrar ‘to whip’; cf. ocuLc (4: 885), where Corominas cornplains of
Ast. zurrangar, »que Rato no define claramente~.
67
Galician
ABADENGO adj. ‘do abade ou relativo à sua xurisdizén e dignidade’, ‘o que
pertence ao abade, à abadia ou a unha corporazôn eclesiàstica’ (Estravis
13)
— abade ‘abbot’
AVOENGO adj. ‘que procede dos avés’, ‘relativo aos avôs’, n. m. pi. ‘os an
tepasados’ (Estravis 316)
— avô ‘grandfather’ (See Sp. abolengo.)
BARANCA n. f. ‘valo [wallj, valado de madeira’ (Estravis 344)
BARDÂNCOS toponym (Philipon 1906b: 284)
BARRANCA n. f. ‘barranco’, ‘cova profunda’ (Estravis 351),
BARPANCO n. m. ‘quebrada producida no terreno polas enxurradas ou por
outra cousa’, ‘precipicio’, ‘dificuidade, obstûculo’ (ibidj
< (Sec Sp. barranco)
BERLANGA n. f. ‘parcela pequena que se aparta do comunai e se dà aos
vicifios en compensazén para iguaiar outra sorte algo deficiente’ (Estra.
vis 372)
< Balerinicas toponym < VALERIUS (Aebischer 1949:23); unreiated w
Sp. berlanga ‘three of a kind (card game)’
BERLINGAS n. f. pi. mar. ‘paus e demais pezas que forman a arboradura das
embarcaciéns menores’ (Estravis 372)
< ? Sec Sp. berlinga.
BISANCOS personai name (Phulipon 1906b: 284)
BORDINGAS n. f. pi. ‘madeiros que se poi~en en série ao iongo das naves
para reforzà-ias’ (Estravis 405)
borda ‘border, edge’, ‘side of an object’
BREANCAS toponym (Philipon 1906b: 284)
BULLANGA n. f. ‘holgorio, jarana, diversién buliiciosa’, ‘confusién, griteria’
(Rodriguez Gonzàlez 1: 403)
— brilla ‘commotion’
BURRUNDANGAS adj. and n. m. ‘borrico, torpe’ (Franco Grande 208)
barra ‘donkey’; cf. var. burraddn, burrôn (ibid.); probabiy on the
model of Ptg. burundanga ‘commotion’, ‘trifie’
CABANCO n. m. ‘barranco, hoyo’ (Hubschmied 246)
— cava ‘hole’
CAMARLENG0 n. m. ‘cardeal que preside a Câmara Apostélica’ (Estravis
477), CAMERLENG0 n. m. ‘id.’ (id., 480)
< (Sec Sp. cainarlengo)
CANDONGA n. f. ‘persoa ou animai mal feito de corpo’, ‘besta ou vaca veila,
grande e mal formada’, ‘mula vella que non serve para o trabalio’, ‘mu-
lier preguizosa, contequeira’, ‘muiler dc conduta suspeitosa’, ‘contraban
do de xéneros aiimenticios e outros produtos’, ‘niercado negro’, fig. ‘ii
sonxa finxida, falso cariflo’ (Estravis 491)
< (Sec Sp. candonga.)
68
cARLINGA n. f. ‘peza de madeira na que asenta o mastro grande’, ‘sobre
quilla’, ‘parte do avién reservada aos tripuiantes’ (Estravis 519)
< Perhaps directly from Fr. carlingue ‘Id.’, rather than through Sp.
carlinga ‘id.’, since Galicia is a sea-faring region.
cARRANCA n. f. ‘coiar con puas de ferro’ (Estravis 526)
< (See Sp. carranca)
CHAR.ANGA n. f. ‘banda ou mûsica composta somente por instrumentos de
sopro e, por veces, timbales’ (Estravis 584)
< Sp. charanga ‘id.’
COENGO OGal. n. m. ‘prebendary’ (Maikiel 1951: 163n29)
< CANONICtJ ‘id.’
C0MPANGO n. m. ‘manxar que os labregos comen con pan’, ‘todo alimento
que se come con pan, excepto o caido’ (Estravis 661)
< (Sec Sp. compango.)
CORISTANcO toponym (La Corufla) (Meyer-Ltibke 1925a: 77)
< ? Probably from in *koros, *korios ‘war’, ‘army’; cf. the personai
name inscription in Portugal: Caria, Corius (Albertos Firmat 96)
COVANCA n. f. ‘cova pequena’ (Estravis 750)
— cava ‘cave’
nuANcos toponym [1120j (Lugo) (Phiiipon 1906b: 284)
FANDANGO n. m. ‘danza espaflola a tres tempos’, ‘mûsica desa danza’, ‘bulla,
confusén’, ‘vestido ruin ou vello de mulier’, (irén.) ‘érgao xenitai femi
nino’ (Estravis 1236)
< (Sec Sp. fandango.)
FLAMENGO adj. ‘reiativo a Fiandres’, n. m. ‘ave da orden das pernaltas’
(Estravis 1279)
< (Sec Sp. flamenco.)
F0cHANCA, FUCHANCA n. f. ‘cova, cavidade ou escavazén na terra’, ‘depre~
sén ou concavidade de pouca extensén no terreno’ (Estravis 1287)
— focha ‘smail cave’, ‘grave’, cf. Sp. fosa ‘grave’ < PassA ‘id.’ (cf.
Meyer-Ltibke 1925a: 77)
FORXÀNCO n. m. ‘zanxa ou buraco moi grande’, ‘barranco’ (Estravis 1302)
— forxo ‘pozo grande, disimulado con ramaxe, que se facia para cazar
lobos’ (ibid.), a word possibiy related to foixa ‘forge’
FUSTANCO n. m. ‘pan grande sen forma definida’ (Estravis 1334)
— fiiste n.m. ‘pan, vara’ (ibid.)
FRFrANGA n. f. ‘graxumada (con demasiada grasa)’, ‘mioiada (de sesos de
cerdo)’, ‘rizadas (se dice dcl plato hecho con carne frita, ceboila, papata,
etc.)’ (Crespo Pozo 327)
— frito ‘fried’
IBICENCO adj. and n. m. and f. ‘pertencente ou relativo à iilla de Ibiza’,
‘habitante ou naturai desa iiiia’ (Estravis 1476)
— Sp. ibicenco ‘id.’, since Gaiician bas no other indigenous derivatives
in —enco (zopenco is aiso shared with Spanish)
69
 ‘I
LARANGA toponym (La Corufla) (Sachs 10)
< ? Considered by Sachs to be inexplicable, derived by Hubschmied
(252) from Goth. *LagIiarjis a personal name
LARENGO adj. ‘relativo a lar, lareiro’, n. m. ‘porco de poucos meses, larego’,
(pci.) ‘home tosco e ignorante’ (Estravis 1588), LARENGA n. f. ‘porca de
catro a seis meses’ (ibid.)
— lai’ ‘hearth’; cf. RHW (~j 4910) and DCECH (3: 585), where the var,
larego ‘id.’ is derived from 1cr
LEIRANGO, LEIRANCO n. m. ‘leirôn’ (Estravis 1600)
— leira ‘field’
LISTANCO toponym (Philipon 1906b: 284)
< ? According to Hubschmied (252), from Sp. lista ‘stripe, band’.
LOSANGO n. m. (geom.) ‘paralelogramo’, ‘môvel herdldico’ (Estravis 1640)
< Fr. losange ‘id.’; cf. Ptg. losango ‘id.’
MANDANGA n. f. ‘muller preguizosa e descuidada’ (Estravis 1676),
MARANDANGA n. f. ‘muller de pouca estimazén’ (ii, 1689)
< ? Cf. var. niarandaina ‘id.’.
MANGUANGA n. f. ‘ado de finxir unha doenza para non traballar’ (Estravis
1679)
< manguôn adx. ‘preguizoso, folgazân’ (ibid.)
MATUNGO adj. ‘di-se do cabalo vello e inûtil’, ‘di-se cIa persoa, animal ou
cousa mal feitos, pesados e toscos’ (Estravis 1709), MATURRANG0 n. m.
‘mal cabaleiro, mal xinete’, adj. ‘matungo’, ‘dise do neno desobediente’,
‘pesado, cabezân’ (id., 1709), MATURRANGAS n. f. ‘futilidades’ (ibid.)
< Sp. inatungo, inaturiwigo
MAYANCA toponym (Philipon 1906b: 284)
maya ‘May’ (Hubschmied 252)
MERLINGA n. f. ‘ave marifia, espécie de gaivota’ (Estravis 1733)
< (Sec Cat. inallerenga.)
MIANG0 n. m. ‘rés ou animal decaido ou fraco de carnes’, ‘gato ou persoa
que non vale nada’ (Estravis 1747), BILANGO n. m. ‘id.’ (id., 381)
< ? The meaning ‘cals’ may be due b association with ,nidu.
MILANGO, MIANG02 n. m. ‘milano’ (D. Alonso 214)
< inilano ornith. ‘kite’; cf. D. Alonso (1954), Lipski (1975) on the ve
larization of —n— in Galician
MOENGA n. f. ‘o mesmo que moenda, md de moiflo, ou peza que serve para
moer ou pisar’, fig. ‘mastigazôn’, ‘trincadeira’ (Estravis 1775)
inoer ‘w milI, grind’
MOND0NGO n. m. ‘visceras, intestinos miiados de certos animais’, ‘individuo
suxo e desmacelado, persoa desprecibel’, ‘carne adubada’, adj. ‘brando,
mole, moido, sobretodo falando do peixe e outros alimenbos’ (Estravis
1781), MOND0NGA n. f. ‘mullersuxa e desmacelada’ (ibid.), MAND0NGO n.
m. ‘visceras, intestinos mii~dos de certos animais’, ‘individuo suxo e des
macelado, persoa desprecibel’, ‘o mesmo que mondongada (carne adu
70
bada)’, adj. ‘brando, mole, moido, sobretodo falando do peixe e outros
alimentos’ (ibid.), MONDONGA n. f. ‘muller suxa e desmacelada’ (ibid.)
Sp. inondongo ‘id.’, since the only other —ongo word in Galician,
pindonga, is also Spanish.
M0RANGO n. m. ‘infrutescéncia carnosa do morangueiro, mui saborosa e
apreciada’ (Estravis 1792)
— (afrnora ‘mulberry’
M0RLANGO adj. ‘(persoa ou animal) torpe e pesada’ (Estravis 1795)
< morlôn adj. ‘folgazân, calmoso’ (ibid.); cf. morlaco adj. ‘id.’ (ibid.)
M0R0NDANGA, MORENDANGA n. f. not defined (Estravis 1793)
< Sp. niorondanga
M0RRONGA n. f. ‘equinoderme mais coflecido por carallote [edible mollusc]’
(Estravis 1797)
M0STRENGO n. m. ‘persoa desaxeitada, ociosa ou inûtil’, ‘persoa que non ten
modo de vida’ (Estravis 1801)
< Sp. inostrengo ‘slow-witted’, ‘fat and torpid’
MULLERENGO adj. and n. m. ‘que, ou aquel que é mui afeizoado às mu
Ileres’, ‘efeminado’, ‘que se ocupa en servizos préprios de muller’ (Estra.
vis 1808)
— muller ‘woman’; cf. mullerego, inullereiro ‘id.’ (ibid.), Ptg. nzulherengo
MUXARANGA n. f. ‘cousa ridicula que serve de burla’, adj. and n, f. ‘persoa
de palabra pouco firme nos tratos’ (Estravis 1819)
< ? Like Arg. inucharanga ‘boy’, this is a possible reflex of macho. This
surmise is strengthened by the absence of the word niuchacho in Gali
cian.
NARIGANGA n. m. ‘nariz grande’, adj. and n. m. ‘que, aquel que ten o nariz
grande’ (Estravis 1828)
— *N,4RIGA —,~e ‘nostril’, reconstructed in the REw (~ 5824) (also
Machado 4: 194: »do radical narie’-, de narïcae tornado narig-. + —an
gac) on the basis of RaI. na,’ice, Sp. Ilar ces ‘id.’, etc.; cf. Gal. narigôn
‘large nose’, narigota id.’, narigudo ‘large-nosed’, Ptg. nariganga ‘id.’
NOITARENGA n. f. ‘noitébrega [ave, caprimulgus europaeus]’ (Estravis 1854)
noire ‘night’, with interfix. The bird is a nocturnal noise-maker,
hence the name.
PECHELINGUE n. m. ‘pirata, corsârio’ (Estravis 1995)
< Spanish pechelingue
PENDANGA n. f. ‘persona, especialmente unha muller, alla e desaliflada’,
‘muller de vida licenciosa’ (Estravis 2009), PINDONGA n. f. ‘muller amiga
de andar na rua falando con uns e outros e esquencendo o traballo da
casa’, ‘rameira’ (id., 2044), PEI&INDENGUE n. m. ‘perendengue’ (id., 2021)
— pender ‘to bang’, but pindonga, one of only two Gal. -oizgo words
(the other is inondongo), as well as perindengue, must he borrowed from
Spanish.
7’
 I
POLDRANCO n. m. ‘potro de I a 3 afios’ [1280] (DcsLc 4: 628)
— poidro ‘id.’ [1068] (Crespo Pozo 3:426)
POZANCO n. m., POZANCA n. f. ‘pequena poza nunha superficie que se enche
de âgua cando chove’, ‘pozo que se forma nos nos’ (Estravis 2098), P0.
CHANCA n. f. ‘charco’ (id., 2064)
— pozo ‘weii’
PUTANGA n. f. ‘puta’ (Estravis 2155)
— puta ‘whore’
QUERINDANGO n. m. and f. ‘querindaino’ (Rodriguez Gonzâiez 3:216)
.— querido ‘lover’, or Sp. quérindango ‘id.’
REALENGO adj. ‘real, réxio’, ‘digno de rei’ (Estravis 2195), REGALENGO adj.
‘que pertence ao patriménio real’ (id., 2225), REGUENG0 adj. ‘préprio de
rei ou a cl relativo’, n. m. ‘terra pertencente à coroa ou que està suxeita a
pago de unha pensôn por lie ter pertencido’, ‘direitos que se pagan por
esas terras’, ‘aquel que arrendaba esas terras’ (id., 2227)
— real ‘royal’; see Sp. realengo
RIARENGO adj. ‘prôprio ou relativo a rio’, n. m. ‘riarenga’ (Estravis 2277),
RIARENGA n. f. ‘colo [stone] ou pelouro que se acha nos nos’ (ibid.)
rio ‘river’; cf. van. riarego ‘id.’ (ibid.)
RINGORRANG0 n. m. ‘rebilico, rebilicoque (con que adornan las zuecos y los
vestidos)’ (Crespo Pozo 568);
< Prob. from Sp. ringorrango; cf. ringolôn n. m. ‘lifla escritd ou im
presa’ (Estravis 2279).
SOLARENGO adj. ‘relativo ou pertencente a solar’, ‘que ten aspecto ou forma
de solar ou casa’ (Estravis 2409)
— solar’manor’, ‘noble lineage’, or from Ptg. solarengo ; cf. var. solarego
(ibid.)
TAMALLANCOS toponym (Philipon 1906b: 284)
TARAMANC0S toponym (Philipon 1906b: 284)
TOURENGO adj. ‘di-se do animal en cio, especialmente da vaca’, n. m. ‘cio
dos animais’ (Estravis 2530)
— touro ‘buli’
TRESANCOS personai name (Philipon 1906b: 284)
XuDENG0 adj. ‘relativo a xudeus’ (Estravis 2721), XUDENGA n. f. ‘tnibuto de
trinta difleiros que pagaban os xudeus por cabeza’ (ibid.)
< xudeu ‘Jew’, ‘Jewish’, by suffix substitution (sec Spanish)
ZANGUANG0 adj. and n. m. and f. ‘perezoso, indolente, embrutecido por la
pereza’ (Rodniguez Gonzâlez 3: 449), ZANGUANGA n. f. ‘ficcién de una
enfermedad, impedimento para no trabajar’ (ibid.)
— zôngano or zôngao ‘drone bec’, ‘lazy bum’ (sec Sp. zanguango)
ZOPENC0 adj. ‘burro, teimudo’ (Estravis 2745)
Sp. zopenco ‘crippied’, ‘pigcon-toed’, since Gal. lacks ciearly indige
nous formations in .-enco,
72
Portuguese
ABADENGO adj. ‘que pertence ao abade, ou estâ sob a sua junisdiç~o’ [10991,
n. m. obsol. ‘oficio de abade’ [1288] (Morais 1:54)
abade ‘abbot’. Machado’s (I: 25) daim that this was borrowed from
Castilian is nullified by the date of attestation.
ALvARENGA toponym (Douro) [933], Braz. n. f. ‘barco de pouco pontai
[depth of hold], espécie de lancha grande para carga e descarga de na
vios’ (Morais 1: 702)
< *,4ly~.jrjng~5.y < Alvar, personai name; cf. Sachs (9) Villa Albarenga
[933], terrtôrio Albarengo [943]. Ah’arengo, —a is a toponym and per
sonal name in present-day Portugal and Brazil. in ail probability the
boat name derives from the toponym.
ANDARENGO adj. ‘given ta moving about, traveling from place to place’
[l6th cent.] (Taylor 47)
— andar ‘ta waik’ (Marais 1: 248)
ARTANGA toponym [1096] (Philipon 1906b: 284)
AvOENG0 adj. ‘relativo aos avés, que procede ou é herdado dos avés’, n. pi.
‘os avôs’ [I3th cent.], AUOLINGA ‘id.’ [922] (Marais 2:273), AVOENGA n. f.
obsol. ‘direito de sucessào e deferência na compra dos bens de raiz que
foram de antepassados’, ‘os avôs’ (ibid.)
avé ‘grandfather’; sec Spanish abolengo
I3ARRANCO n. m. [l3th cent.], BARRANCA n. f. [l4th cent.] ‘cava, quebrada
aita, feita par enxurrada ou outra causa’ (Marais 2:393)
< (Sec Sp. barranco.)
BELLENGO personal name [915]
< ? According to Piel (1976: 99), from Germ. *bilift)_ ‘battie-axe’, i.e.,
possibly from Goth. *BuIitIgôs.
BICANCA Trasm. n. f. ‘bico cm forma de gancho’ (Leite de Vasconcelios
1900: 459)
— bico ‘beak’
BICHANGA n. f. ‘todas as qualidades de bichos’ (Hubschmied 248), BICHA.
RENGO n. m. ‘o mesmo que texugo [badger]’ (Marais 2:438)
— bicho ‘bug, worm, pest’; cf. bicharoco ‘repuisive worm or other ani
mai, large frightening animal’ [1813], cited by Cunha (108)
BORDALENGO adj. ‘da borda-de-égua, territério marginai de um rio ou iago’
[I6th cent.], adj. ‘crasso, estt~pido, brutamontes’, (Morais 2: 569)
— borda ‘edge, margin’ (Morais)
BUGIGANGA n. f. ‘dança ou brincos de bugios cm bando’, ‘coisa de pouco
valor, bugiania’, ‘certa rede de pescar’ [l7th cent.] (Morais 2: 644), MOGI
GANGA n. f. ‘dança buniesca cm que os figurantes se apresentam mas
canadas de animais, bugiganga’ [lSth Cent.], ‘trejeito nidiculo, momice’
(Id., 6: 889), MUGIGANGA n. L ‘id.’ [lSth cent.] (Machado 1:472)
< Cast. bojiganga, Inojiganga (Machado), contaminated in part by bu
gio ‘monkey’ (Wagner 1944: 327)
73
BURRAP4CO Beira n. m. ‘fiiho de burra e burra’ (Maia 323), BURRANCA
Guarda n. f. ‘burra fraca’ (Pereira 52)
— burro ‘donkey’
BURUNDANGA n. f. ‘palavreado confuso, aigaravia’, ‘linguagem menas pa
iida’, ‘reuni~a de caisas sein préstima au sem valor’, ‘caisa dificil, com
piicada’, ‘cazinhado mai feita ou pouco limpo au repugnante’ (Marais 2:
656), BURUNDANGAS n. f. pi. ‘frandulagens, ninharias, coisas de pouca
valor’ (ibid.), BURUNDUNGA n.f. ‘id.’ (ibid.), BORONDENGA Aient, n. f.
‘bugiganga, ninharia, coisa sem impartância’ (Deigado 62), MORONDON
Go Braz. n. m. ‘nome vuigar de uma palmeira do Cearâ’ (Morais 7: 16),
BURINDANGAS, BURENDANGAS n. m. ‘bugiganga’ (id., 1:651—2)
Sp. morondanga, borondanga ‘hodge-podge’, with considerable in
trusion, both formai and semantic, by bugiganga
BUSTARENGA toponym (Visea) (Gamilischeg 1932: 133)
< Catit *Bustaringôs < Bits!— persanai name »cuyo radical aparece en
las nombres de persona Bustifi y Busta,nante« (Gamillscheg)
CAMARLENGO n. m. ‘titulo de dignidade entre os cardeais da igreja Rama
na, presidente e governador temporârio durante a vaga papal’ [1873]
(Morais 2: 790)
< Cast. camariengo, according ta Machado (2: 42)
CANDANG0 Braz. n. m. ‘nome com que os africanos designavam o portu
guês’, ‘tipa desprezivei ou defeituoso’ (Morais 2: 829)
< (See Spanish candanga1). Machada (2: 51) derives the word from an
unspecified Kimbundu root.
cAND0NcA Sabugal n. f. ‘contrabando (Maia 332), ‘contrabando, especial
mente de géneros alimenticios’, ‘lisonja enganosa, afagos’ (Morais 2:
833), CAND0NG0 dm1. adj. ‘mal feito’ (ibid.)
< (See Spanish candonga); according ta Machado (2: 51), from Kim
bundu ka dim. pref. + ndengue ‘small’
CARLINGA n. f. obsol. (naut.) ‘forte peça de madeira, fixa â sobrequilba,
cam un encaixe onde entra a mecha dopé do mastro real [keelson]’ [I6th
century], aeron. ‘cabina’ (Cunha 156, Machado 2: 79)
< Fr. carlingue ‘id.’
CARRANCA n. f. ‘rostro sombrio, carregado’ [l6th cent.] (Morais 2:952)
< (See Spanish carianca). DcEcH (1: 873n) explains: »La acepcién mo
derna ‘ce?io’, ‘cara enfurruflada’ se explica metaféricamente por com
paracién con cl aspecto fiera del mastin armado de carianca. En esta
acepcién es palabra especialmente gailego-portuguesa.< Machada (2: 83)
< unknown origin [xvi]: »Talvez se passa recanhecer nesta palavra o
sufixo depreciativo —anco, ligado a carr—, que, par sua vez, representaria
cara - «
CAVANCA toponym (Philipan 1906b: 285)
— cava ‘pit, grave’ (Hubschmied 252)
74
CHARANGA n. f. ‘banda ou corporaç~o de mésicos que tocam principalmen
te instrumentas de sapro’ [1873], ‘mésica desafinada’ (Marais 3:37)
< Cast. charanga (Machada 2: 132)
CWANGAR diai. y. int. ‘chiar um pauca, um tanta au quanta’ (Marais 3:55)
chiar ‘ta chirp, squeak’
CHORINCAtS) n. m. ‘a pessaa que chora par quaiquer caisa’ (Hubschmied
250), CHORAMINGA5 n. m. ‘id.’ [l7th cent.] (Marais 3:78)
— chorar ‘ta cry’, and < choramigar (sec Sp. iloramingo) (Machada 2:
142)
cOXANGA Beir. n. m. pej. ‘individua caxa, caxelas’ (Marais 3:651)
— coxo ‘crippled’
cRIsrENGO adj. absoi. ‘cristâa, relativo a cristâa’, ‘diz-se das caracteres la
tinas, cm apasiçâa aas arûbigas’ (Marais 3:705)
< crnusT(î),iNu ‘ici.’ + -Ascii (Leite de Vascancelias 1924, Malkiel
1951: 122, 163n29).
ESLINGA n. f. ‘caba cam que se içam pesas a barda, linga’, ‘estrapa’ (1890]
(Marais 4:715)
< Eng. siùrg (Machada 2:456)
FATANcA n. f. ‘abjeta grasera, mal hecha’ (ocEcH 2:875)
< (See Sp. fayanco.)
FANDANGa n. m. ‘dança papular e iicenciosa’ (1848], ‘trapa, radiiha reies’,
adj. ‘ardinâria, ridicula’ (Marais 5: 52), FANDINGA Trasm. n. m. ‘mai
trapilha (in tatters]’, ‘individua desprezivel’, ‘garata [urchin]’, ‘sujeita
miserével’, Minh. ‘mante de caruma (pineleaf] seca’, ‘desanrar’ (Marais
5:52)
< ? (Sec Spanish fandango.)
FANI-IUNGO Madeira adj. ‘o mesmo que fanhasa, que tem prani~ncia defei
tuasa, cama se tivesse o nariz apertado’ (Marais 5:54)
fanha n. m. and f. absal. ‘pessaa fanhasa’ (Marais 5: 54). This is
Machada’s (3: 19) etymaiagy. Far semantic and grammatical reasans
Marais daims that fanha is a backderivation fram fanhoso.
FARRONCA n. f. ‘vaz grossa’, ‘jactância, bazéfia’, n. m. and f. ‘pessaa que tem
bazéfia’, ‘caca, fantasma’ (Marais 5:71)
< ? Passibly fram farci ‘light hause, beacan’, with influence af fana
‘fun, carausal’; cf. farci-cire ‘baastful’ < »fazer farol< ‘ta show off,
baast, brag’, alsa faro f-cire, —enta ‘boastful’ (id., 5:678).
FARTANGA Aient. n. f. ‘fartança, fartura’ (Deigada 135)
— fana ‘full, satiated’
FESTANGA n. f. ‘festa ardinâria, reles’ (Marais 5: 158)
festa ‘feast, party’
FLAMENGO adj. ‘relativo a Flandres’ [lSth century], ‘flaminga’, Braz. ‘perna
magra’ (Marais 5: 227), FLAMENGA n. f. ‘variedade de pera portuguesa’
(ibid.), FRAMENGO adj. ‘relativa a Flandres’ [ISth cent.] (Cunha 360),
FLAMINGO n. m. ‘ave de plumagem briihante [2Oth cent.] (ibid.), FARA
75
 MENGO obsol. ‘id.’ [1575] (ibid.)
< (Sec Spanish flamenco.)
FRITANGADA n. f. pop. ‘fritada abundante, nias mal preparada (Morais 5:
343)
fritada ‘fried (food)’
FROARENGUS personal name (Coimbra) [905] (Piel 1976: 136), FROALENG0S
[906] (ibid.), FRALENGO [9M] (ibid.)
< 7 According to Piel, from a Germanic root, either fraiva— ‘quick,
speedy’, ‘glad’, or frauja ‘lord’ ÷ —ingôs.
GARDINGO n. m. ‘homem nobre da corte dos principes visigodos’ [l6th
cent.] (Morais 5:433), GARDENGO personal name [1091] (Piel 1976: 148)
< Goth. *gardingôs ‘id.’ < *gards ‘casa, lar’, ‘corte’ (Machado 3: 128);
sec Gamillscheg (1932: 138)
JUDENGO adj. ‘relativo a judeus’ [1451] (Morais 6: 85), JUDENGA n. f. ‘tri
buto de trinta dinheiros que os judeus pagavam por cabeça, cm me
méria e pena de terem vendido Jesus por essa quantia’ (Morais 6: 85)
< judeu ‘Jew’ (Machado 3:352), by suffix substitution through analogy
with cristengo; cf. Leite de Vasconcellos (1924), Malkiel (1951: 122,
163n29).
JUVENCO n. m. ‘o mesmo que noviiho’ (Morais 6: 101)
< (Sec Spanish juvenco.)
LEVRANCO Minh. n. m. ‘Bergmaus’ (Hubschmied 248)
lebre ‘doc hare’
LOSANGO n. m. ‘quadrilétero de lados iguais, e habitualmente n~o tem ân
gulos rectos’ [1873] (Morais 6:304)
< Fr. losange ‘id.’ (Machado 3:443, Cunha 481)
MAMULENGOS n. m. pi. ‘divertimento popular que consiste em representa
çôes draméticas por meio de bonecos’ [1890] (Morais 6: 441)
< 7 Cunha (493) suggests »cruzamento de mâo com tnolengo<.
MANDONGO Monsanto n. m. ‘aquele que tem mandonguice’ (Buescu 336).
MANDRONGA n. f. ‘mulher que mandria’ (Morais 6: 456)
MARRANCOS toponym (Hubschmid 1955: 19)
MAnJNGO Braz. adj., n. m. ‘diz-se do cavalo velho, ou sem raça, reles’
[1881], ‘instrumento mésico dos negros do Brasil’ (Morais 6: 592), MA
flJRRANGO Braz. n. m. ‘mau cavaleiro’ [1899] (id., 6:593), MATURRENGO
Braz. adj., n. m. ‘id.’ (ibid.), MATURRANGAS Trasm. n. f. pi. »dar-Ihe nas
maturrangas« ‘descobrir-Ihe as manhas, tocar-Ihe no ponto vuinerâvel’
(ibid.)
< Sp. matungo, maturrango ‘id.’. I am here in disagreement with the
Portuguese authorities: Machado (4: 79) and Cunha (507) consider ma
tango to be of African origin; while Machado (4: 79) suggests for tua
turrango < matungo + rengo.
MEDRANCO Mirand. adj. ‘medroso’ (Leite de Vasconcellos 1900: 461)
< ,nedroso ‘timid, fearful’, by suffix substitution
76
MERENGUE n. m. ‘bob de claras de ovo batidas com açûcar’ [1881] (Morais
6: 700)
< Spanish merengue ‘id.’ < Fr. meringue ‘id.’ (Machado 4: 109, Cunha
514)
MERTOLENGO, MARTOLENGO, personal name (Leite de Vasconcellos 1959:
378), ‘inhabitant of Mértola’ (Hubschmid 1955: 22)
— Mértola personal name, place-name
M0GANG0 Monsanto n. m. ‘variedade de abôbora menina’ [1813] (Buescu
322), MOGANGA adj., n. f. ‘diz-se de uma variadade de abébora menina’
(Morais 6: 888), MOGANGOS n. m., MOGANGAS n. f. pi. ‘trejeitos de mAo e
face’ (id., 6: 889), Beira adj. ‘mandriâo, indolente, desajeitado’ (Cordeiro
179), BEGANGO Algarv. n. m. ‘corcubitécea comestivel, achatada, de poi
pa amareia’ (Viana 15), BOGANGO, MOGANGO Aient. n. m. ‘abébora me
nina’ (Delgado 62)
< ? (Sec Spanish boango.)
MOLENGO adj., n. m. ‘preguiçoso, mandriâo’ (Morais 6:899), M0LENGA adj.,
n. m and f. ‘que é mole, indolente’, ‘fracalhAo’ (ibid.)
— mole ‘soft, yieiding’, ‘lackadaisical’
MOLHANGA n. f. ‘grande porçâo de moiho, moiho grosso ou muito condi
mentado’ (Morais 6:901)
— inollw ‘sauce, gravy’
MONDONGO n. m. ‘mii~dos de certos animais’ [lSth cent.], ‘individuo sujo,
mal amanhado’, ‘frangaiho, farrapo, trapo’ (Morais 6:915), MONDONGA
n. f. ‘a muiher que limpa os mondongos’ [1813] (Cunha 529), MONDRON
GO n. m. pej. ‘nome que dAo no Brasil aos portugueses’ (Morais 6:915)
< Spanish mondongo [1599], as suggested by the earlier attestation date
MORANGO n. m. ‘fruto dos morangueiros’ [1890], adj. ‘diz-se de certa qua
lidade de abôbora’ (Morais 6: 950), MORANGA n. f. ‘variedade de uva’,
‘variedad de cereja’, ‘espécie de abôbora’ (ibid.), MORANOAR Monsanto y.
intr. ‘trabaihar pouco, fingindo que faz alguma coisa’ (Buescu 358)
— (&mora ‘mulberry’ < MORUM ‘Id.’ (Wagner 1944: 324), ‘strawberry’
»von MÔRUM«; REW (~ 5696) and Michaelis (1886: 139) < ?.fORuAl
‘mulberry’, ‘blackberry’. Morais and Machado (4: 163), on the other
hand, propose < *AÎÔnNIcU.
MOSTRENGO Sabugal adj. ‘desavergonhado’ (Maia 433), n. m. ‘individuo
mal feito de corpo, desajeitado, gordo e pesadào’, ‘pessoa desastrada, que
nAo tem modo de vida’, ‘tudo o que se considera ini~til’ [1813] (Morais 7:
42)
< Sp. mostrenco, as proveh by the late date of appearance in Ptg. Both
Cunha (531) and Machado (4: 172) cite inonstro as the ctymon, though
it is actually only a contaminant,
MULI-IERENGO adj., n. m. ‘que tem a mania das niulheres’, ‘que é efemina
do, maricas’ [1813] (Morais 7:87)
— mulher ‘woman’
77
NARICANGA n. f. fam. ‘grande nariz’ (Machado 4: 194)
— *NARÏG,4 —AS ‘nostril’ (sec Gal. nariganga)
PANDANGA Minh. n. f. ‘facto, episôdio divertido’, ‘coisa cômica’ (Morais 7:
725)
< ? Perhaps from pândega ‘spree, revel’, ‘lark’ (Taylor 462), by suffix
substitution.
PARLENGA n. f. ‘parlenda, bacharelice [grandiloquent speech]’, ‘palavreado’,
‘rixa, discuss~o’ (Morais 7:834)
— parla ‘palaver, blather’
PEcHELENGuE Braz. n. m. ‘corsàrio, pirata (Morais 8: 11), PIcHELINGuE
Braz. n. m. obsol. ‘ladrâo, lar~ipio [sneak thief], ratoneiro’, ‘marinheiro
de aventuras rapaces nos mares’ (id., 8:254)
< Sp. pichelingue ‘pirate’ (Morais)
F’ELANCO Braz. n. f. ‘passarinho novo’ [1890] (Morais 8:62)
pelo ‘hair’, ‘feather’
I’ELANGA n. f. ‘pele mole e pendente’, ‘carne magra ou engelhada’ [1890]
(Morais 8: 62), PELHANCA n. f. ‘pelanga’, Braz. ‘muiher velha’, ‘animal
magro’ (id., 8:67), PELHARANcA Aient, n. f. ‘id.’ (ibid.), PELHARENGO adj.
‘magro, escanzelado’ (ibid.)
— pele ‘skin’ (Morais, Machado 4:332, Cunha 591)
PENDENGA Braz. n. f. ‘pendência, rixa, bate-boca’ [1899] (Morais 8: 85),
PENDENGUES Trasm. n. m. pi. ‘arrecadas [earrings]’ (ibid.), PINDONGA n.
f. ‘a gadabout’ (Taylor 489)
pende, ‘to hang’ (cf. pendência ‘id.’). Pindonga, being the only Ptg.
word in —011go, must be borrowed from Spanish.
PERRENGUE Braz. adj. ‘frouxo’, ‘desaientado, fraco, sem forças’, ‘covarde’,
‘ruim’ [1844] (Morais 8: 188), PERRENGO Braz. adj. ‘id.’ (ibid.)
< Sp. perrengue (Morais, Cunha 599, Machado 4:351)
PETRANCA Aigarv. n. f. ‘coisa que nâo presta’, ‘pessoa invaiidada pela muita
idade’ (Viana 61)
< ? Perhaps related to petroso ‘petrous’, petrificado ‘petrified’ which
could be used to describe an old person (cf. siang »old fossil« ‘old per-
son’).
PILONGA Sabugal adj. ‘castanha pilada’ (Maia 452), PILONGO n. m. (bot.)
‘casta de uva’ (Morais 8: 276), PILUNG0 Braz. n. m. ‘cavalo ruim, sem
préstimo’, individuo fraco, macilento’ (Morais 8: 278)
< Spanish pilongo, etc. This is Morais’ daim, and ii is probably correct,
since the point of departure for the semantic extensions in Spanish is
the meaning ‘baptized in a certain font’, which is not found in Portu
guese. On the other hand, there is no pilungo in Spanish, so this must be
an indigenous suffix substitution.
PIRANGA adj. ‘vermeiho’, ‘barro vermelho do Brasil’, ‘género de pâssaros
dentirrostros’, adj., n. m. and f. ‘reles, pelintra’, Minh. ‘miserâvel’, ‘falta
de dinheiro, penûria’ [l9th century] (Morais 8:321), PIRANGAS adj., n. m.
78
and f. ‘id.’ (ibid.)
< 2 Judging from the divergent meanings, two root words appear to be
involved here. Machado (4: 373) asks: »De pirar?< [‘to scram, to beat it’]
pOÇANCO Algarv. n. m. ‘pequeno poço’ (Viana 62)
— poço ‘well’
PODENGO, PODENCO [1188], POTEMGO [1060], POTENCO [1074] n. m. ‘cào para
a caça do coelho’, fig. ‘sabujo [servile foliower], humilde, sevandija [han.
ger-on]’ (Morais 8:416), Sabugal n. m. ‘câo pequeno’ (Maia 455)
< 2 (Sec Spanish podengo.)
POTRANCO Braz. n. m. ‘potro de menos de tres anos’ [1899] (Morais 8:571),
POTRANCA n. f. ‘potranco, égua nova ainda nâo domada’ (ibid.)
— potto ‘colt’ (Cunha 627); or perhaps < Spanish potranca [1492], giv
en the late date of appearance
PRESIGANGA n. f. ‘navio que serve de prisilo ou que recolhe prisioneiros’
[1844] (Morais 8:664)
< 2 Machado (4: 426) does not hazard a guess. Cunha (633) suggests
Eng. press-gang »com infiuência de preso<.
PURANGA Braz. adj. ‘honito, formoso’ (Morais 8:883)
< 2 Perhaps from puro ‘pure’, though the requisite pejorative conno
tations are lacking.
REALENGO [lSth cent.], REGAENGO [1248], REGUEENG0 [1279], REGUENGO
[1337], REGIENGO [l4th cent.] adj. ‘régio, reai, préprio de rei’, Aient. adj.
‘desordenado’ (Morais 9: 219), REGALENGO adj. ‘id.’ (id., 9:338)
real ‘royal; sec Sp. realengo
RELENGO Beir. n. m. ‘moderaçiio, tento, cautela’, ‘realengo’ (Morais 9:384)
< 2 Cf. Sp. relengo; the Iast meaning cited here must be a mistake or a
folk etymoiogy.
RESTINGA n. f. ‘recife, escoiho’, ‘banco de areia ou de rocha no alto mar’
[lSth cent.] (Morais 9:521), RASTINGA n. f. ‘Id.’ [l6th cent.] (Machado 5:
89)
< (Sec Sp. restinga.)
SAMEXUNGA Braz. n. f. pop. ‘sanguessuga [Ieech]’ (Auiete 4545)
< samexuga ‘id.’ < sainessuga ‘id.’ < sanguessuga ‘Id.’ < Lai. SAN
GuISIIGA ‘id.’ (Morais 9:868, Machado 5: 152)
SERINGA n. f. ‘pequena bomba portâtil’ [l6th cent.], ‘pessoa esquisita de
figura ou de carâcter ou importuna’, adj. ‘diz-se do pau de uma ârvore
que produz borracha’ (Morais 10: 106—7), 5IRINGA n. f. ‘Id.’ (id., 239),
XERINGA n. f. obsol. ‘id.’ (Aulete 5361), CHARINGAS Algarv. n. f. pi. ‘doce
feito de massa de farinha triga, que é expelida para uma vasilha com
azeite fervente, por meio de uma seringa e frita’ (Viana 23)
< Lai. S)’RJNGA ‘syringe’ (Machado 5: 185)
SOENGAS toponym (Braga) (Saclis 10)
< ? According to Gamiillscheg (1932: 133), from Goth. Suningas <
Su,,—, personal name. The ending —as, however, is not Gothic.
79
SOLARENCO adj. ‘relativo au pertencente a salar (casa ou herdade nobre)’,
n. m. ‘senhor de salar’, ‘aquele que, como serviçal ou lavradar, vivia no
solar ou herdade de outrem’ [1066] (Marais 10: 326)
— so!ar ‘noble bouse or lineage’ (Machado 5:220)
SPADENGO personal name [978] Piel (1976: 252)
SULANCA n. f. ‘venta do sul’ (Hubschmid 1955: 21)
— su! ‘south’
TITINGA n. f. ‘manchas brancas no rostro ou em outras partes do corpo’
(Morais 10: 919)
< ? Cf. Sp. tifingo ‘intensely black’.
TRAVANCA n. f. ‘embaraço, obstâculo’ [1305, as toponym 1065] (Machado 5:
331), TRAVANCO n. m. ‘id.’ (Marais 11: 177), TRAVINCA n. f. ‘pequena
haste ou trave’, ‘taramela’ (id., 11: 184)
— trave n. f. ‘grande tronco de ârvore, barrote, viga para sustentar o
tecto de uma construçâo’ (Morais, Machado 5: 331); travinca is ano
matous
VARUNCA n. m. ‘manda froixo, que é dominado pela muiher’ (Morais 11:
538)
< var&o ‘homem’ (id., 11: 523, Machado 5: 378)
VELHANCÂO n. m. ‘veihac~o, aumentativo de veihaco’ (Marais 11: 573)
< ve!haddo ‘cansummate scoundrel, big crook’ < veh’zaco ‘scoundrel’;
Hubschmied 250 mistakes veihancaria, also related ta ve!haco, for a
derivative af ve!ho ‘old’.
VERDOENGO adj. ‘que tem uma caloraçâa tirante a vende’ [I6th cent.] (Au
lete 5264), VERDOLENGO adj. ‘id.’ (ibid.), VERDURENGO Minh. adj. ‘o mes-
ma que verdoengo’, ‘raquitico e de pequena estatura’ (id., 5265), vra
DELENGO Monsanta adj. ‘verdegaso, verdejante’ (Buescu 359)
perde ‘green’ (Machada 5: 387) and denivatives, e.g., perdura, verdor
‘greenness’
VIGILENGA Braz. n. f. ‘espécie de embarcaç~io de pesca’, n. m. ‘o que pesca
em vigilenga’ (Aulete 5294) n. f. ‘espécie de embarcaçâa, armada coma
iate’, ‘tipo de canaa de pesca, quase redonda’ (Marais 11:710), ‘undeck
ed, aimast circular river fishing baat’ (Taylar 641), VIGILIANGA Braz. n. f.
‘Id.’ (Marais 11:711), VIGILINGA Braz. n. f. ‘Id.’ (Aulete 5294)
— vigie Braz. ‘nome que na litaral baiana se dâ a um tipa de pequena
jangada [small barge, raft] de pesca’ (Marais 11: 708), itself passibly
fram a tapanym, mentianed by Marais
XARAMANDuNGP. Aient. n. f. ‘trabalho mal feita, par exempta: um fata’
(Leite de Vascancellas 1955:211)
xENOENGuE Braz. adj. pap. ‘franzina, magra, ardinânia’, ‘imprestâvel’ (Au
lete 5359)
< ? I da nat take seriausly Machada’s (5: 411) guess: < Kimbundu
ndengue ‘pequena’.
80
Catalan’3
ABADENC, —ENcA adj. ‘pertenyent o relatiu a bens, dignitat a jurisdiccié de
l’Abat’ [1068, abbadenc], n. m. ‘conjunt de bens y territaris que cansti
tuien el camp d’accié dcl pader d’abats y abadesses’ (ncvB 1:9), BADENC
n, m. ‘un hâbit neligiôs a monacal’ [l4th cent.], ‘I’abadeja o bacallâ’
[1503] (DcAr 1:8)
abat ‘abbat’; (ncAj: »mot més freqûent en les fonts medievals cast. I
gall-part., pend que na fau estrany a les catalanes«
AGUILENc adj. ‘aguilefia’ (Badia Marganit 337)
àgui!a ‘eagle’
AVIENC Mali. adj. ‘patrimonial’ (DcAr 1:516)
— api ‘grandfather’
BADALENGa n. m. ‘un tapis, une cauverture au quelque chase de ce genre’
[855 as vadelincos, 1010 in .-ng—] (Aebischer 1949: 18)
BARRANC n. m. ‘depressié fanda praduida en la terra per les aigues carrents
o de pluja’ [l4th cent.] (DCvs 2:292)
< (Sec Sp. barranco.)
BERLINGA n. f. ‘mânega que déna gairebé la volta a l’aria de les embar
cacians de vela’ (DCVB 2:444)
< 7 (Sec Castillan berlinga.)
BLADINGa persanal name [988] (Piel 1976: 104)
< 7 Fram an undetermined Germanic raat.
BLANENC adj. ‘inhabicant af Blancs’ (Badia Margarit 318)
— B!anes tapanym
BLANQUENC adj. ‘quasi bianch’ (DcAT 1: 824), BLANQUINENc, -ENCA ‘Id.’
(DcvB 2: 462)
— b!anc ‘white’
BaRRANGa n. m. ‘perturbat, fara de seny’, interj. ‘interg. d’admiracié, sar
presa’ (DcvB 2: 534)
< 7 »Patser de borraixo, amb canvi de sufix per efectes eufèmics«
(Dcvii); cf. burranga ‘swearward’.
BRUTANGO Mail. adj. ‘intensiu de brut’ (Dcvii 2:633), BRtJTARRANGa Mail.
adj. ‘Id.’ (Wagner 1944: 324)
— brui ‘brutish’, ‘dirty’
BULLANGA n. f. ‘maviment tumuitués especiaiment de baralla’ [1839], ‘di
versié soroliosa’, ‘barreja de peixas malt petits’, n. m. ‘hame baralladis,
busca-raons’ (DcvB2 2:731)
< Cast. bullanga ‘id.’ (DcAr 2: 335)
‘~ The faliowing is as campiete as I cauid rnake t far suffixes other than -‘ene,
whose synchronic praductivity farced me ta pravidc oniy a represenlative sampie
af 32 items.
81
 *1
BURRENC adj. ‘donkey-like’ (voir 2: 345), ‘que té modals grossers’ (DcvB2:
744), BURRANCA interj. ‘Schimpfwort’ (Wagner 1944: 324)
— butta ‘donkey’, cf. borrango, also an interjection
BURXANC n. m. ‘branca o basté punxegut’ (vcvs 2: 672)
— burcar ‘tocar j remoure ab un instrument de punta’ (ibid.)
CALANCA n. f. ‘cala petita’ (vcvB 2: 755)
— cala ‘small bay’ (DoiT 2: 404). See Hubschmid (1959: 246—65). The
word also occurs in halo-Romance, and is traceable ultimately to ci
L4RE.
CAMARLENC n. m. ‘oficial de la cort deis reis d’Aragé’, ‘el primer dels carde-
nais de la Cambra Apostôlica’ (ca. [1280], see Messner 75) (DcvB 2:790)
< ltal. camarlingo ‘Id.’ < Frk. kamarlïng ‘id.’ (noir 2:451)
CANDONGA n. f. ‘lilaila, treta, bellaqueria’ (Wagner 1944:328)
< Spanish candonga ‘id.’
CARLINGA n. f. (naut.) ‘peça de fusta o de ferro colS locada a la part inter
ior-inferior del bue d’una embarcaciô, i que té un encaix per encletxar-hi
i descansar-hi un pal’ [1839] (ncvB 2:937)
< Fr. carlingue ‘id.’ (DoiT 2:576)
COBERTENC adj. ‘un poc cobert Fun poc ennuvolat]’ (DcvB 3:224)
— coberi, past participle of cobrir ‘to cover’
COTONENCA (ovEuA) adj. ‘de lana corta, algodonosa’ (Mou 363)
— coiô ‘cotton’, pi. corons (vcvn 3:673)
EIVISSENC adj. ‘from Ibiza’ (Badia Margarit 318)
— Eivissa toponym
ESCORRANC n. m. ‘xaragall, aigua que corre pet camp’ (DcvB 5:292)
— escôrrer ‘to drain’
ESTIUENC adj. ‘veraniego’ (Badia Margarit 337)
— estiu ‘summer’
FALLANCA n. f. ‘engany simulat, especialmente en el joc de cartes’ (Ferrer
Pastor 124)
falla, cf. »joch de falles< ‘en el juego de naipes ocurre cuando por no
poder seguir el paso del contrario se juega triunfo’ (Aguiiô 4: 14); does
not appear to be related to Spanish favanca, Ptg. faianca
FAMOLENC adj. ‘hambriento’ (Badia Margarit 337)
— faut ‘hunger’
FANDANGO n. m. ‘dansa popular espanyola, introduïda de temps antic en
terres catalanes’ [1839], fig. ‘enrenou, desorde’, ‘moviment viu’ (Dcvii 5:
731)
< Cast. fandango ‘Id.’ (noir 3:875)
FAVANCO n. m. ‘sorte de fève’ (Philipon 1906b: 283)
— fava ‘bean’
FLAMENC adj., n. m. and f. ‘nadiu o propi de Fiandes’, ‘vermeil’, ‘au pal
miteda’ [ca. 1280, Messner 751 (ncv32 5:906—7)
< (Sec Spanish flamenco.)
82
FLIXANCA adj. ‘inhabitant of Flix’ (Coromines 1943: 582, vcvii2 5:918)
— Flix toponym
FLOR0Nc n. m. ‘florôncol, furôncol’ (Ferrer Pastor 948)
< (Sec Spanish ,floronco.)
FORANC n. m. ‘obertura, coli o pas natural entre muntanyes’ (ncvB 5:969),
F0KANcA n. f. ‘cova de poca profunditat’ (Ferrer Pastor 124), ‘gorge ou
brèche dans la montagne’ (Coromines 1943: 582)
fora ‘outside or, or fard, —aria ‘externat, from outside’; the noir (4:
115) lists the word under FORARE, whose meaning is normally ‘10 bore
(through)’ (REw § 3430)
FREDOLENC adj. ‘sensitive to cold’ [1860] (noir 4: 181)
— fred ‘coid’; cf. var. fredo 1cc
FUTINGA n. f. ‘futesa’ (ncvB 6: 109)
— foire ‘b fuck’ (ncAr 4: 154)
GROGUENC, GItOGuINENc, GROGUISSENC adj. ‘groguinôs, que tira a groc’
(ncvii 6:419)
groc ‘yeHow’; cf. gmvguissô (noir 4: 667)
GUADENGO n. m. ‘type of cover’ [1010] (Aebischer 1949: 17), QUADINCOS
‘Id.’ [8551 (ibid.), GAZENGA ‘Id.’ [1191] (ibid.)
< Goth. *Watingôs < Wai ‘clothes’ (Aebischer); cf. Mod. Prov. gazene
‘piece of cloth for carrying forage’
HOMENENC adj. ‘d’home, que sembla home’ (Dcvii 6:531)
home ‘man’
ILLENC adj. ‘isleho’ (Badia Margarit 337)
— tua ‘island’
LLOSANCA n. f. ‘pedra plana, dura I Ilisa, en terreny catis’ (ncvii 7:61)
— Ilosa ‘id.’ (id., 7:59)
MAGENCO adj. ‘pertaining [o May’ [1140] (Aebischer 1949: 20), MAGENC n.
m. obsol. ‘anyeli’ (ncvii2 7: 117)
maig ‘May’
MALLERENGA, MALLENGA, MARALLENGA n. f. ‘oceli [i’ook]’ [1805], fig. ‘dona
xerraire’, fig. ‘dona dolenta, malèvola’ (ncvii 7: 174)
< Frk. *nleisinga dim. of incisa ‘titmouse’ (DoiT 5: 399); cf. Fr. mné
sange, Gal. merlinga, Oc. inesengo, mnerlenguino, mniroulengo : »perô les
lleng(ïes de! Migdia en fer-se seu et mot germânic et confongueren una
mica amb merla, fent-ne mner1”l)lenga, transposat després en mnallerenga.<
Cf. REW (~ 5467).
MERENGA n. f. ‘dolç fet de blancs d’ou i sucre’ [1840] (ncvii 7:374)
< Fr. meringue ‘id.’ (noir 5:608)
MESrALLENC Ibiza adj. ‘que té mescla de cabeils blancs d’altre color’
(ncvii 7:388)
— niestaIl n. m. ‘mescla de diferents espècies de cereals’, fig. ‘mescla’
(id., 387) < MîxTus, past part. of MIXCE1iE ‘to mix’ (noir 5:625)
83
MOIXIGANGA n. f. ‘festa péblica de gent disfressada j comparses’, fig. ‘ceri
mônia collectiva ridicula’ (ncvB 7: 489)
< CasÉ. mojiganga ‘ii’ (ncvn)
MORTENCA (pnniu~) adj. ‘que hace la cal de mala calidad (por oposiciôn a
pedra viva)’ (MolI 363), ‘la que no fa la calç gaire bona’ (DcvB 7: 598)
mort, past participle of matir ‘to die’
NADALENC adj. ‘navideflo’ (Badia Margarit 337)
— Nadal ‘Christmas’
NEGRENC adj. ‘que tira a negre’ [1805] (DcAT 5: 898), NEGR0SENc adj. ‘id.’
(DcvB 7:734)
— negre ‘black’
NFCARÀGOENC adj. ‘Nicaraguan’ (Radia Margarit 318)
— Nicaragua
ORDIALENCAS, (PERARIU5) adj. ‘type of pear tree’ [1052] (Aebischer 1949:
19)
Ordial, toponym (Ast., Guadalajara) (Aebischer). On the origin of
the etymon, Aebischer speculates: »Peut-être sommes-nous en présence
d’un double dérivé de HORDEUM > ordi par les suffixes -ALE + —ing.~
PEDRENCOS toponym [1028], PEDRENcES toponym [1120] (Aebischer 1949:
16), PEDRENCA n. f. ‘planta de diferents espêcies del génere plantago’
(DcvB2 8:369)
— pedra ‘rock, stone’
PELLANGA n. m. and f. ‘persona alta i magra’, ‘noi grandolâs, xicot ja gran’,
‘dona bruta j malfeinera’, (Dcvii 8:404), PALLANGA n. m. ‘persona Ilarga
ï malairosa’ (Ferrer Pastor 133), PALLARANGA n. f. ‘dona malfeinera’
(Dcvii 8: 154), PELLERINGO Men. n. ru. ‘boci de carn on predomina la
pell’, Mail., Men. ‘boci de roba o d’altra cosa esqueixada, penjant’, Men.
fig. ‘falta secreta, defecte amagat o pecat ocult’, fig. ‘membre viril, en
llenguatge infantil’ (id., 8:405), PELLERINGA n. f. ‘porcié de peu sobrera
o penjant’, ‘persona mal vestida i mal alimentada’ (id., 8:405), PELLANC
n. ru. ‘penca, porcié d’una cosa plana: flexible, com carn, pell, roba’
(Dcva2 8: 404), PELLENC n. ru. ‘porcié de pelI’, ‘porcié Ilarguera d’una
cosa’ (ibid., DCAT 6: 398)
— peu ‘skin’ (DcAT 6:398)
PENYALENC lbiza adj. ‘penyaler, que habita o va sovint pels penyals, esp.
pastor encarregat d’anar a desempenyalar les cabres’ (Dcvii 8:435)
— penyol n. m. ‘penya grossa i elevada’ (ibid.) (DcAr 6: 433)
PIRINENC adj. ‘Pyrenean’ (Radia Margarit 318)
~— Pirineu toponym
PODENC n. m. and f. ‘gos o gossa de caça’ (ncvs 8: 692)
< Cast. podenco ‘id.’ (DcvB, DCAT 6: 632)
POLL4NC, POLLANcRE ‘peuplier’ (Coromines 1943:582), n. m. ‘Schwarzpap
pei [black poplar]’, ‘wuchernder Schôi3ling, Ranke [fastgrowing shoot]’
(Hubschmied 249)
t— poil ‘id.’ < PôpuLus ‘id.’ (< -ANCULU in the case of pou ancre)
84
POTINGA n. f. [1840], POTINGUE n. m. ‘medicament o cosmètic, en Ilenguat
ge familiar i despectiu’ (Dcvii 8:806)
pot ‘medicine bottie’ (Dcvii). Again, as in Spanish potingue, Coro
mines (DCAT 6: 753) derives the word through Prov. poutingo ‘drogue
médicinale, médicament’, ‘mauvais ragoût’ — pouringaire — apouticaire
‘apotecari’, under the influence of pol and potolge.
POTRANCO n. m. POTRANCA, POTRANGA Mali. n. f. ‘poitre que no passa de
tres anys’ (Dcvii 8:807—8)
< Sp. potranco ‘id.’, since the Catalan word for ‘colt’ is poitre
puDINGA n. f. geol. ‘conglomerat naturai format de pedres rodonenques’
(Dcvii 8:961)
< Fr. puddingue ‘id.’ (DcAT 6: 850), or perhaps directly from Engiish
pudding-stone
RALINGA n. f. (naut.) ‘corda que es cus fortament a la vorera de les veles per
reforçar-la’
< Fr. ralingue ‘id.’ (Dcvii 9: 111, DCAT 7:67)
REIALENC n. m. obsoi. ‘patrimoni reial’ [1264] (Dcvii 9:312), REYALENCH n.
m. ‘id.’ (id., 1370), REALENCI-I n. m. ‘id.’ (id., 1381), ItEALENc adj. not
defincd (id., 9: 182), EL REALENc toponym (id., 9:312)
— reiai ‘royal’; DOIT (7: 214) cites realenc: »originalment adj., apiicat a
les propietats reiais, Llatinitzat en una disposicié de Jaume I, de 1264:
reaiencl:zi,n.< He remarks further that pronunciation varies: ([rrealeijk]
[rrealeij] [rreaieijko]).
RIBERENC adj. ‘ribereflo’ (Radia Margarit 337)
— rbera ‘shore’
RODEBALDENCOS (vILLARE) toponym [914] (Aebischer 1949: 16)
< Goth. *Rodebaidingôs < Rodebaldo, personai name (ibid.)
RODBERTENGOS, RODBERTENC0S toponym [1069] (Aebischer 1949 16, 16n)
< Goth. *Hrothbe,.htingôs < ~‘Hi~ôtlis, personai name (‘fame’) +
Berhts, personal name (‘bright’), both in RG (1:311—17); cf. Frk. Hrôtiz
berht’ ‘id.’ (ii, 61).
SANTANTONIENC n. m. and f., adj. ‘nadiu de Sant Antoni de Portmany’
(Dcvii 9:737)
— Sant Antoni toponym
SIRINGA, XEIUNGA n. f. ‘fiabiol de set canons’, ‘gènere de plantes’, ‘fistula
anal’ (ncvn 9:929)
< Lat. SYRINGA ‘syringe’
SORRENC adj. ‘arenoso’ (Radia Margarit 337)
— sana ‘arena’
vERDENC adj. ‘verdés’, ‘que verdoleja’ (ncvn 10: 729), VERDOSENc, VER
DOLENC ‘id.’ (id., 10: 731), VERDANC Val. ‘sprout’ (Meyer-Lflbke 1925a:
77)
— verd ‘green’
85
VERMELLENc adj. ‘vermellôs’ (DCVII 10: 745), vERMaL0SENc adj. ‘id.’ (id., Chapter Two
744)
vermeil ‘red’ (DCVII)
VILENC adj. ‘de Vila (capital of Ibiza)’ (Mou 363), n. m. and f. ‘nadiu o I The Ibm-o-Romance —enK— Suffixes
propi de Vila’ (DCVII 10: 812)
Vile toponym
VITENc Mali. adj. ‘fort, enêrgic, que té moita vitalitat o resistència’
— vit ‘vital’ (DCVII 8:43; Mou 363)
XARANGA n. f. ‘banda de mûsica militar’ (DCVII 10:912)
< Cast. charanga ‘id.’ There is another xaranga, var. of xaranca, a kind I. Description
of hop-scotch (Cast. casov, inferizôculo) (DCVII 10: 917), which may or J
may not be related. The —enK— suffixes include Sp. —engo, —enco, —engue, —en que, Gal. —engo,
—enco, Ptg. —engo, and CaL. —enc)4

Arranged by language and suffix-type, the numericai distribution is as

foilows:

Spanish Galician Portuguese Catalan Total

-enco 49 2 51
-enc *32 *32
-enque 4 4
-engo 22 10 15 47
-engue 9 1 10
Total 84 10 16 34 144

Arranged according to language and dialectal groups in a map-like con

figuration, the individual suffixes show the following distribution ~

—enc—

Gai. W Hisp. Cast. E 1-lisp. Cat.

0 5 15 22 *34
Ptg. And./Can.
0 1

‘~ in some diaiccis of Catalan, the final stop —k of —aie has been iost after velariz
ing the preceding nasal, cf. Egert (1985: 130) and Mascaré (1986: 25, 28, who
transcribes po/Ianc as [puXai)], esquellerine as (askaXariijl), but compare Mou
(1956: 363) who transcribes [egk].
group —en que with —enco, and —engue with —engo. The term »W Hispanic<
refers to the Asturian, Leonese, and Extrcmeiio modaiities, »E Kispanic~ to Ara
gonese, Navarrcse, Riojan, Alavese, and Murcian.
86 87
Mex./Cent. Amer. 4 N Adj. ? <N <Adj. <V
Carib. I
Hisp. S. Amer. I -enc- 15 35 3 33 15 5
Bras. O Galician
-eng- 2 8 0 8 1 1
—eng—’6 -enc- O O O O 0 0
i’ortuguese
Gal. W Hisp. Cast. E Hisp. Cat. -eng- 6 10 0 9 3 4
10 5 12 0 0 -enc- O O O O O O
catalan
Ptg. And./Can.
-eng- O O O 0 0 0
15 2
-cric- 3 31 1 27 8 0
Mex./Cent. Amer. 3 O parai1
Carib. 4 -eng 24 33 0 39 9 9
Hisp. S. Amer. 6 -enc 18 66 4 60 23 5
Braz. 2
Overall, and in each specific language, —eng— and —elle— tend to be (1)
adjectival and (2) denominai. Considering the normal tendency in Ro
We observe that (1) —enc— is more numerous overall, as well as in Span
mance for denominal adjectives to become lexicalized as nouns’7, the ad
ish and Catalan, but is flot productive in Galician or Portuguese; (2) —eng—
jectival bias of this group of suffixes was probably even stronger at one
is flot productive in NW Hispanic or in Catalan; (3) as previously mention
time.
cd, —eue is synchronically productive in Catalan. Overall, —enc— is pre
dominant in the east, gradually lessening toward the west and south, while Below, the corpus of —enK— words are categorized according to (I) over
—eng— shows greatest strength in the west and center, diminishing toward aIl meaning, and (2) meaning or function of the suffix alone, insofar as
the east and south. There is thus a mirror-image distribution of the two this can be determined. In order to aliow for immediate comparison, the
clusters. various suffixes are listed together, —eng— suffixes appearing in Roman,
—elle— in italics.
C. The case of —enK.- is typical of ail the —nK— suffixes in that gram
matical analysis is subject to a number of complicating factors. In some
Denotation
cases, e.g., that of abadengo, the word belongs to two form classes. In these
instances I have chosen what appears to be the most basic class. Sonie clear I. Terms of ownership and property
derivatives (e.g., nadadorenque) were flot defined by the scholars who re Sp.: abadengo abolengo abolengue mestengo realengo solariengi /1
gistered them, making identification impossible. This explains the category avolenco mostrenco realenco
marked »?« below. Finally, some grammatical identifications seem to be Gal.: abadengo avoengo realengo solarengo
erroneous, e.g., Alcalâ Venceslada’s Andalusian chatungo, which he cx Ptg.: abadengo avoengo realengo solarengo
plicitly identifies as a noun but defines as an adjective (chato sin exceso’). Cat.: abadenc a;’ienc reialenc
Again in these instances I chose the most likely class from those offered.
Subject to these conditions, the form-classes of derivatives and bases are ‘7The tendency of adjectives to become nominalized was considered universal by
represented in the following table: Philipon (1906a: 1) and confirmed by Allen (1941: 50) for Portuguese. We can
probably assume, for example, that the following Spanish nouns were once ad
N Adj. ? < N < Adj. < V jectives: Arag. albenco ‘whiteness’, Arag. aflenco ‘calf less than one ycar nId’,
Arag. casalenco ~person living in a country house’, Nav. mavorenca cow which
Hispanic
will soon be old’, Ast. pradencu ‘animal unaccustomcd ta being stabled’, abolengo
-eng- 16 15 0 22 5 4 ‘patrimany inherited from thc grandparents’, And. Inareugo ‘man of the sea’, and
Nic. tnonengo ‘rustic person’. This cannot be said of the deverbal nouns (e.g., Gal.
6 None of the Peninsular Portuguese forms are dialectally marked. ‘noenga ‘milI stone’ < mccc ‘to mill’), but thcy are few in number and presum
ably a late innovation.
88
89
 :1

2. Designations of persons and/or their traits 8. Objecis of inferior quaiity

Sp.: caûengo chovengo frailengo frioiengo marengo mayorengo Sp.: perendenga chequendengue perendengues /1 chupenco
monengo mudengo mujerengo muquengo perrenga cafiengue ma Ptg.: pendengues
mengue perrengue // alunadenco burrencu caminencu casalenco
escardefenca esrraidenco fiaquenco friolenco Jiitenco mudenco pa 9. Designations of time or age
tulenco regordenco zopenco zullenco patulenque Sp.: afienco martinenco ,nayorenca popenco
Gal.: mulierengo Cat.: estivenc tnagenco nadalenc
Ptg.: andarengo bordaiengo molengo muiherengo peiharengo
Cat.: burrenc famolenc fredolenc homenenc vitenc 10. Miscellaneous
Sp.: changuenga Chapalengo manenga builarengue jalengue //
3. Animais bordenco initadenco sellenca sellenco trabencu
Sp.: perlengue 1/ aflenco mavorenca mostrenco pastenco pelenco Gal.: larengo moenga
papenco pradencu sapenco Ptg.: pendenga parienga vigiienga
Gal.: noitarenga tourengo Cat.: cotonenca cobertenc ordialenc Pedrencos
Ptg.: bicharengo
Cat.: aguilenc burrenc On this count we observe that (1) almost ail of the 142 —enK— words fit
into one of ten denotational categories; (2) in Spanish, ~-eng— appiies most
4. Physical defects commoniy to people and their traits, and substantiaily to property desig
Sp.: cafiengo chovengo friolengo cafiengue // caminencu estraiden nations; —enc— appiies in people and animais, particuiarly 10 their physicai
co fiaquenco J)io!enco malenco inudenco patulenco regordenco pe defects or age, as well as to their provenience, to parts of the terrain, and w
lenco physicai qualities of objects, especialiy colors; (3) in Catalan, areas of con
Ptg.: peiharengo centration are designations of provenience, colors, and terrain, while no
Cat.: fwnolenc fredolenc tabiy few in comparison with Spanish designate persons or their traits.

5. Land and aspects of the terrain Suffixai function or meaning

Sp.: aI/an,enco burenco casalenco mayenco rulenco trabenco
I. Pertinence or provenience
Gal.: riarengo
Sp.: abadengo aboiengo frailengo marengo mayorengo mestengo
Ptg.: bordalengo
payengo reaiengo solariengi villarengo // albenco allanienco mien
Cat.: inortenca penya!enc riberenc sorrenc
co avolenco burenco casalenco ferrenco ibicenco jijonenco inartinen
co mayenco inayorenca ,nitadenco mostrenco pastenco pirinenco p0-
6. Provenience
penco pradenco realenco nilenco salacenco salobrenco sarlierenco
Sp.: payengo viilarengo // ibicenco jijonenco pitinenco salacenco
sellenco
sarilerenco
Gai.: abadengo avoengo larengo noitarenga reaiengo riarengo so
Ptg.: Mertoiengo
larengo tourengo /1 ibicenco
Cat.: blanenc eivissenc illenc nicaragiienc pirinenc sanzantonienc ri
Ptg.: abadengo andarengo avoengo Mertolengo reaiengo solarengo
lenc Cat.: abadenc aguilenc avienc blanenc eivissenc estii’etic famolenc
fredo!enc ho,nenenc illenc magenco nadaleuc nicaragiienc ordialeuc
7. Physical qualities of objecis peni’a/enc pirinenc reialenc riberenc sa,itantOniellC sorrenc vile,ic
Sp: blandengue 1/ agrienco albenco azulenco bennejenco ferrenco
salobrenco 2. Attenuation
Ptg.: verdoengo Sp.: azulenco berniejenco Jii/enco
CaL: blanquenc grogueuc ,nestal/enc negrenc vet-deuc i’er,ne/lenc Ptg.: verdoengo
CaL. z b/anquenc cohe,ienc groguenc inestallenc negrenc verdenc ve,—
tneI/enc
90 91
 3. Pejoration xlv
Sp.: cafiengo changuenga chovengo friolengo monengo mudengo realenco [1300] reguengo [1337] reyalench [1370]
mujerengo muquengo perrenga blandengue cafiengue chequenden realench [1381]
gue memengue perendengues perrengue /7 alunadenco bordenco
burrencu caminencu chupenco estraidenco fiaquenco friolenco ma Supplementing- this rather meager number of derivatives are several
lenco papenco patulenco pelenco regordenco sellenca zopenco parts additional categories of datcd material. First, there is Ptg. juvenco [1009],
lenque whose ending is unchanged from its Latin etymon JUvENCUS. Second,
Gal.: mullerengo there is a large group of words which I wilI argue reflect Gothic —ingôs,
Ptg.: bordalengo molengo muiherengo parlenga pelharengo includiifj~p. gardingus [7th cent.], Ptg. Albarengo and Albarenga [933],18,
pendenga pendengues gardengo [1099], and probably Froarengus [905], .Bellengo [915], and Spa
Cat.: burrenc cotonenca Iflortenca dengo [978], Cat. quadincos [855] / guadengo [1010], Rodebaldencos [914],
Rodbertengos [1069]. Spanish also has, from Dutch rather than Gothic,
5. Miscellaneous or indeterminate function fiamengo and flamenco [both 1340], while Cat. camar/enc (ca. 1280] is
Sp.: Chapalengo Manenga 7/ sapenco trabenco trabencu either < its Prov. counterpart, or directly from Frk. *ka,?îa,.li,lg Consti
Gal.: moenga tuting a third category are words of unknown origin, including Sp., Ptg.
Ptg.: bicharengo Mertolengo vigilenga potengo, which appears in many variants from the lIth cent. onward, and
Cat.: Pedrencos the Cat. personai name Bladingo [988]. Also of unknown origin, but ap
pearing to be ancient include the Sp. toponyms Calengas, Alienco, Lebin
We observe that (1) each of the four languages bas a large core of words co, Paulenco, Trevenca, and Barbaringo.’9
where —enK— denotes pertinence to the modified noun, and that in Span The high concentration of early —enK— words of Germanic origin lias
ish these are evenly divided between —engo and —enco; (2) the pejorative been decisive in speculation on the origin of the suffix. Though there are
function is very strong in Spanish and Portuguese, less so in Galician and other hypotheses, investigators of Ibero-Romance in particular have ai
Catalan; again, Sp. —engo and —enco are indistinguishabie in this respect; most unanimously accepted the hypothesis that —enK— is a reflex of some
(3) attenuation, also probabiy a subclass of pertinence, is an important form of Germanic —ing—. Reiatively superficial approval bas been given
function in Catalan. by, for Portuguese: Nunes (1930), Lima (1969), and da Cunha (1982); for
Spanish: Menéndez Pidal (1952b), Hanssen (1945), Garcja de Diego
(1951), Pellegrini (1966), Eicock (1975), Mason (1979), and M~iller (1987);
Il. Origin and for Catalan: Moli (1952). More in-depth investigations which also
point to —ing— as the predominant factor include Allen (1941) and Macha
do (1977) for Portuguese, and Gamillscheg (1932), Aebischer (1949), and
The most important data for the study of the origin of a suffix are the
Pattison (1970) for Spanish. Among the comparatists, Meyer-Lûbke (1895,
earliest. Derivatives in —enK— attested before the lSth cent. are:
1906) accepts the —ing— origin for the suffix in ail the Ibero-Romance
languages, while Diez (1871) would except only Catalan from this group.
Spanish Portuguese Catalan I too believe that the Germanic suffix is the source of the ibero-Ro
PRE-XII mance —enK— suffixes. At the same time, however, I believe that the me
abolenco [1032] auoiinga [922] Pedrencos [1028]
abadengo [1099] solarengo [1066] ordialencas [1052] ~ Gamillscheg (1932: 361) assumed that, because —engo is here adjectivai, »in ci
solariengi [1099] abadengo [1099] abadenc [1068] nem Namen ‘vie AIi’arenga ist also nur der Personenname gotisch, die Bildung
xu magenco [1140] selbst ist bereits romaaiscb~<. But since both formants are of Gothic origin, a
more conservative view would regard A/ra~-enga as a syntaclically adapted ver
XIII sion of an earlier Goth, tAiraringôs.
‘~ As noted n Lbe data section, iiarbaringo is cvidently a derivative of —enK— on the
abolengo [1223] avoengo [13 c] realenchum [12641
base B4R8.4 R US. I bave left it out of the tables and cbarts in ibis chapter because
realengo [13 c] regaengo [1248] camarlenc [1280] of its anomalous ending, wbich would make il appear to be a derivative of —inK—,
mostrenco [1287] regueengo [1279] wliich I do not consider possible.

92
93
chanism through which the transfer was made from Germanic to Roman
ce is not wideiy understood, since the only clear description of it that I
have found is in Gamillscheg’s analysis of the specifically ITALI.4N situa
tion.20 Among Hispanists, only Aebischer shows signs of having grasped
the essentials of the process. This aione justifies a thorough treatment of
the issue aL this time.
The essentials of the —ing— hypothesis are:
1. During the middle period of the first millennium, Germanic tribes
seized political power in a number of Romanized Iands: iberia, Gaui, and
northern ltaly.
2. The linguistic impact of the resulting contact ~vas mixed, ranging
from fairly strong in northern Gaul to very weak in Iberia. However, in ail
of these areas the intruders put their mark upon the land by assigning their
own piace-names to their settiements.
3. In Proto-Germanic, —ing— had the special function of forming patro
nymics, i.e., personal names based on the name of the father, parallel to
Eng. Johnson ‘son of John’. The usage svas particularly common in Anglo
Saxon, e.g., WuIf Wonreding ‘Wulf, son of Wonred’ (Beowulf 2965, 2970),
but also occurred in OHG family names, eg, Arning < Arnold, Buisching
< BiLsch, Viigiing < Vagi (Munske 1964: 107). Either as semantic ex
tensions or paraile~ developments of the patronymic usage, —ing— names
were applied to tribes (Greatungi, Tervingi [Latinized], respectively ‘East’
and ‘West Goths’), to dynasties (Frk. Merewiaingas), and, since places are
often named after a leading family or citizen, to town and settlement
names. Representative of these are the many —ing— place-names in Bavaria
and Baden-Wflrttemberg, where —iizg represents the nominative singular
(Freising, Straubing, Alling, Ergolding), and —ingen the dative plural (Sig
maringen ‘bei den Leuten des Sigimar’ [Bach 1952—53: 1,1 § 131], Reutlin
geti, Frittiingen, Bochingen).
4. Only in northern Gaul ~vas there sufficient bilingualism to cause
direct transmission of an appreciable number of common nouns contain
ing the —ing— suffix (e.g., hareng ‘herring’ < Frk. haring ‘id.’). Paradox
ically, this is the one area where —ing— failed ta take root in Romance
common nouns. Elsewhere the suffix ~vas absorbed not through borrowed
nouns, but through its adaptation for use as a toponymic suffix with Lat
W Specifically, in the discussion of Langobardic —ing— place-names (Ra 2:70—l). No
such explanation is Lobe found in his nE (1932) article on Spanish, nor in na (I:
330—46) in the discussion of Provençal .-ingôs, nor Ra (1:361—2), where he says
of tue Ibero-Romance situation: »Das gotische —iggs ist ais Adjektiva biidendes
Suffix in das Romanische gedrungen, vgl. span. abadengo, frailengo .. .~ The
citation in note 4 on Alrarenga shows that he did not conceive of Gothic —ingôs
place-names as the carriers of the suffix on the Peninsula.
94
mate stems, e.g., tuaI. Justingo < Justus. In most cases this occurred prob
ably AFFER the demise of the respective Germanic languages. The model
for this transfer was provided by the residual —ing— place-names, made up
entirely of Germanic elements, which were nevertheless morphologically
transparent to the Latinate populations due to the continued use of Ger
manic given-names.
5. Germanic —ing— ~vas a masculine nominal suffix, sufficient in itself ta
denote the property of the family or overlord named in the primitive. This
nuance was lost on the native Romance-speaking populations, who insisted
on attaching the name to a head-noun representing the thing owned, as in
Cat. villare Rodebaldencos (914). This string of two nouns, unnatural in
Romance, was soon modified by making the second element adjectival, as
evidenced by the gender agreement in Ptg. terra Alharenga (9331, terriiorio
Albarengo [943]. The head-nouns were later dropped.
6. Having arisen in Romance toponyms as an adjective ending denoting
pertinence to the stem, —enK— began to spread to common nouns in the
same usage.
Comparative Data
The hypothesis that Ibero-Romance —enK— is a reflex of Germanic —ing-
is greatly supported by the existence of formally and functionally similar
suffixes in aIl other Romance-language areas which experieneed intense
Oermanic influence during the period 400—1000 A.D. Under this rubric I
will examine the Italian, Provenzal, and French evidence.
JTAL0—ROMANCE. The manifestations of Germanic —ing— are particular
Iy strong in northern and central Italy, owing to the length and lateness of
the Germanic contacts. These began2’ with the reign of the Ostrogoths
(494—555), followed closely by the arrivai of the Langobards (568—774),
who in turn were conquered but not exterminated by Charlemagne and
the Franks. The Langobards managed to keep their language alive perhaps
to the end of the last millennium (na 2:202). Here as in southern France a
large part of the —ing— legacy is represented by place-names.
During the first millennium A.D., the Germanic languages were inflec
tional. The pan-Germanic masc. —ing— suffix was therefore also subject to
declension, and was declined according to the patterns of the so-called
a—stems (Wilmanns 1909: 3(2): 325). However, in Romance-speaking
areas, only the nominative singular (in northern Gaul) and plural (in
northern Gaul and elsewhere) were used in the formation of place-names.22
2? Other than the brief encounter with the Visigoths, who sacked Rome in 410
during a campaign through the ltalian Peninsula (Wolfram 1988: 158).
22 According to Rock (1986: 233), these are reinterpretations of the old locative
case.
95
 Jn West Germanic, including Frankish and Langobardic, the singular was
—ing. The plural forms differed, however. In Frankish it was —inga, —ingas
(Ra 1: 63—5), in Langobardic —ingos.23 In East Germanic, including East
and West Gothic, as well as Burgundian, the corresponding forms were sg.
—ings (sometimes written —iggs)24, pi. —ingôs.
Northern and central Italian place-names containing —enK— < Germ.
-ing- have been studied in minute detail, beginning before the turn 0f the
century, the genre having cuiminated in three major studies: Gamiil
scheg’s list of 164 etymologized —engo place-names, categorized by region
(Ra: 2: 72—81), Jud’s (1937) mapped study of over 180 names in northern
Jtaly, and Aebischer’s (1941) approximately 100 Tuscan examples. Citing
examples from Gamillscheg, we may distinguish several categories of
place-names:
(1) those with Germanic stems: ArJïngo [990] < Goth. ,4~fa, Butranengo
< Goth. Bôtil, Arbengo < Lgb. Arbo, Mucengo < Lgb. Môzzo, AI
barengo < Lgb. Albhari, Remorfengo < Lgb. Hrôrnu’ulf, Visenengo <
Lgb. Wîso; (2) those whose stems are Latinate names: Justingo < Jus
tus, Marcellengo < Marcellus, I-’etringo < Petms, Marrinengo <
Marginas, Ossalengo < Uisus, and (3) those whose stems are Latinate
common nouns: Molinengo < Itai. inolino ‘mill’, Montalenghe < Itai.
moniale ‘field fertilized with mounds of dung’.
The borrowing scenario outlined above may be observed with particular
clarity in the Italian data. As mentioned, the Germanic suffix —ing— was
exclusively nominal, based on nouns (ana sarling ‘warriar’ < saro ‘ar
mar’), adjectives (ana arining ‘poor man’ < arin ‘poar’), or verbs (mie
bûweling ‘inhabitant’ < bûwen ‘ta inhabit’). Grimm states (1967: 2:331)
bluntly that —ing— produced »organischerweise fast gar keine Adjekti
va*ç25 In the hands of Italo-Ramance speakers, the rules of usage of Ger
manic —ing— names began to change. The first step was to place them
syntagmatically tagether with the thing owned —— something that could not
have occurred in Germanic —— resulting in phrases such as »in villa Go
tingo<, »in curte Obeningus« (Ra 2,71 [9th and lOth cent.]), where the jack
of grammatical agreement shows that the Germanic nnmes are stiil con
sidered nouns. Also responding to Latin grammatical conditions is the type
»castnan de Waldeningo<, » in Wtieningo«, etc. The second, mast crucial
23 Gamillscheg remarks (Ra 2:70): »Wie sich im Italienischen cm auslautendes —os,
—as entwickelte, ist unklar. Wahrscheinlich ergab —os einfaches —o, z. B. ‘e mai10
ais alter Plural zu la maijo. Ein heutiges Gossolengo kônnte alsa wahl cm lan
gobardisches Gauzelingos fartsetzen.<
24 Accarding to Kiuge (1911: § 48), »Der gutturale Nasal der Verbindungen «g nk
wird nach gr. Weise durch ~g wiedergegeben, sa daB ng ais gg, izk ais gk
erscheint.<
~ According ta Munske (1964: 78), English participial —ing—, which may functian
adjectivally (as in falling leaI’es), bas a different arigin.
96
step, invoived the attachment of the suffix to Latinate stems. This implies
that the Latin-speaking population was able to recognize —ing— as a suffix.
Under normal circumstances, we would expect such an event ta occur only
in a situation of intense bilingualism. The rather Jate appearance of fully
Latinized examples, however, well after the presumed demise af Langa
bardic, suggests that the real cause of the transparency was the pervasive
ness of the use of Germanic given-names in the general population26, e.g.,
Alberto, Asffredo, Anselmo, Arnaldo, Bernardo, Bernalda, Berto, Garibal
di, Rolando, and many others. This transparency enabled later generations
ta attach —ing—, transformed phoneticaily and marphoiagicaily inta masc.
—engo (Tuscan —inga27), fem. —enga (—inga) ta bath Germanic and Latin
roots ta denote awnership af a named property. At the same time they
carried the Romanizatian af the syntax one step further, interpreting the
second noun as an adjective modifying the first, which acted as a head
noun: Villa Spatinga (< Spatto), Carre Rolandinga (< Roland), Poio
Gualteringo ( < Waldhari), villa (terra, etc.) Jusunga ( < fui-tus), Marri
nenga (< Marrinus), Perringa (< Perms), cafadia Bomfacinga < Boni-
face [1014] (Aebischer 1941: 118). Thirdly, the head-naun was dropped,
resuiting once again in lone —ing— place-names, now grammatically ana
lyzable as naminalized adjectives. This step is paralleled by what Gamiil
scheg calls the »Septimanischer Typus~ (1934—36:2:70), i.e., the combina
tion of a naun with the Latinized genitive form af the owner’s name (e.g.,
(flrrre,) Ranîberti < Ra,nberi, (Rivo) Bernardi < Benihard), where in
each case the head-noun became superfluous. Finally, the new adjectival
suffix was transferred ta camman noun stems, at first prabably ta form
place-names (Gamillscheg 2: 72—84): Gargarengo < Piedm. gaigaria ‘la
ziness’, Molinengo < ,nolino ‘miIl’ (accarding ta Gamillscheg, with the
original meaning »zur MiihIe gehôrig«), Scalenghe < i-cala ‘step’, iadder’,
Casiellingo < casrello ‘castle’. As far appellatives (common nauns), the
first ta appear in Italian is »Gerardo spedalingo« [1123], ‘Gerardo the
haspital directar«, assumed by Aebischer (1941: 121) ta be a naminaliza
tian af adjectival spedalingo ‘pertaining ta haspitals’, which itself is attest
cd in this l4th century. The anly ather early —ingo words in the Schrift
sprache (cf. Battisti), alsa fram the l4th century, are casalingo ‘pertaining
ta home’, (uccello) ramingo ‘(bird) flying restlessly fram branch ta branch’,
and Dante’s i-dingo ‘salitary’, in which the ‘pertinence’ denotation is na
longer sa clearly evident. J have very few dates far the dialectal —engo
wards, though Rahifs (Hais 313) cites ow Ligurian vernengo ‘pertinent ta
summer’, Old Piedm. marenc ‘pertaining ta the sea’, and Pisani (1959: 610)
‘6See na (2: 82—108) fora campiete iist af Langabardic given-names.
»Das aberitaiienische —eligo (—enc) ist in der Taskana ganz narmai durch die
Lautfarm —ingo (s. § 49) vertreten.« (nets 313); »i tnsc. casalingo, ramingo, ccc.
banna un / per particalari ragiani fnnetiche: quelle stesse per cui da lengua si
attenne lint~,,a.« (Bertoni 1914: 25).
97
cites OPiem. rnasnengo ‘pertaining ta the bouse’, ail af whase meanings fit
well with the prapased develapments.
Categorized semantically, narthern and central Itala-Ramance appella
tives are as follaws: 28: (1) inhabitant names (fairly rare): barenghi, batin
ghi ‘inhabitant af Abbadia’, scialengo ‘inhabitant of Asciano’, casaienghi
‘inhabitant of Casale’; (2) wards referring ta seasans and manths: Mii.
invernengh ‘pertaining ta winter’, lujengh ‘pertaining ta lune’, maggengh
‘pertaining ta May’, marzengh ‘planted in March’, OMil. staengh ‘pertain
ing ta summer’, Piedm. ostenc ‘pertaining ta August’, primarenc ‘pertain
ing ta Spring’; (3) colars: Mil. brunengh ‘brawnish’; (4) ather adjectives
expressing pertinence: marenc OPied. ‘maritime’, Mii. ‘seaweed’, Lomb.
marenca —nga ‘cald sea wind’, Piedm. solenc ‘expased ta the sun’, Mil.
casarenc, ital. casalingo ‘pertaining ta home’, Itai. ramingo, ramengo
‘wandering, raving’ (ong. ‘[bird] gaing restiessly fram branch [rama] ta
branch’), solingo ‘lanely, salitary’ [l4th cent.], spedalingo ‘pertaining ta
haspitals’ [l4th cent.], maggioringo ‘man af cansequence’, ininoringo ‘man
af na cansequence’. On the whale —enK— / —inK— bas flot fared weli in
itala-Ramance camman nauns, and cannat take verbs as input (passible
exception: guai-dingo). Only a few, in fact, are deadjectival (maggiorengo,
solingo, etc.).
PROVENÇAL. Sauthern and sautheastern France were alsa fertile graund
far Germanic influence, the former having been settled by bath Gaths and
Franks, the latter by Burgundians and Franks. Gamiilscheg lists aver a
hundred (Ra 1: 336—46) Gathic —ingôs place-names in sauthern France,
where they are cancentrated in the départments between Bas-Pyrenées
eastward ta Aude, then NW ta Dardagne (see map 1: 304). The phanetic
autcame af —ingôs was varied in this area, but accarding ta Gamillscheg
(1: 304) tended ta be —encs (—eux), —eus, —ein. Again the examples reflect
the successive stages af Latinization: (I) tapanyms whase stems are Ger
manic names: A!arencs [l2th cent.] < Alharjis; Audressein < Aldirîks;
Flamarens < Framaharjis; Narixens < (Domina,) Rîkisindis; Malarencs
< Malaharjis; (2) tapanyms whase stems are Latinate names: Laurencs <
LAUKENTIU5; Ciarencs < CLAKENTIU5; (3) tapanyms whase stems are Lati
nate camman nauns: Arborencs < AKUOR ‘tree’; Badens <Villa Badencus
[993], Badenx [1119] < ABBAS ‘abbat’; Barbarens < BARBARUS ‘barbarian’;
Famalencs < famulus ‘servant’. The almast 400 Burgundian place-names
deriving fram —ingôs lie cancentrated araund Geneva (ca. 140) and in the
French départments af Ain, Saône et Laire, Jura, Daubs, and H. Saône
(map 3: 16), and tend ta have the farm —ails in the narth and —eins or —ans
in the sauth (3: 6). Amang thase cited by Gamillscheg in bis chapter »Wôr
28 These examples are fram Brtich (1932: 53—60), HaIS (313), Alessia-Battisti
(1950—7). and Meyer-Ltibke (1895:3: 601—2)
98
terbuch der burgundisehen —ingôs—Namen« (3: 71—94) are Adelins (<
Adalingôs) < alliais ‘nableman’, Barsenens [1131] < bit-s ‘bear’, Daudens
< Dada, Francheleins < Frankila, Glairans < Gladaharjis.
As in Itala-Ramance, a nantapanymic —enK— develaped in Pravençal,
but much mare exuberantly sa.29 I iist a representative sample af the der
ivatives belaw, whereby il will became clear that the semantic areas in
volved are, with few exceptians, the same as thase faund in Itala-Ra
mance9° (1) adjectivai designatians af inhabitants: caorsenc ‘inhabitant af
Caars’, OLyan breissenc ‘inhabitant af Bresse’, avignonnenft), —enca ‘in-
habitant af Avignan’, charmen(s), —enchas ‘inhabitant af Charmes’, inaia
flan, —enco ‘inhabitant af Maillane’, chalossen ‘inhabitant af Chalasse’, (2)
seasans: estivenc ‘pertaining ta summer’, ii’ernenc ‘pertaining ta winter’,
joanenc ‘(grass) ta be cut in June’, (3) adjectives referring ta (usually at
tenuated) calars: blavenc ‘bluish’, faibenc ‘slightly pale’, rogenc ‘reddish’,
lachenc ‘milk-white’, I’inenc ‘wine-calared’, (4) ather adjectives of perti
nence: inontanhenc ‘pertaining ta the mauntains’, aerenc ‘af the air’, dia
bienc ‘devilish’, plunibenc ‘pertaining ta iead’, fenî’i)enc ‘pertaining ta
iran’, ranzenc ‘restless, gaing fram branch ta branch’.
PRENCH. Curiausly enaugh, the Latin-speaking area that underwent the
mast intense Germanizatian, narthern France, pravides few examples af
—ing— place-names. There are twa reasans far this. First, patranymic —ing—
was paarly develaped in Frankish. Gamillscheg (Ra 2:62—4) lists anly 21
Frankish —ing place-names, which cantrasts sharpiy with the capiaus
examples fram the Visigathic, Burgundian, and Langabardic areas. lndeed,
he categaricaily rules aut the passibility that Frankish —ing names cauld be
mixed in with the Gathic names in the Sauth, »da ein kankunrierender
frànkischerTypus fehlt«. Secand, due ta the rapidity af phonetic evalutian
in narthern France, Frankish —ing ‘vas saan reduced ta —an, and became
canfused with ather suffixes (—and, —an!, —ciii, —ahi) which »finissent par
le supplanter tout à fait« (Nyrap 1908:3: 170). in its plural farm, —ingas, it
became —anges, which is alsa the outcame of -~rncu, likewise a cam
panent af many tapanyms (Cei’sinianicas > Sauxillanges), catalagued by,
amang athers, Muret (1908).
Still, there are reflexes af —ing—3’ in narthern France, where, significant
Iy, il svas neyer attached ta Latinate stems: Airent, Avrenc < Frk. aber
‘strang’; Bermerain < Berinering < Frk. 9Bei-litiiiâriiig; Hodatit, —cii!,
—enc, —eng, —ahi, —ai? < Frk. Hôding; On < Woens < Wading; Adelange
< Alingias < Adakngas. As far appellatives, narthern France differs
29 Harris’s reverse dictianary af Pravençal lists ca. 80 such items.
30These examples are fram BuLler (1971:81—2), Hubschmied (1939: 216, 221, 226).
and Ranjat 1937: 398).
M As well as af the pI. form —ingas > —ange (Ra 1:65—70).
99
 from the other areas mentioned in having quite a few DIRECT borrowings Romance speakers because it is attached to given names, (3) there is a
from Frankish. As catalogued by the REw, these include brelan ‘three of a transition to use with Latinate stems, and (4) the end resuit is the develop
kind’ < brelenc ‘gaming table’ < Fric. brettiing ‘smail board’ (~ 1288), ment of a usage unrelated to its functions in the donor language.
hareng ‘herring’ < Fric. bering ‘id.,’ (~ 4046), 0Fr. fressange ‘young pig’ <
Frk. *friskinga ‘id.’ (~ 3519), 0Fr. cha,nbrelenc ‘chamberlain’ < Fric. ka
,narling ‘id.’ (~ 4668), mésange ‘titmouse’ < Frk. meisinga ‘id.’ (~ 5467), Further Discussion
0Fr. losanga ‘deceit’ < Fric. lausinga ‘lie’ (~ 4947). The suffix ~vas extend
cd in a few cases to Romance appellatives, which, in view of the toponymie
In the analysis of the comparative correlates of lbero-Romance —enK—, the
development, may be due to the effects of bilingualism, or else to borrow
first order of business bas been to show the presence of —ing— derivatives
ing from the south and east: cormoran ‘cormorant’ < comy’p) mareng [l2th
in areas outside of the Iberian Peninsula which had falien under German
cent.] < corvu *njarjng ‘crow of the sea’, paysan ‘peasant’ < 0Fr, pa&enc
ic influence. These correspondences strengthen the assumption that lbe
< PAGFNSE + —ing, merlan ichth. ‘whiting’ < merlenc < MER UL.4 ‘black
ro-Romance words in —enK— might be likewise attributable to Germanic
bird’ + —ing, tisserand ‘weaver’ < 0Fr. teisserenc, documented as a pro-
—ing—. Though I consider this evidence [o be very convincing, some pro
per name < 0Fr. tissier ‘weave’ < TEXERE (Alessio 1951—55:2:296). The
blems remain. Further discussion is needed on both the form and meaning
examples cited fail notably to fit into the semantic categories recorded for
of the suffixes.
the other regions. Adjectives of pertinence (including coior, provenience,
For,n32~. The formai outcomes of —ing— in Romance are for the most
seasons) are almost totally missing here, the only exception being cor
part noncontroversial, the exceptions being the Prov., Ca. fem. —enca
Illoran.
(which bas subsequently passed to > —enco in many diaiects of Modem
The fact that —enK— failed to develop in northern Gaul supports our
Provençal), and OCat. and Arag. —enco.
f hypothesis in a negative way, since it il oniy there, where the use of —ing— Beginning with Diez, a large number of scholars have remarked that
in patronymic place-names was wealc, and whcre its use in toponyms was
regular phonetic development of Visigothic —ingôs would not have pro
not transferred to Latinate stems, that a fairly robust —enK— suffix failed to
duced the Provençal fem. —enca. On this basis some of them have cailed
develop.
the Germanic provenience of nase. —enc into question as well, and search
Actually, northern Gaul bas something very positive to contribute as
cd for some other, or some additional, element to explain this apparent
well, in Ébat it provides a parallel case of suffixal deveiopment, viz., —ard.
anomaly.
The etymon of this suffix is also Germanic, viz. —hart, not actually a suffix
The chief defender of the Germanic hypothesis against these doubters
but instead a quasi-free morpheme (< Germ. hart ‘hard, strong’) used as a
was Meyer-Lûbke, who presented bis arguments on two occasions.33 Ai
second element in compounds forming Germanic given-names, e.g., Actai-
ready in bis Grammaire (1895: 2:602), he attributed the various —enK— /
hart, Berinhart, Eberhart, Gerhart, Reginhart.32. Here again, the general
—inK— suffixes [o —ing—, adding »d’ailleurs avec un féminin —enca pos
familiarity with Germanic given names lcd from the use of —hart with
térieurement tiré du masculin - - .< After this solution was rejected by Phi
Frankish roots alone to its extension to names of Latinate pedigree, cf.
lipon (1906a: 10n6), he defended it (1906: 750—1) as foliows: »Man Uber
Leonardus [ôth cent.] < Leo, —anis; Probardus [7th cent.] < P,vbus; Fils
sehe nicht, daB dem Germanischen eine fem. Form auf —inga fehlt, so daB
vardus [7th cent.] < Flavus; Magnardus [lOth cent.] < Magnus; in the
also die Romanen sic erst biiden muBten.<34
earliest stages, followed later by C’oiard < Nicolas; (‘D&nisard < Dents;
Jacquard < Jacques; Philippard < Philippe; Pierrard < Pierre, where
the suffix already shows the desrespectful tone that characterizes its func
~ Regarding forrn, the equation Germ. —ing— > WRom. —ing— / —eng— presents an
tion in the final stage, when it began to be attached to common nouns to
additional difficulty, L e., the passage from unstressed in Germanic (cf. Mod.
form nouns (pétard ‘explosion’, placard) and adjectives (communard ‘in Germ. Ti)bingen) (o sressed. One gathers tha the Latin-Romance penultimate
voiving the Parisian commune, 1871’, montagnard ‘living in the moun stress rule was operant here.
tains’, paillard ‘libertine’). Bventually, it was attached even to verbs (pieu “ Curiously, he did not argue (bis point further twcnty ycars later in bis Des Ka
ram-d ‘cry-baby’ < pleurer ‘to cry’). Here as in the case of Southwest Ro taianische (1925).
~ Meyer-LUbke also says that »Das Femininum auf —enco st nicht auffâlliger ais
mance —ing—, (1) a Germanic element is involved, (2) it is transparent 10
gask. —eke zu —cc (Span. —iego —iega).« Brâch (1932: 54) convincingly challenges
(he accuracy of ibis parallel, claiming (liai the Gascon suffixes cited are reflexes
“~ Here I follow Alessio (1951—55:2: 282). na of —cco as in Sp. —ft)ego, but of — cccli, as in Sp. mu,7eco ‘figure, doll’.
100 loi
 If indeed it is truc that the masc. pi. Gothic suffix —ingôs is the basis 0f
Prov. and Cat. —enc, then it foilows that the Latin-speakers of these regions
I I will summarize this and other objections to the —hzg— theory beiow in
were obliged to create a feminine form through anaiogy.35 This solution
~vas rejected by opponents of the Germanic theory, e.g., by Thomas (1906:
19), who cited Prov. lonc, longa and rene, renga —— the latter significantly
a Germanism —— as representative of the »normak deveiopment of such
pairs.
I find considerable ment in Meyer-Ltibke’s arguments. First, it is pos
sible to denive Prov. —enc, —enca from Gothic —ingôs, if a given relative
chronology of sound changes is assumed. As the eanliest and most pre
ponderant masc. form in Provençal, —encs (also written —enx), shows, the
loss of the final vowel in —ingôs must have occurred before the analogical
deletion of —s, producing —ings, ~ —encs. This suggests that there
neyer ~vas a stage ~— ingo from which an analogical fem. *_iilga could
have been denived. Corroborating this is the fact that there are no Prov.
toponyms in *_enga (or —enca, for that matter), which suggests that the
feminine form did not yet exist during the early, formative period of the
suffix when toponyms were iLs only products. Contrasting this with the
ubiquitous italian place-names in —inga (e.g., »terra Ro1andinga~<), where
the final vowel was neyer in danger, we conciude that in Provençal the
analogical adaptation of —ingôs for use in adjectives must have occurred
after it had, through regular phonetic development, evolved to —encs in
toponyms. This was then taken as a masc. plural and used to back-derive
the —enc sing. as weli as the fem. sing. —enca and pi. —encas. A second
reason for adopting Meyer-Lflbke’s point of view is that Thomas’ counter
examples are invalid. R is true that Lat. LONGUS > Prov. bEc, but Prov.
bonga was not formed anaiogically: it is the normai outcome of Lat. LONGA.
Neither was Prov. renga ‘row’, since it and iLs masculine counterpart relie
do not derive from Gothic, but from Frankish hring ‘circie’, pI. hringa
(rather than *hril?gôs as in Gothic). The only analogical change involved
in this case is a semantic one: the interpretation of renga as a singular.
To be sure, not ail the evidence is in Meyer-Ltibke’s favor. The OCat.
and Arag. masculine forms —encos and —enco, for exampie, are difficult W
derive from —ingôs, because they seem to presuppose the restoration of the
final vowel after —ingôs > —enc. Both Gamillscheg and Aebischer cited
scattered Provençal data that follows this pattern as weil, e.g., the latter’s
(1949:19) Butlairenco [1106] (< Goth. Buta, Burarfks); Aicfredenco [1110]
(< Goth. Eikharjis, Aikhardus < taiks, eiks ‘oak’ + *F,.ithI~ ‘peace’)
(etyma from RG 1:312—14). Also puzzling in this respect are the few OCat.
forms in —engo(s,J, e.g., Rodbertengos < *Hlvthbe,.)ltingôs guadengo ‘type
of cover’ < quadincos ‘id.’ < Germ. * Watingôs < Wat ‘clothes’.36
“ Goth. —ings, pi. —ingôs is an exclusiveiy masculine suffix.
36The scattered Prov. data in which the bas oC —s and the final vowei apparently
precedes devoicing of the final velar, e.g., Aebischer’s (ibid.) Lidoinaigueng, Moi
(areng (1130], are undoubtedly orthographic archaisms.
102
my discussion of additional hypotheses.
Besides Meyer-Liibke, oniy J. U. Hubschmied (1939) defended the Ocr
inanic origin of Prov. —enc, —enca, though in a completely different and
unfortunateiy misguided way. Having also rejected Meyer-Ltibke’s analogy
expianation, Hubschmied investigated the possibility that —itzg— might
have had an —hic— variant WflWIN Germanic, and found such a change in
the Upper (West) German of the Sth and 9th centuries, the so-caiied ‘>hoch
deutsche Verschiebung der Medien<. i.e., the change [bdg] > [ptk], which
took place in Bavarian, Alemannic, and also in Langobardic (cf. Ra 2:219—
22), mostly in word-initiai position, as in Bavarian perg ‘Berg’, kot ‘Gott’,
but also occasionally after n, Lgb. C’urtanculfi < Anguif (Verona), Bifan
cou < Bifang (Lucca). Hubschmied concluded that the Italo-, Galbo-, and
Ibero-Romance forms in —enc and —enca differ from those in —eng(o) in
having been borrowed after this change had taken place within Germanic.
To quote his conclusion:
»All das weist darauf bio, daB die Langobarden, Burgunden und Westgoten die
hochdeutsche Verschiebung der Medien mitgemacht haben, insbesondere auch
den in oberdeutschen Denkmiiicrn bezeugten Wandel VOO —17g— zu —nk—. Bur
gunder und Westgoten mûssen ibre Sprache viel lânger bewahrt haben ais inan
gewôhnlich annimmt. Die Romanen haben das germanische Suffix -ing aus dem
Langobardischen, Burgundischen und Westgotischen zu verschiedenen Zeiten
ilbernommen: bcvor und nachdem in diesen Sprachen —ng— zu —nk— geworden
ist, «
Hubschmied cites (232—6) many dozens of aileged [bdg] / [ptk] aiternations
in Burgundian, Frankish, and West Gothic areas, but if the truth be told
hardly any of them occun after nasals. I sec no reason to argue this point
through, however, since the historical assumptions of the theony are un-
tenable. The case of West Gothic is decisive in this respect. First of ail,
Gothic beiongs to a different branch of Germanic; second, iLs iater history
took place in areas far removed from the Oberdeutsch region; and third (a
consideration that makes the first two superfiuous), West Gothic no longer
existed at the time of the consonant shift involved, having died out before
the end of the 8th century (Ra 1:355). Burgundian and Langobardic prob
ably also failed to sec the second millennium. Hubschmied ~vas aware of
this, but reasoned (p. 241):
»Wenn von den Romanen aus der Sprache der Burgunder und der Westgoten
zahireiche Appellative und Ortsnamen, auch cm productives Suffix (ing) mit
verschobenen Medien jibernommen worden sind, miissen das Burgundische und
das Westgotische in der Zeit nach der Verschiebung noch recht bebenskrâftig
gewesen sein.”
This argument is circular, since iL uses the hypothesis itsebf, i.e., that —ing—
> Romance —enc, —euro, to prove one of the arguments in favor of that
hypothesis, i.e., that Burgundian and West Gothic were stiil spoken in the
103
 9th century. This entire Einfall was rejected by severai critics, especialiy
by Dauzat (1940).
Meaning. Apart from the basic grammatical difference between —ing—
and —enK—, i.e., the fact that the former is exciusively nominal and the
latter basicaily adjectival, the twa suffixes are semantically similar, to such
an extent that Hubschmied assumed Ébat a profound biiinguaiism must
have been involved. Though we have rejected this idea, the corresponden
ces are worth pursuing, since they suggest that a certain amount of ban
translation may have occurred.
The suffix —ing— is urgermanisch37, and from the beginning had the
function of deriving designations for persans, animais, and things from
words denoting their individuai characteristics, thus ai birtingr ‘trout’ <
bjanr ‘shining’; einhleypingr ‘bacheior’ < einhleypr ‘unmarried’; sexaer
i’zgr ‘six-oared baat’ < sexaerr ‘having six oars’. Meissner’s (1933: 29—35)
comparativeiy detailed analysis of the suffix shows that designations of
persons (including the patronymic function and its extensions, e.g., persan
and piace-names, names of dynasties and tribes, and two rare inhabitant
designations, Steding ‘inhabitant of Stade’, Veinerling ‘inhabitant of the
isiand cf Fehmarn’ [Bach 1952— 53: 1,1, p. 257)) are by far the most nu
merous, faibowed by animais, plants, bady parts, ciothing, food and drink,
coins, weapans and taois, and units of measure and counting. My list of
Ibero-Romance lexical areas comprises terms germane to iaw and proper
ty, persons and their characteristics, animais, terrain, geographical pro
venience, abjects and their characteristics, and time and seasons. This lasÉ
category, along with inhabitant names, general terms of provenience, ma
teriai make-up, and designations of attenuated colors are particuiarly no
ticeabie in Italian and Provençal.
As is to be expected, the Gemanic and Romance suffixes, one a projec
tion of the other, are semanticaiiy similar. The patronymic functions are
shared, and since bath suffixes designate traits or entities possessing these
traits, it xvas inevitabie that bath would refer ta persans, animais, and
objects. For this reason, it is difficuit to say whether a pair such as ouo
brûninc ‘mule’ (< brûn ‘brown’) / Mii. b’wzeng ‘brownish’ (cf. Ital. bruno
‘brown’) represents a ban or a paraibel deveiopment. On the other hand,
some of the more detaiied correspondences provide stronger evidence for
bans and ban-translations. Germanic coin-names in —ing— that are based
on a person’s name, e.g., AHG cheisuring < C’aesar must have provided the
modei for the many Prov. coin-names in —enc: arnaudenc, guilhabnenc,
rai.mondenc. Diez (1871:2:380) suggests that Itai. solingo may have been
created on the model of OHG eininc, similariy Inaggioringo and ininoringo
on the modei of edilinc and arminc. Brûch (1932) proposes a number of
other pairs, for example the Itai. / Prov. / Cat. seasanal terms (e.g., OProv.
~‘ Here b fobbow Munske’s (1964: 127—33) sunlmary.
104
estil’eflc, invernenc) vis-à-vis ON sutnrungr, vetrungr ‘a one-summer (-win
ter) -oid animal’ (pp. 59—60) (cf. aiso NGerm. Friihiing ‘spring’), Prov.
rnigadenc ‘half-and-half grain mix’ / ON hilJ»ingr ‘haif’; and northern Itai.
casarengh, Itai. casalingo, OPied. rnasnengo ‘belonging ta the hause’ / OHO
(Lombardic) hûsinga ‘househoid deities’.
One the other hand even close approximations do not necessarily signal
direct influence of a Germanic banguage. Kuhn (1935: 213—4) is of the
opinion that a series of animai-related terms in Aragonese, including
mayorenco ‘three-year-obd sheep’, aflenco ‘caif under a year old’, pas!enco
‘cow which prefers the pasture’, is due not ta direct Germanic influence,
but ta anaiogy with a single begitimate borrowing which had entered the
banguage much eariier, Arag. fraxenco ‘young pig’ and vars., traceable
through OProv. ta OLO J)isking ‘young animal’.
Ibero-Romance —enK—.
With the mention of Aragonese we finaily braach again the central tapie
af this chapter, the origin of specificabby Ibero-Ramance —enK—. The cen
trai fact conditianing aur approach ta the specificaiiy Iberian situation is
analmast total iack of early data, ta the extent that, without the evidence
pravided b3~ the comparative data and the piace-name barrowing hypo
thesis based upan it, any attribution af ibera-Ramance —enK— ta Germa
nic influence would be purely specubative. Compaunding the prablem is
the linguistic situation in Visigathic Spain as we understand it. Though the
Visigaths retained palitical contrai fram 507/8 ta 711, they apparently
exercised littie binguistic influence upan the indigenaus Latin-speaking
popubatian, certainly nat enaugh ta explain the barrowing of a structural
ebement such as a suffix. Severab cansideratians support this view: (1) the
reiativeby smail number af Visigaths wha entered Spain, which accarding
ta Sachs (1932:4) »l00.000 bei weitem nicht erreichte<; (2) the fact that
the Goths seem ta have maintained apartheid-bike canditians (prabably far
religiaus reasans, as the Gaths were Arians), as indicated by piacenames
such as Godas, Godôn, Revillagodos vs. Romanillos, Romanones, etc; (3)
the otherwise aiready advanced Ramanizatian af the Visigoths, who had
iived in Roman territary since 257 in Dacia, a factar cbasely rebated ta (4)
the early decline and disappearance af the West Gathic banguage, which
was a fait accompli by the year 700 (Ra 1: 355), befare the Moarish in
vasian.38
Linguistic evidence shows that West Gathic did in fact have littie in
fluence an Ibera-Ramance. Gamilbscheg (Ra 1: 393—4) places the number
af West Gothic »rebic words« in Romance at ca. 130, of which aniy 31
~‘ Wolfram (1988: 211), an shaky grounds, places this event in the mid-sixth cent
b 05
 I
(listed pp. 381—4) are unique to the Iberian Peninsula and thus definitely
products of Visigothic / Ibero-Latin contact. Menéndez Pidal (1952b: 19)
says of the »escaso centenar<~ of Germanic words in Spanish that they are
mostly traceable to Germanic influences dn common Vulgar Latin and, in
larger numbers, to importation from Gallo-Romance, especially in Cata
lan. This scarcity of Visigothic elements in Ibero-Romance implies strong
ly that no significant degree of bilinguaiism ever developed, since studies
of bilingualism have shown that widespread bilingualism b invariably
marked by heavy borrowing.
In view of these historical factors, we conclude that if Ibero-Romance
—enK— represents —ing—, then, the suffix must have been transferred mdi
rectly, perhaps through place-names as portrayed in Italy and Provence.
Significantly, the one other alleged case of Germanic influence on thè
morphological system of Ibero-Rornance also involves given-names. To
quote Menéndez Pidal (1952b: 22, see also Rohlfs 1985b: 46):
,,Aûn debe sefialarse una declinacién especial de los nombres de varôn en —a,
que hacian —a —a,,is o—a —ai” junto a—a —ac: asi, CinGla, C’ùziilam o CinGla
nem; Wamba, Wambanem, Wititza, Wiaizanem; algunos cédices del Fuero Juz
go en romance usan Cinrillmn, Egicôn, aunque la mayoria dicen Bamba, Vutiza,
y el poema de Fernûn Gonzélez usa Vautiçanos, aiteracién de Vugizân; Frotta,
Froilanem dio Fruela ant. y Friolén usual. Esta declinaciôn se aplicaba a nom
bres comunes: amita, amitqn(s; barba —anis, y se refleja en algunas formas,
como sacristdn.~
Later (p. 232) Menéndez Pidal adds to this Iist: gavilén, cap ellén, holgazén.
Here again as hypothesized for —ing-, an ending borrowed as an element
of Gothic given-names is correc~ly analyzed as an separate element, then
extended to common nouns with Latinate stems.39
In spite of comparative and internai parallels, however, the borrowing
hypothesis cannot be sustained for the Iberian situation unless two major
difficulties are countered: (1) the scarcity of attested —ingôs in Gothic, and
(2) the dearth of —enk— place-names on the Peninsula.
Grimm (1967:331) was probably first to call attention to the scarcity of
clocumented —ing— forms in Gothic, when he described the sûffix as »eine
in allen deutschen Sprachen, die gotische abgerechnet, fruchtbare Form«.
This qualification has been repeated by his successors, e.g., Kluge (1886:
§ 22 »Im Gotischen unser Suffix ist Uberhaupt wenig belegt«), and Wil
manns (1899: 369 »aus dem Gotischen ist —igg selten belegt«). According
ly, —ingôs does not figure in the word-formation section (82—98) of Kluge’s
Elernente des Gorischen (191 1).
Munske (1964: 62) lists the five attested Gothic —ing— words: gadiliggs
‘cousin’ (cf. OHG gatuling ‘relative’), skilliggs ‘shilling’, gardingus ‘court
officiai’ (from the Lex Visigothorum and provided with a Latinized spell
39The same phenomenon occurred in French, sec Ewert (1933: 129).
106
ing), Greotungi ‘East Gothic tribe’ (originally ‘stone-dwellers’, cf. OHG
grioz ‘stone, sand’), and Tervingi ‘West Gothic tribe’ (originally ‘pine dwel
1ers’, cf. Goth. 1,-lu ‘tree’). He then goes on to say:
»Es genûgt nicht, mit Kluge und Wilmanns zu konstatieren, daB diese Ableitun
gen im Gotischen selten seien, 1m ~ibrigen aber anzunehmen, daB das —ing—Suffix
selbstverstândlich auch im Gotischen (wie in allen anderen germanischen Dia
lekten) heimisch gewesen sei ... Es muS gefragt werden .. oh 1m Gotischen
dicses Wortbildungsmittel iiberhaupt je lebendig gewesen ist.«
Munske’s answer to this question is ‘no’. He supports his opinion (p. 63)
with the arguments that (1) the five words cited are of doubtful authenti
city, in that gadi/iggs and skilliggs, strong in West Gerrnanic, could be late
borrowings; gardingus isa hapax legomenon; and Greotungi and Tervingi
may be names assigned from outside of Gothic; (2) several common
Germanic words, whose existence would alrnost certainly have corne to
light, are missing, cf. oï penningr ‘penny’, ynglingr ‘young man’, and *ku
ningaz ‘king’; and (3) —ing— words are lacking in Gothic in certain lexical
fields where they are normally numerous, rnost notably in the area of
patronymics, personal- and place-names, and tribal designations: »Unter
den gotischen Namen begegnen funs] soiche Ableitungen Qberhaupt nicht.«
1f patronymic —i,zg— did not exist in West Gothic, then it cannot have
b~sen the source of Ibero-Romance —enK—. I believe however that it is the
source, and find strong arguments against Munske’s daim. A first objec
tiôifls that two of the five attestations cited by him are precisely tribal
designations. The second, and in rny opinion crushing blow to his thesis is
the presence of large nurnbers of —ingôs place-names derived frorn clearly
Gothic primitives in both northern ltaly and southern France. We may
also count the even more numerous Burgundian equivalents, since Bur
gundian, like Gothic, is East Gerrnanic. Munske completely ignored this
type of evidence, a dangerous proposition, since in some cases adstratal
relics of a language are a rnajor source of information about it. Tagliavini
(1969: 291——emphasis mine) affirrns, for example, that the language of the
Langobards is known through “poche parole di documenti giuridici redatti
in Latino, attraverso alcuni norni propri e MASS! VAMENTE attraverso gli
elementi langobardi penetrati in italiano«. One might entertain the pos
sibility that the southern French —ingôs narnes are not Gothic at ail, but
Frankish. After ail, the latter tribe took over there at an early enough date
(506) to cover the area with their own place-designations. This is not the
case, however, as proven by: (I) the fact that the primitives are recogni
zabiy Gothic in substance and / or forrn; (2) the presence of Gothic —ingôs
piace-names in italy, where Frankish influence was primarily adminis
trative; (3) the form of the Frankish —ing— Suffix, originaliy —ing, pi. —iii
ga(s,), neither of which could have produced the omnipresent Prov. —encs;
and (4) the fact, mentioned above, that the practice of deriving place
names with —ing— was underdeveloped in Frankish.
107
 In light of the above, I believe it is safe to assume that the West Goths
wEb descended into the Iberian Peninsula in 507 took with them a pro
ductive —ingôs suffix.
Regarding the second difficulty, everyone agrees that there is a paucity
of —enK— place-names on the Iberian Peninsula. Sachs, in bis Die germani
schen Ortsnamen in Spanien und Portugal (1932), for example, lists 2400
Gothic place-names, but affirms at the same time (pp. 9—10) that “die
ùbliche germanische Siedlungsbenennung —— Siediername + —ing—Suffix
—— [fehit] in Spanien und Portugal«. Forty-four year later Piel and Kre
mer’s Hispano-Gorisches Namenbuch reaffirms this conclusion: »Das von
Gamillscheg ... fUr das Gotische in Anspruch genommene sfldfr. ethni
sche ON-Typus auf —ingôs (—encs, —cas) ist im Hisp. nicht vertreten.~<
(p. 336) Sachs cites data in —enK— only [o prove that they have other on-
gins: Solduengo [Burgos] < SAunu LONGU; Revenga [Palencia] < Rs
veNnicA; Berlenga —anga < VALERIANIcA (with an unexplained change
—anga > —enga). These same examples are cited by Gamillscheg (1932:
133) and Aebischer (1949: 13).
Gamillscheg, on the other hand, states the facts more accurately when
he says (1932: 133 —— emphasis mine) ,>es sorprendente que los toponimi
cos en —ing, tan caracteristicos para la colonizacién goda en la Francia
menidional, falten CASI por completo en la Peninsula«. There are indeed a
few isolated toponyms which quite likely do contain reflexes of —ing—.
Aebischer (p. 16) cites two Catalonian place-names, for example, which
seem to hark back to the most primitive form, actual Gothic —ingôs, viz.
(1) Villare Rodebaldencos [914], the property of a certain Rodebaldo,
which suggests ,‘illare *Rodebaldingôs whose etymon may have been a
var. of Gothic Rêdiberhts (Ra 1: 321);~° and (2) villare Rodbertengos
[1069], from *Hrodeberti,,gôs41 in which the non-agreement of the ending
is Germanic but the collocation in the form with villare Latin. Another
Cat. toponym cited by Aebischer —— Pedrencos [1028], Pedrenchs [1120] ——
could represent a transitional stage where the base is a Latinate name ——
though possibly belonging [o an ethnic Gothic, given the heavy Romani
zation undergone by the Goths —— here Petrus > *Pet,.i,,gôs
Moving out of Catalonian territory where Provençal influence is always
to be suspected, and into Galicia / Portugal, we find more legitimate
place-names in —ing—. Most transparent among these are Villa Albarenga
[933] and territôrio Albarengo [943] (Aveiro, Portugal),42 where the typical
ly Gothic name Alvar is bound to an adjectival —engo < —ing—. Other, less
certain cases include Bustarenga (Viseo) < Bust— as in Bustili and Basta
40The doser parallel cornes from Alsatian territory (id., 1: 84), Râdbaldo-i’il/are
[7th cent.]; the —ingôs cnding is also characteristic of Burgundian though flot
Frankish.
41Cf. Gothic *HfôH,s ‘faine’ (na 1:319.)
42 Cited in Sachs (1932: 9), na (1:361).
108
mante; Soenga (Viseo) < *(Su,ninga) < Suit—, as in Sunila (both cited by
Gamilischeg 1932: 133). Piel (1976), contradicting his own statement on
the absence of —hzg— on the Peninsula, cites other possible instances,
though thése are personal rather than place-names: Froarengus (Coimbra
905), Froalengos (Porto 906), and variants, attributed to either *fralt3a_
‘glad’ or frauja ‘lord’, both Germanic, Bellengo (Port, 915) < *bili(z,)
‘battle-axe’, and Gaudengo (Port, 1091) < *gaut ‘Goth’.4’ The —s of F,va
largos may indicate direct descendence from -ingôs.
In sum, contrary to the usual daim, there is evidence of Gothic place
names in —ingôs on the Iberian Peninsula, reflecting both the original
Gothic form and the adjectival Romance form. But given that the total
number of examples is small, and that there are no legitimate examples in
the center of the Peninsula, there might stiil be doubt about the agency of
—ingôs in the creation of the Ibero-Romance suffix.
Gamillscheg (1932: 134) speculated that
,>la falta de nornbrcs de este tipo se explicaria pur ci hecho de que los godos
Ilegaron a la Peninsuia en cantidades relativamente tan pequefias que.. . renun
ciarian n establecer colonias propias«.
On the contrary, a number of factors indicate that —ingôs place-names
were once more pletiUful ahd evenly distributed through the Peninsula.
F{rst~rid most important is that there is an explanation for both the
sparseness and distribution of Gothic place-names, namely, the Moorish
invasion of 711, which may have simply erased 300 years of Gothic in.
fluence and domination. Let us not forget that there are 2400 Germanic
toponyms (mcl. Suebian in Galicia, Frankish in Catalonia) on the Pc
ninsula (a fact which should have discouraged Gamillscheg from making
the statement quoted above). Investigating these names further, through
Sachs’s distributional figures and the RG’s (1:360) cartographie representa
tion, we find that they are practically ail in Galicia and northern Portugal.
More concreteiy, 46% of aIl Germanic names are concentrated in four
Galician provinces (La Corufla, Lugo, Pontevedra, Orense), while another
36.~/o are in the northern Portuguese districts of Braga, Oporto, Viana.
Aviero, Viseu, and Vila Real. Most of the remaining 17,1% are in central
Portugal, with small numbers in neanby Oviedo.
In general these figures support the assumption that Visigothic place
names were swept away in the path of the invading forces. it should be
pointed out, however, that flot ail of the Germanic names concentrated in
the northwest are pre-invasion leftovers. The high concentration is also
due to the fact that the fleeing Visigoths resettled in precisely this area, as
recounted by Sachs (p. 5):
‘° Not to be confused with Cat. guadengo, in which the diphthong [~va] rather than
lawl appears.
109
 F
»Aus den fruchtbaren ~Vohnsitzen im Sflden wurden die Germanen immer wei
ter nordw~rts gedrùngt und mul3ten schlieflhich in das rauhe, felsige Galizien
flûchten, das —— neben dem baskischen Nordspanien —— allein verschont blieb
in Galizien griindeten die Goten ihre neuc Heimat... Jetzt muf3ten neue Ge
hôfte im Ôdland errichtet, neue Lândereien angebaut werden. Sie erhielten den
Namen ihres Besitzers nach der naiv selbstbeziehenden Art frûher Landneh
mer... Ocr Eigenname wurde aber iautlich latinisiert und trat nach romani
scher Art ais Ergânzung zu einem lateinischen geographischen Begriff (villa,
pillai-e, etc.). «
Given this proposed chain of events, one might expect a higher concen
tration of —ing— place-names in this area. We do flot find such a concen
tration because the traditional —ingôs patronymic suffix had failen victim
to the almost total Romanization of the Goths. The Latin / Romance -enK—
adjectival suffix was crowded out by a new place-name formula, described
above as the »Septimanischer Typus«, consisting of a cover-word (tilla,
casa, caslello) plus the genitive (or rarely, dative or nominative) of a La
tinized Gothic name, e.g., Vilabalde, Casandulfe, Castelloli, or else, after
the cover-word ~vas dropped, as frequently occurred, of the name only:
(Villa) Gundiuadi. (Sachs 10—14)
A second basis for assuming that —ing— place-names in general and the
type villa Albarenga in particular were once more common is the frequen
cy with which they occur in southern France. The Gothic chieftains who
established more thon 100 —ingôs sites in southern France in less than a
century (418—507) must have continued the practice on the Iberian Pen
insula.
Third, the meanings of the earliest Spanish and Portuguese common
nouns —— abadengo, realengo, abolengo / avoengo —— referring as they do
to the property belonging to some person or administratk’ê entity, coincide
perfectly with the development one would expect. From a starting point
like villa Albarenga, lit. ‘town belonging to Alvar’, it is no great leap to
abadengo ‘property belonging to the abbot’. Even the Italian paraliel,
which represents the fourth ground for assuming that -~ingôs once thrived
on the Peninsula, does not show such a clear-cut transition from place
name to appellative.
Here we have rather anticlimactically arrived at the central point of this
chapter: the demonstration that ibero-Romance —enK— is a reflex of Goth
ic —ingôs, transmitted not through active bilinguaiism but instead through
residual Gothic place-names containing this suffix. The key to this solu
tion bas been the comparative data, since the Ibero-Romance data alone
are insufficient in both quantity and detail to enable the analyst to re
construct the entire sequence of events that led to the genesis of the suffix.
We accept the solution because the few disconnected pieces of the puzzle
that we do have on Iberia fit perfectly mb the more complete picture
provided by the italian and Provençal situations.
110
Before ending the discussion of the —ing— hypothesis, I would like to
mention two additional hypotheses for the development of —enK— from
—ingôs which do not involve place-names. The first departs from the one
certain West Gothic —ing— common noun attested in Ibero-Romance,
namely gardingus, from the 7th-cent. Lex Visigothorum. On this word,
Gamillscheg (1932: 188) remarked:
»Gardingo, nombre con que se designaba a un alto oficial de la corona que vivia
en contacto inmediato con cl rey. Se atribuye o esta palabra una base gética
*gards casa, hogar’; esa palabra falta en Ulfilas.<c
As is typical of —ingôs derivatives, gardingus is a noun designating a per-
son, where the suffix bas the function of denoting pertinence to the root,
in this case ‘bouse’, i.e., ‘officiaI of the bouse, who lives in the house’. The
question is whether this word could have provided the impetus for the
development of the entire paradigm of —enK— suffixes in Spanish and
Portuguese.
J think not, for four reasons: (1) it is unlikely44that any single foreign
word would be sufficiently influential to create a suffix on its own; (2)
since the Visigoths were by this time no longer speaking West Gothic, they
would have had no way to telling that —bigus ~vas a suffix (except by its use
in place-names, which is a different hypothesis); (3) gardingus is a noun,
whereas abadengo et al. are adjectival; (4) after its appearance in the Lex
Visigothonun, gardingus felI out of use until it was resurrected as a his
torical word, as mentioned by Gamillscheg in a continuation of the quo
tation above:
,,De cualquier modo, la palabra gardingus cra ya completamente incomprensible
a fines dcl siglo vil, incluso en e! ambiente juridico. Un lector de las leyes visi
godas glosaba gardingus en cl Codex Parisinus con la palabra astualdis, que
debia ser 5m duda una designacién mûs comprensible para designar cl gardingus.«
Having eliminated this possibility, I turn to the second, that —enK~
might have entered the Iberian Peninsula from Provençal through Catalan
and perhaps Aragonese. Among the scholars who have made this daim, or
some variant of it, is Meyer-Liibke, who reported in Dos Karalanische
(1925: 96):
»Die spanischen Beispiele sind wenig zahlreich und bewegen sich in einem en
gen Kreise . .. und zwar in die Sphiire des weltlichen oder geistlichen Feudal
wesens, das tiber die Pyrenâen nach Spanien gekommen ist.c
Likewise, the first and most uninformed of Briïch’s three different opin
ions on this subject (1913: 86) ~vas that —enK— / —inK— in ail its forms was
spread from Old French:
~‘ In spite of the counterexampie of Eng. —burger < ha~nburger < Germ. Haut
butger ‘from Hamburg’.
III
 »Nun ist —ing auf italienischem Boden nur in Norditalien wirklich beliebt und
ist deshalb. . ais aus Frankreich entiehnt anzusehen. Aber auch sp., port. —engo
stammt wahrscheinlich von dort ber, da es auch nicht recht Iebendig ist und —e
des sp., port. perrengue Verdacht erweckt.«
Finaily, Menéndez Pidal (1952b: 19) seemed to argue in this direction.
After claiming that many »germanismos~ came to Spain from 0Fr. and
Prov., and providing usÉs of these, bis next statement is: »Nôtese, especial
mente, adjectivos como nec, blanco, fresco, el sufijo —ange y la termina
cién adverbial ant. guisa.4< Unfortunately, analysis of this short list does
flot help clarify whether Menéndez Pidal meant to include —ange among
the Gallic imports, since according to Gamillscheg, thoughfresco is trace
able te Frankish, both niaj and blanco belong to the oldest layer of Ger
manisms absorbed into Latin during the last days of the Empire.
Let us examine the argument for trans-Pyrenean origin more closely. TÉ
is true Ébat already at the Old Provençal stage there is a strong paradigm of
—eue adjectives denoting pertinence. Standing against this factor, which
might indicate borrowing, is a powerful counterargument, viz., the fact
Ébat Old Provençal and the older forms of Ibero-Romance, including Old
Catalan,45 share almost no individual lexemes. The only one that I have
found is Sp., Ptg. abadengo / Cat. abbadenc [1068], OProv. badens (Villa
Badencus [993], Badenx [1119]), which Gamilischeg (Ra 1: 337) equated
with Prov. abadenc ‘belonging to the abbot’, a word whose existence I have
been unable to confirm. Could this unconfirmed Prov. abodene have
crossed the border to Catalan, to be somehow transmitted w Castilian and
Portuguese, where it served as the leader-word for the entire array of pro
perty terms? Aside from the unlikelihood of Ibis leader-word proposai, the
Provençal-to-Iberia transfer hypothesis bas a fatal phonetic flaw, viz., the
impossibility of explaining the implied change Prov. —enc > Sp., Ptg. —en
go. lt cannot even be claimed Ébat Aragonese, where in isolated areas —ne—
> —ng— (Rohlfs 1977: 137—8), served as the transition point, since Arago
nese is the one area in Ibero-Romance besides Catalan where —enK— bas
an UNVOJCED 7k!, i.e., —enco. Neither is there evidence Ébat Portuguese
inherited its core of early —ange words from Castilian; in fact, the first
attestations in Portuguese are consistently eariier. For these reasons, the
hypothesis Ébat —enK— is a Gallic import must be rejected.
~‘ As discussed below, the ample Cat. / Prov. lexical correspondences in —cite are ail
modem.
112
Other theories of Origin
Five additional hypotheses for the origin of -enK— have been proposed in
the literature. In most cases, however, their proponents have presented
them as only one element in a theory of dual causation.
Latin —inqaus. Though Diez was first to suggest the —ing— hypothesis
for Ital., Ptg., and Sp. —enK—46, he couid not bring himself to include the
Prov. 7 Cat. —eue, —enca adjectives under the same rubric. These he traced
(1871:377—8) te Latin -îNQuus, or more accurately, to Prov. pivbenc ‘near
by’, the somewhat irregular 47Prov. reflex of PRoPÏnQuus ‘id,’, the only one
of the two Latin -înQuus words to survive to the Romance stage (the other
being L0NGÏNQuUS ‘long’, ‘remote’). Diez did not appear to be particularly
convinced by this solution though, as the second half of the entry is given
over to an examination of the Latin suffixal inventory, more specifically,
of suffixes designating color and material. The result is comparisons with
-EUS (auriene AtIREUS) and -IGNUS (liai. albigno Prov. albenc, fer
rigno = ferrene). He toys briefly with the idea that the latter might have
developed phoneticaliy into —eue, —enea (on which see belo~v).
Diez’s proposai ~vas accepted, with limitations, by two additional schol
ars, Philipon (1906a) and Brûch (1932). Exactly what role Philipon was
willing [o concede to -îNQUUS is not easy to decipher. Though bis main
purpose was to explain microtoponymical names in —ale— as reflexes of a
Ligurian —inca—, he was apparently content to depend on -rrvQuus soieiy to
explain appellatives such as Prov. ferrene, unontanluene. On the other
hand, he later concluded Ébat the two etyma had biended (p. 7): »Que ce
suffixe [—bien—] se confonde avec celui [— ÎNQUUs] . . . c’est ce dont per
sonne ne saurait douter.« Most unclear is how Philipon proposed to ac
count for Ptg., Sp., ltal. —eng— adjectives, since he adamantly denied Ébat
Germanic —ing— played any role whatever. The fact Ébat he repeatedly
identified —inca— as a microtoponymical suffix would seem to exclude it
from this task, but by the end of the article he presented alleged evidence
of a sporadic pre-Roman aitemnation —inca— / —ingu— (which occurred
»sous l’influence de la nasale vélaire antécédent« [p. 15], i.e., through
regressive assimilation). »Ainsi s’explique l’alternance prov. —cite: itaI.
—ange, sans qu’il soit besoin de faire intervenir le germanique —ing . . .<~ (p.
16).
Philipon xvas clearly flot particulariy interested in -ïNQUUS, and bis
half-hearted adoption of it was most likely an effort to fabricate an alli
ance. l3rûch, on [lie other hand, in bis third and final opinion on Éhe
suhject, took the proposai seriously and tried to deal with its major weak
46 now use —enK— to represent Ital. —inK— as ~vell.
The long —t— of PR0PTNQUUS is reflccted in tise devclopmcnt of OPtg. province
‘close rciatïvc’.
113
 •1
ness, the necessity of explaining ho’v only one word, pro bette, could have
initiated such a thriving and varied suffixal paradigm. Brtich’s answer to
this was two-foid: on the one hand he proposed a series of analogical
extensions departing from pro bette, and on the other he argued that much
of the semantic area covered by —enc is due to a confluence of this seman
tic space with that of —ing—. The division js as foliows: from —ing— derive
adjectives referring to persons and young animais, seasons, colors, and
names of coins; from -îNquus derive words referring to places in sortie
way (1932: 55).
»Nach prop ‘nahe’ —- probenc ‘nahe wohnend’ biidete man zu fora ‘draullen’,
forenc ‘drauBen wohnend’, substantiviert ‘Auswârtiger, Fremder’, kat. forenc.
Nach fora ‘auswârts’ -— forenc ‘auswârts Wohnender’ schuf man dann zu Caors
cm caorceac ‘Bowohner von Cahors’, aiso Adjektiv ‘aus Cahors stammend’. .. Es
trat vereinzelt auch an Gattungswârter, die Ôrtlichkeiten bezeichneten, sa in
aprov. ,nonranhenc, ,nontanhenca ‘in Gebirge iebend, in Gebirge wach
send’. .
This constitutes a rather extreme »leader word« hypothesis, which is weak
ened by the very specific chain of events that iL presupposes, and by the
fact that the locative meanings are also easily accounted for by —ing—, a
rich source of piace-names. I therefore suspect that Brûch’s willingness to
embrace -INQIJIIS was due to another factor, the need 10 account for the
form of the Prov. / Cat. fem. —enca.
In sum, though probenc ~vas indeed locative, and could have contribu
ted 10 the development of Prov. —cite, —enca, I see no evidence that il ~vas
one of the central causes.
Indo-European —incu-. Many scholars, for various reasons, were unsat
isfied with the —ing— theory, and sought a better or additional explanation
elsewhere. For Diez, and eventually Brtich (1932), -ïNQuus was the second
element. Even Meyer-Ltibke, who sought 10 inciude the Prov. —cite adjec
tives within the —ing— material, comments in a note (1895:3 :602) that »ce
n’est pas le même —enc, —enca qu’on a dans le sard. bosinku (habitant de
Dosa), sorsinku (de .Sorso) . .
Meyer-Liibke was referring here b a small set of —litas— inhabitant
names in areas of the Italian Peninsula nol directly affected by the Ostro
goths and Langobards:48 Corsican aiaccincu ‘inhabitant of Ajaccio’, pris
pianincu (Propriano), nuncincu (Nonza), Elba pogginco (Poggio), p0-
inontinco (Pomonte), Sard. bosinku (Dosa), sorsinku (Sorsa), Iurisinku
(Luras). There is some evidence, however, that these are migrated —ing—
forms, as I-Iubschmid (1959: 264) seems to argue:
»Dieses Problem is viel schwieriger und iàBt sich nicht einfach mit einem Hin
weis auf kors. —tue” lôsen (Korsika wurde nicht von Langobarden besiedelQ,
denn in Korsika finden wir Wôrter wie gardiuku ‘guardingo’ und anninka (pc
a Sec also iraiS (314— 5), Philipon (1906a: 7).
114
cora) d’un anno’, in der Toskana fihius .4rdinki um 1093, wo Ardtnkus nicht von
Iangob. Harding getreant werden kann. Die sardischen Bewohnernamen auf
—itiku sind auf den âullersten Norden beschrânkc und werden mit den cm
sprechenden korsischen incu—Formen zusammenhàngen.«
On the other hand I know of no inhabitant names in —inco in Tuscany,
though a few parallel examples exist in northern Italy (Hubschmied 1939:
216, Philipon 1906a: 8): Piedm. fornenchi ‘inhabitant of Forno’, Gen. be
nenca (Benus), OGen. borincus [l2th cent.] (Buttus). These are suspiciously
similar to the many inhabitant designations in —eue in Provençal. I con
clude that Meyer-Lflbke probably did not need to except these particular
words from his attributions to —ing—.
The case for a pre-Roman —incu- was most strenuously argued by Phi
lipon (1906a). He described the suffix as Ligurian, i.e., as an Indo-Euro
pean but non-Latin formant used in northern Italy and southern France
for the coining of microtoponyms, especially names of rivers, mountains,
valleys, natural regions, as well as for place- and person-names. He arrang
cd his data according 10 region: southern and eastern France and Swit
zeriand (pp. 2—7), northern Italy (8—9), and misceilaneous, including Ibe
ro-Romance (p. 7 bottom). The lists themselves are rather haphazardly
constructed, with frequent lacunae in the semantic and chronological
identifications. The items that are dated are mostly from cartularies of the
9th to l2th centuries. To cite some of the more complete entries:
su France: Alenties [XII], a town; C’harencus [1509] > C’harens, a brook
and town; Blennenca [1075], a river; Tolorencus [1334] > Thoulourenc, a
river; Alanenca [985], a mountain
5w France: Navarencac [1286] > Navarrenes —enxs; Serincus [961], a
farm; Vallenca [1060], a town; Toerenes [XII], a spring
E France: Avexencus [X], a town; Lomincus [970], a town; Torencus
[1075], a town; Urerenchi [1220], a spring
Iberian Peninsula: Barrinco [Sant.]; Trevinca, a mountain [Asturias];
Cavenca [Portugal]
Corsica: Bevinco, a river; Saninco, n river: Vatinco, a gulf
Sardinia: bosinku, sorsinku (see above)
N. Italy: Botincus [XII], a person [Genua]; Vilenca [1230], a town near
Genua; Bodincus ‘Po River’
There was both positive and negative reaction 10 Philipon’s article. The
negative reaction focused, first, on the Ligurian attribution. Thomas (1906:
19) said of this daim: »Je n’en sais rien et je ne sais même si on en peut
rien savoir.« Other investigators, however, bath earlier (Kretschmer 1905)
and later (Pokorny 1936) concluded that Ligurian ~vas implicated. Also
criticized was Philipon’s explanation of the phonetic change ne > ng, of
which Meyer-Liibke (1906: 750) remarked that »auch nicht der Schatten
115
eines Anhaltpunktes da ist, daB die Ligurer der Poebene tic in ng gewan
deit, die in Sfidfrankreich es beibehalten haben«, as would have had to
happen to explain the Ital. —11g— / Prov. —tic-- difference.49
Philipon rejected the Germanic hypothesis, by the way, because he
could not see how —ing— could have been borrowed directly, i.e., through
bilingualism. He remarked incredulously (p. U):
»Si l’hypothèse de Diez était fondée, les vaincus auraient distingué dans ce nom
de Berting le radical Ber!— du suffixe —fig. puis contrairement â l’usage germa
nique, ils auraient ajouté ce suffixe si merveilleusement découvert, a des radi
caux latins ou latinisés. -
These are significant objections which are however neutralized by the
place-name transfer hypothesis.
The positive reaction to Philipon’s article ~vas the general acceptance of
the proposition that there was an —incu— suffix, of whatever origin, con
tributing to the stock of —enc— words to which —ing— was also a contribu
tor. Much of this acceptnnce was motivated by perceived deficiencies in
the —ing— hypothesis, e.g., its inability to account for the Prov., Cat. fe
mmmc —enca. Below I catalogue some of these reactions.
In bis rejoinder to Philipon’s article, THOMAS (1906: 19) enthusinstically
affirmed that ,>il faut donc admettre l’existence d’un suffixe —inco —inca
en Gaule et dans le nord de l’italie, indépendamment de toute influence
germanique«, and proceeded to argue, without much enthusiasm, that Cel
tic should not be ruled out as the source. I3ERT0NI (1914: 25) listed 13
place-names in —engo / —ingo from the Leventine Valley of extreme north
ern Jtaly which he held to show a confluence of —incu— and —itig—.
GAMILLSdHEG also accepted the existence of —incu— in southern France
(Ra 1:331):
»Als die Goten begannen, ihre Neusiedelungen mit dem einheimischen —ingôs
Suffix zu bezeichnen, fanden sie in der Sprache der romanischen Bevôlkerung,
unter der sie wohnten, ein lautlich nahestehendes Suffix in der gleichen Verwen
dung vor, -INCUS, das sich zum Teil fiber die Gotenzeit hinaus lebenskràftig
erhalten hat.<
Curiously, Gamillscheg made no attempt to identify the source of this
competing element. Even more curiously, though he distinguished the two
suffix-types in both Visigothic and Burgundian areas, he did not explicitly
set down the criteria he used to differentiate them. The criterion cannot be
phonetic, since as Gamillscheg himself says (ibid.): »nach dem Schwund
der Auslautvokale sind die alte -INCUS-Endung und das neue -ingôs
Both Thomas (1906:21) and Meyer-Ltibke (ibid.) accused Philipon of saying that
Germ. —ing— had the sole function of forming patronymics. What he actually said
was (p. 11—— emphasis mine): “C’est un fait bien connu que DAN5 L’ONOMAsTIQUE
germanique le suffix —fig a eu pour unique fonction de former des patronymi.
ques. . .
116
Suffix nicht mehr zu unterscheiden<, i.e., they both produced —enc. Even
the presence of —s on the Gothic forms is insufficient evidence, since it
coincides with the plural —incas (p. 335). One would expect that the ety
mological provenience of the STEM would be decisive in this matter, but
Gamillscheg regularly identifies —oie suffixes attached to Germanic na-
mes as reflexes of —incu—. 0f the Basque provinces he remarks (p. 334):
»Hier, ~vo die Gotennamen in besonders groSer Menge weiterleben, ist
eine —INcUS-Ableitung von Namen gotischer Herkunft nattirlich nuch in
spàterer romanischer Zeit môglich.4< For example, Base Senairenc <
Goth. Sihiharjis; base Laujardenc < Goth. Laubihardus; Font Orb AI
zaramene < Goth, Afisihrabns; and even Igounenc < Ugonenc < Frk.
Hugo. Gamillscheg may be using a grammatical criterion, i.e., considering
—ingôs an exclusively nominal ending and —incu— adjectival. This is al
least a possible interpretation of his statement (p. 334) that »innerhalb des
gotischen —ingôs—Gebietes fehit adjektivisches —enc vollstiindig.< This
confirms my suspicion, voiced earlier, that Gamillscheg did not yet com
prehend the mechanism whereby Romance adjectival —enK— ~vas derived
from place-names when he wrote the first volume of his Romania Ge,~
inanica. The first coherent discussion of —enK— in this work occurs in the
second volume (1935), in the description of the Italian situation.
In the naiS (314—5), ROULES drew a distinction between —ing— and —incu—
in Italo-Romance, without, at the same time, trying to gloss over the con
siderable similarities betwen the two. After listing the Corsican —incu—
words, annincu ‘of one year’, statinincu ‘pertaining to summer’, he noted
that »Funktion und Verwendungsbereich stimmt ganz Oberein mit -
—ingo, —engo, oberital. —enc<, as well as with Prov. estibenc ‘pertaining to
summer’. By 1968 (cited from 1985b: 100) Rohlfs had overcome these
doubts, particularly with regard to gentilics. In this function ~fleu— 15
»nuf3erordentlich hâufig« in Corsica (pntpianincu ‘inhabitant of Propia
no’), and appears as well in Elba (pogginchi ‘from Poggio’), Luguria and
Piedmont (preignaudenk ‘from Perinaldo’), southern France (datenco ‘wo
man from Agdé’), and Catalonia (caSa quesencs ‘from Cadaqués’). He con
cludes: »Die geographische Verbreitung liiBt an eine vorrômische Quelle
im Ligurischen denken, doch kônnen in der romanischen Form andere
Quellen zusammengeflossen sein, z.B. germ. —ing— und lat. —inquus«.
Several considerations support the supposition that a separate —incu—
might have existed alongside —ing—, becoming partially fused with it: First,
there is no record of Germanic —ing— having been attached to hydronyms
and other features of microtoponymy: —ing— place-names, deriving as they
do from patronymics, naturally designate townships and other units of
property rather than rivers, mountains, and the like. Second, as Meyer
Ltibke says: »Die weit Uberwiegende Mehrzahl der engo—Namen ist in
ihrem ersten Bestandteile durchaus klar, lateinisch oder germanisch, da
neben stehen wicder einige inca—, inca—Ableitungen mit dunkelm Stam
me. «
117
 Thit-d, there is the matter of the ending —enca, which is rare in OProv.
(Butiairenco), fairiy regular in OCat. (Rodebaldencos), and completely re
gular in Aragonese. The one effort I have seen to explain the proposed
phonetic development from —ingôs 15 Alvar’s (1953: 273) suggestion: »pa
rece una reformacién tardia: —Ing > —eng > —enk > —enco« (where the
starting point is inaccurateiy identified). Aivar did not argue this point
further, however, and his own discussion of final voweis in Aragonese (id.,
154) would seem to disprove it: He noted that while final consonantal
ciusters are occasionaiiy supported, il is invariably by a nonetymological —e
(vocable, cuarte) rather than —o. As for the Catalan situation, according to
Badia Margarit (1951: 170), »vocaies de apoyo~< are aiso normally —e
(liadre < LATRO, nostre < NOSTRU) except in central dialects, where —o is
sometimes found, but probably as a replacement for —e (Barc. onclu for
oncle < AVUNCULU). In short, the »reformation< theory finds littie cm
pirical support.
In spite of these difficulties, I stiil favor the Germanic hypothesis for ail
but the most intractable cases. Microtoponyms may indeed contain some
pre-Roman formative, but scholars who attempt to push —ing— completely
out of the picture pay a high —— in my opinion too high —— price for their
doubts. It is truc that no readily available expianation for OCat. / Arag.
—enco is available, but the fact that in most early cases the suffix is at
tached to a cleariy Germanic stem (e.g. Prov. Butlairenco, Aicfredenco,
OCat. Viliare Rodebaldencos) is hard to reconcile with other explanations.
This latter example supports the —ing— hypothesis syntacticaliy as weli: an
adjectival suffix —incu— would have produced * Viflare Rodebaldenco here.
As for the OCat. variation in —engo / —enco, there is a paraliel in Lomb.
marenca, —enga ‘cold sea wind’ (Hais 313)
More generaily, iL is difficult to reject the —ing— hypothesis in view of
the form of the uncontested Germanic borrowings in —ing—, which is quite
uniformly —enc in Provençal: adelenc (< adaling), flarnenc (< VIae
niing), Loairenc (< Lodaring), caniarfenc (< karnarling) (Diez 1871:
379). There is aiso the matter of the precise correspondence in semantic
fieids (toponyms, inhabitant names, seasons, and colors) between —enc and
ltal. —engo / —ingo, whose descendence from —ing— is uncontested. There
are even shared derivatives, e.g., Mil. invernengh / Prov. in I’enienc, Mil.
inaggengh / Prov. magenc, Rai. rarningo / Prov. ramenc (though these
could have been borrowed).
The one major figure to have categorically rejected the existence of
—inca—, J. u. HunsdaMiEn, did so because he could not believe that two
practically homophonous suffixes couid also have, by chance, the same
functions (1939: 229—30). lndeed, the same could bu said of -îNQuus,
whose meaning, according to Stolz (515) is ‘Zugehôrigkeit zum Primiti
vum«, or »so etwas ~vie das Primitivum«, descriptions which could and
have been applied to —ing— and —incu— as welI. There may be an expia-
118
nation for this, namely, that ail three derive from a common Indo-Euro
pean source, usually formulated as —~zko—, n formant amply described in
Brugmann’s Grundrifi der vergleichenden Grarnniatik der indogennani
schen Sprachen (1906: 2 [1]: 473—509), and cited by Stoiz in connection
with -YNQUU5, by Wilmanns (2:366) and Munske (1964:4) regarding —ing-,
and by Philipon (1906a: 12—13), who describes the linguistic outcomes of
the JE root in detail but who uses the information only to support the
existence of the Ligurian counterpart.
Brugmann portrays —~zko— as the product of the combination of the —n
and —ko— suffixes, which arose in the Proto-IE stage, as exemplified by the
hypothetical formSø*yelvpk(o)_ ‘young’, whose refiexes include Old Ger
manic *jiItigaz (0E geong, onG jung), Oid Irish oac, Cymric ievanc, Latin
juvencus. The formant may also be observed in Latin avunc-ulus ‘maternai
uncie’ < avus ‘grandfather’, Lithuanian laukini&k-as ‘field-dweller’ < lais
kinis ‘pertaining to the field’, Armenian unkan ‘car’ < *uson~qo~tfl, and
Avestan spaka— ‘dog-like’ < span— ‘dog’, where —n— fell in the derivative.
Brugmann’s lists for Germanic inciude as well the many Germanic —ing—
derivatives now familiar to us.
I have not seen any more global studies on this suffix in Indo-Euro
pean,51 but it may provide a reasonable explanation for the similarity
among the various —enk— suffixes studied in this chapter.
Latin —IGNtJS. Diez (2: 377) pondered the possibility that Prov. / Cac. /
N. ltal. —enc, —enca might derive from Latin — IGNU5:
“Von —ignus scheidet sich das gegenwArtige Suffix durch das 1m Feminin haf
tende c, an dessen Steile nu stehen mDl3te, sehr bestimmt, da es indessen prak
tisch mit jenem zusammentrifft (albenc — it. albigno, ferrenc ferrigno), so
wàre eine durch das regelrechte lic des Maskulins (vgl. renc von regnuin) gewirk
te Verhârtung des dem Feminin gebùhrenden ni; oder ng nicht gerade unmôg
1kb, aber nicht durch entsprechende Beispiele erweislich.~<
Meyer-Lflbke (1895: 2: 602) also mentioned -IGNUS in connection with
Prov. / Cat. —enc, saying that the latter may be regarded as »remplaçant
donc en partie dans les deux langues le roman —ignus«, but he did not
examine -IGNUS as a possible etymon. Other than Philipon (1906a: in),
who said the theory was »insoutenables the oniy other scholar to argue
for -IGNUS has been Pisani (1959:604—6), who, while admitting the agency
of —ing— for place-names and gentilics, attributed to -SGNUS Pied. solenc
‘exposed to the sun’, Lomb. niarenca, marengo ‘cold seawind’ (»iI g [di
niarenga] sarâ in conseguenza di un raccostamento ietterario aile forme in
—engo, soprattutto dei toponimi«), and ail other adjectives, fulfilling func
tions not attributable to Germ. —ing— (seasons, colors, materials):
~° Example from American Heritage (1969: 1550).
~‘ A study that I have been unable 10 acquire is cited by Munske (1964:4): V. Pisani.
1940—41. Latino provincia, cl suffisso indeuropeo *_e,igII_ e le formazioni ger
maniche in — inga— —unga— —ingo— —ungo—. RIS III. 74, 148ff.
119
 »Camunque la cosa possa essere andata, il passaggio di -IGNUS ad —enc ê analogo
Spanish —ANCO. The question of whether -enco and —anco are related at
a quello che abbiamo in prov. teuc, veuc, cal. tint, vi’zc et it. teugo, vengo da lai.
reueo, renia onde anche tegno, regno.« (p. 608) the level of PIE wili be studied in the following chapter. At this stage I wilI
only mention, for the sake of completeness, Hanssen’s daim (1945: 155)
I cannot accept a phonetic development -IGNIIS < —eut. Pisani’s exam that there are twa —enco suffixes in Spanish, one a variant of —engo and
pies, as the final outcomes of -w in verbal paradigms, fail ta provide an the other, which possibly »se deba considerar mâs bien coma variante de
adequate paraliel. Combing the — IGNUS words iisted in the REW, we find —auto: cellenco, inostrenco, papenco, podenco, zopenco, zullenco<c Since
none that ied eventualiy 10 Prov. —euc: MAGNUS > prov. rnanh; PUGNUS Hanssen attributes the legitimate —engo variants (150) flamenco, azulenco,
> ponh; L1GNUM > Ienh; sianun > .senh; TIGNUM > tenh; rnGNuS > bermejenco, and realenco ta Provençal influence (unjustifiably in the case
denh; PIGNUS > peuh. Diez’s example REGNUM > renc 15 thus shown b of realenco), his position must be that —enco words not traceable ta this
be hardly »regelrecht«. influence must have another origin altogether. He failed ta consider any
Latin —INSUS. Butler’s position (1971:80—86) is that »from a functional other source for —enta.
point of view, Lat. -INFUS is aimost certainiy the precursor of the Romance
[—enK—] suffix*t. More precise]y, Butier argued that Prov. —euc owes some
of its meanings to merger with — INFUS. This hypothesis is closeiy related
III. Development
ta, and actually supercedes the -Iowus theory since, according ta Butier,
almosi ail italian words in —igno come from -INFUS rather than -ionus,
Discussion of subsequent stages of deveiopment will be facilitated by the
inciuding ail of Pisani’s alieged examples of the latter (gialligno ‘yellow
fallowing chranological chart, which begins where the earlier one left off.
ish’, verdigno ‘greenish’, rossigno ‘reddish’, ferrigno ‘ferruginous’, and pas
I must add that I am not at ail pleased with the number af words for which
sib]y alpigno ‘alpine)’. It is — INFUS and not -ionus that had the function
I was abie to secure first-attestation dates, which equa]s only raughly one
0f producing adjectives denoting52 colors (ALBINFuS ‘whitish’ < ALBUS;
quarter of the total. It is clear that the attribution of the remaining 75% ta
LACTINEIJS ‘milk-colored’ < LAC, -TIS; CERINFUS ‘wax-colored’ < CERA),
the 2Oth century is due only ta the relative lack of dialectal lexicographic
material (FAGuINEu5 ‘beechen’ < FAGUS ‘beech’; SANGiJINFUS ‘bloody, of
work in past centuries vs. the abundance in this one. The complete lack of
biood’ < SANGUIS -INIS ‘biood’ STRAMINFIJS ‘made of straw’ < STRAMEN
attestations in Galician, which ~vas abandoned as a written language for
-mis ‘straw’; stYcmFus ‘of amber’ < sOcinuAf ‘amber’), and other ajec
centuries after the late Middie Ages, leaves an especiaily infelicitiaus
tives of pertinence (AnouinFus ‘serpent-like’ < ANGUJS -15 ‘serpent’;
gap.54
vîriNFus ‘produced by the vine’ < l’iris ‘vine’; CARDINFuS ‘pertaining ta
a door-hinge’ < CARDa -mIS ‘door-hinge’). Spanish Partuguese Catalan
Supporting this hypothesis are (1) the closeness of the semantic carres —eng— —enc— -eng —enc—
XV mestenga [1492] bermejenca f 15e]
pondences, (2) the phonetic similarity of masculine forms in Provençal
XVI Nav. andarenga f 16c]
—enk / —eH, (3) the relative scarcity of —euh adjectives in Provençal, (4) the frialenca f 16c] bardalenga [16e]
fact that, where -INFUS stiil prospers (Standard Italian, Portuguese, Span bardenca [1555] verdaenga [16e]
ish), —enK— does not have these functions, and (5) the fact that parallels XVII frailenga [1607] sellenca f 1607]
exist for such mergers. I have recently53 written about such a transfer / friolenga [1611] papenco f 17cJ
perendengues f1611] zullenco f1640]
merger, in which -Aco, -irims, origina]iy reserved for plant-names, took perrengue f 1640]
over the function of denoting physical defects from its apophonous variant XVIII sellenca [1738]
-F00, — mis (cm..≠iuDroo ‘lamenes’, LJNTFGO ‘freckies’), producing designa zapenca [1765]
tions 0f personal defects in bath Italo-Romance (where they are abstracts: XIX bullarengue [1850J ibicenco f1813] muiherenga f1813] negrenc [19e]
ceccagine ‘blindness’, dimenticaggine ‘forgetfulness’) and ]bero-Romance Arag. burenca f 19e] pendenga f1899] fredolenc f 19e]
blandenguc [1874]
(where they refer to individuals: Sp. bnstaina ‘simpleton’, Ptg. bocaina
‘bigrnouthed’). As a supplement ta thcse Iists, I add nonderivatives af knawn date and arigin: Sp.
calnarlengo [1438], i’arenga f1696], ~nerengue f1765], j,. ‘enta fl7th c.], frajencos
[1836], Ptg. judengo [1451],framengo [lSth c.], (ara.nengo [1575],flansengo [I8th
52 Examples are from Butler (1971:62—4). c.], Inostrengo [1813], perrengue [1844], catner/engo [1873], ‘nerengue [1881]; Cat.
“ Pharies, farthcaming. flanienc [ca. 1280], .narallenga f1805], merenga f1840]. Dated, but af unknawn
arigin are: Sp. cellenco f1617], zerengue f lSth cent.]; Ptg. nianiulengos f1890].
120
121
 I will begin my analysis of the subsequent development of Ibero-Ro
mance —enK— with Catalan —enc, —enca. Aebischer (1949: 24) concludes,
rightly J believe, that —enc has two essentially unconnected periodsof exis
tence in Catalonia. The first derives directly from the Visigothic peri&Ï (d~.
Rodebaldencos), and western influence (p. 22): »c’est sans nul doute à unè
influence lexicographique espagnole que sont dues les formes catalanes
abadenc,55 rnostrenc et realenc. . .«. The second period derives directiy
from Provençal (p. 24): »de la première couche catalane des mots en —ingo,
rien n’est resté. Si ce mode de formation est vivant aujourd’hui encore,
c’est tout simplement que la Catalogne a suivi l’exemple du Languedoc.«
Two types of evidence bear this out. First is the almost total overlap in
function, in designating place and inhabitant names, colors, seasons, and
ajectives of pertinence, and in the heavy sharing of individual words, such
as albenc, nzarenc, magenc, rogenc, (h)ivernenc, negrenc, blavenc, mon tan
henc / muntanyenc, ail of which are uncharacteristic of central and wes
tern Ibero-Romance. Second, there is the chronological evidence. After the
initial period of activity from the bib to l3th centuries, there is silence
until the l9th century, when negrenc and fredolenc finally surface. The
suffix was evidently moribund for centuries, then reintroduced through
heavy influence from the north.
Modem (though not Old) Aragonese as well seems b owe some of lis
development to its neighbors to the north and east, sharing the foilowing
at least: mayenco, aflenco, miradenco, pirinenco, ferrenco, pastenco, fra
xenco, as well as the inhabitant-name motif (salacenco, sarllerenco), and
even new derivatives (besides mnayenco) on the season function (Murc.
martinenco). Both Aebischer (1949: 23) and Kuhn (1935: 213) believe that
the introduction of afienco and fraxenco from the north may have ied w
the development, within Amagonese, of additional —enco words referring to
animaIs and animal husbandry, including ahinadenco, pastenco, pop en ta,
allarnenco, mnayorenca, and rebordenco. On the other hand, the transition-
al nature of the Aragonese area is proven by coincidences with the Cas
tilian / Leonese / Asturian / Galician / Portuguese block to the west (cf.
friolenco, mostrenco as welI as any —enco / —engo words shared with the
standard).
We may now turn our attention tc. Sp. / Gal. / Ptg. —enK--. The first
stage, as portrayed above, is the creation of a nucleus of appellatives,
which, on the model of the place-name formula illustrated by teh’cfÂh’a
renga refer to the property of some person or administrative entity: abo
lengo, abadengo, realengo. This nucleus arose very early, at least while the
two areas used had a legal-administrative jargon in common.
“ Had Âebischer known of the existence of Prov. Badenx, he might have revised
this statement.
122
After this ini3jal flurry of activity, the situation quieted down consid
erably.56 Solarengo, another term of property, failed to take root in Span
ish, but survived in Portuguese. Podengo appeared on the scene, but it is
not clear, given a meaning not associable with property and an unidenti
fiable etymon, that the suffix appeared in the word. Finally, mostrenco,
another term of ownership, appears in suspiciously Aragonese form.
Tliere is no escaping the fact that —enc— is more numerous in this inter
vening time than is —eng—. I believe that much of the surplus can be as
éribed to Arag. / Cat. influence. The fact that —enco faiied to take root in
Portugal, for example, suggests that Aragon was the point of diffusion
from which —enco words entered Castilian. The case of podengo also sup
ports this conclusion, in Ébat its first attestation, as potengo [1042], occur
red in Leôn, while in 1220 ai Campô in Aragén, it appeared as podenco.
On the other hand, realenco, from the year 1300, occurred in Castile, as
did mostrenco. The sporadic efforts to adapt the latter to the —engo camp,
however (cf. mnestengo [1492», may indicate that to the Castilian ear —enco
has retained its dialectal flavor, cf. also doublets such as Nav. friolenco /
Cast. friolengo, Rioj. mayorenco / Argent. ~nayorengo. Demonstrably ea
stem in flavor are burenco, J)iolenco, bermnejenco, a color term, and ibi
cenco, which is n true derivative, but one based directly on Cat. Eivissenc.
The other matter of interest here is the rise in the l7th century of the
vaHant ending —engue, and in Latin America, of —caque. Wagner (1944:
337) was disturbed by these, wondering whether a word such as enclen que
‘sickly’ might have provided the model. Malkiel (1970: 66), on the other
hand, coolly Iabeled the phenomenon »fluctuation of the final vowek<,
seeing no reason to offer further explanation. This sort of substitution is
common in Spanish, especially in the verbal abstract suffixes (resalto
‘bounce, rebound’ vs. resalte ‘ledge, projection’; enibarco ‘embarcation of
persons’ vs. embarque ‘loading of freight’), but it is also found in nominal
formations, e.g., pollastro ‘young cock, hen’ / pollastre ‘chick’; pillastrôn /
pillastre ‘scoundrel’. As we will see in Chapters 3 and 4. this variation is
particularly pronounced among the —nK- suffixes.
AIl but a handful of the dated words remain true to the grammatical
pattern established at the origins, in functioning as denominal and de-ad
jectival nouns and adjectives. The exceptions are the three deverbal deriv
atives, Sp. perendengue and Ptg. pendenga, both < pender, and Ptg. an
darengo. The deverbal function eventually became commonplace, how
ever, mostly for the production of nouns (Arag. popenco. Gal. mnoenga),
but occasionally of adjectives (Sp. mnamengue). None of the more exotic
combinations that crop up among the other —nK— suffixes, involving ad
verbs and even interjections, appear heme.
~ Aebischer (1949: 13) says of Ptg., Sp. derivatives in —engo: ‘>Elles sont aussi
pratiquement fig&s, et ce mode de dérivation est depuis longtemps stériie.<
123
 This conservatism is also evident in the semantic evolution of the suffix,
in that it has retained to the present day its core meaning of expressing
pertinence to the object or quality designated by the stem, thus Sp. nies
tengo ‘pertaining to the Mesta’, frailengo ‘pertaining to friars, friar-like’,
Ptg. andarengo ‘given to moving about’. This last example iliustrates the
transition into a new semantic niche that has become part of the repertory
of —enK—, viz., pejorative reference to a person or animai on the basis of
some usually undesirable quality. I doubt if andarengo, for example, is free
of a certain critical overtone, implying perhaps a kind of shiftlessness.
Likewise, a person who is ‘friolengo’ is too sensitive to coid. Other words of
this type include Sp. sellenca ‘whore (who waits in a chair)’, zullenco ‘who
farts a lot’ (< zulla ‘excrement’), perrengue ‘fit of temper’ (< petto ‘dog’,
apparently with reference to mad or vicious dogs), alunadenco ‘lunatic’,
Ast. burrencu ‘fond of carrying heavy loads’, Ptg. tnulherengo ‘skirt-chas
ing’, Gal. zopenco ‘stupid’. I find the passage from adjectives of pertinence
to derogative nouns and adjectives perfectly normal, given the human
being’s disposition to find bis neighbor’s faults,57 and would therefore
strongly disagree witb Wagner’s (1944: 321) daim that the pejorative over
tones of American words such as Arg. mujerengo ‘effeminate man’, Hond.
mudenco ‘stuttering’ »sind vermutlich den despektiven auf —ango —iizgo
—ongo —ungo nachgebildet«. My view is supported by the chronological
evidence: andarengo appears in the lôth cent., long before —onK—,--inK—,
and —unK— have been launehed (see Chapter 4), and at about thesame
time that —anco began to be applied pejoratively to humans (sec Chapter
3). The only early examples that faIl outside of the semantic range I have
described are the two color adjectives, Sp. bermejenco and Ptg. verdoengo,
which must be based on Catalan models.
I sec no great profit in pursuing a »leader word< analysis here. Pattison
(1970: 246) chose realengo as a leader word, but the fact that it is based on
an adjective stem effectively eliminates it from consideration. Abadengo
and abolengo can hardly be termed leader-words for the first several
centuries of their existence, since they failed to lead anywhere. True, here
and there allegiances can be posited. Frailengo probably arose on the mod
cl of abadengo, judengo on cristengo, and friolengo may have instigated
the pattern »pejorative adjective < adjective«. However, the low level of
productivity of the suffix suggests the absence of a central force.
Template formation bas played a relatively small role in augmenting the
total number of —enK— derivatives, but there do appear to be several legi
timate cases of suffix substitution: Ast. (dira) abolengue ‘(to go) gather the
chestnuts thrown by the wind’, based on Sp. abolengo ‘patrimony’ rather
than directly on abuelo, Arag. j)nudulenco ‘fraudulent’ < ftuudu/et,to ‘id.’
< FRAUDULENTUS; Ptg. judengo, Gal. xudengo ‘Jewish’ < the various
“Cf. also Cran. realengo ‘que ao hace caso de nadie’.
124
reflexes of .ÎUDAEU; Cub. inulengo ‘mulatto’, based on inulato ‘id.’ rather
than directly on ,nuio ‘mule’; And. en tenguerengue ‘unstable’ < Sp. en
ranganillas ‘id.’ (with subsequent vowel harmony); Arag. tercenco ‘three
year-old cow’ < tercero ‘third’; Braz. Ptg. maturrengo ‘inept horseman <
Ptg. maturrango ‘id.’.
Ibero-Romance words in —enK— which I have been unable to etymolo
gize include the toponyms Calengas (Leon) // Alienco (Leon), Lebinco
(Ast.), Paulenco (Gran.), and Trevinca (Ast., a mountain), and the appel
latives CRica cecengo ‘cripple’, Sp. cerengue ‘popular dance’, Ptg. mantu
lengos ‘puppet show’, Cub. niejengue ‘difficulty’, Extr. mondengo ‘good
for-nothing’, Sp., Ptg. podengo ‘hunting dog’, relengo (Sp.) ‘terrain of mud
and gravel’, (Ptg.) ‘caution’, Sant. zalamengo ‘shabby’// Mex. cholenco
‘broken-down horse’, Venez. zalenco ‘crippled’, Mcx. zollenco ‘strong,
thick’, and CRica zorenco ‘crippled’.
Finally, a word should be said about the principal competitor of —enK—,
namely —(i)ego, whose functions as portrayed by Malkiel (1951: 128—30)
closely parallel those of —enK—: inhabitant designations, derogative desig
nations of human beings and animaIs, place-names. In Spanish, solariengo
[1099] was an early victim toits rival solanego [1239], and in most —enK— /
—a)ego doublets the latter is the more vigorous: tnujerengo ‘effeminate’,
—iego ‘skirt-chaser’. The only head-to-head confrontation which —enK— can
be said to have won, in fact, s realengo, regaliegos [1238], of which only
the former bas survived.
IV. Summary
The suffix —enK— is a pan-Ibero-Romance formant whose primary func
tion is to derive adjectives which express pertinence to their nominal
roots. The suffix bas two realizations, —eng— and —enc—, which are very
similar on ail counts except geographic: on the Peninsula the —eng— va
riant is exclusively central-west in distribution, —enc— centrai-east. Amer
ican representation is minimal in any case, practicaily nu for —enc—.
Suffixes similar in both form and meaning occur in Gallo-Romance,
particularly in the south and east, in northern and central Italo-Romance,
including Corsican and Elban, as weil as in Sardinian, and marginaliy in
Rheto-Romance. Since for the most part these areas share the historical
fact of direct or indirect Germanic influence, speculation since Diez bas
centered on the possibility that the Germanic noun suffix —ing— could be
the etymon of the various manifestations of the Romance suffix.
A number of objections may be raised to the —ing— hypothesis, includ
ing (1) the desuetude of the Germanic languages during the supposed time
of influence, (2) the Prov. / CaL feminine ending —enca, (3) the fact that
Germ. —ilzg— produced nouns expresing pertinence to noun roots, while
125
—enK— produces denominal adjectives of pertinence, (4) the scarcity of
Chapter III
attested Gothic —ing—, and (5) the dearth of —enK— place-names on the
Iberian Peninsula.
I have presented a hypothetical chaixi of events which reaffirms the Ibero-Romance —anK—
correctness of the insight provided by the comparative data. The —enK—
suffix was the product of an indirect transmission of Germanic —ing-
through the agency of place-names. Beginning with a stock of patronymics
composed of a Germanic personal name plus some form of —ing—, the
Romance languages in some of these areas put the suffix through a series
of transitional stages which finally resulted in the virtual recreation of
I. Description
—enK— as a derivational suffix. These stages, as reflected in the halo-
Romance data, included (1) the attachment of —ing— to given-names of
The —anK— suffixes include Sp. —anco, —ango, —angue, —dngano (the latter
Latinate engin te form place-names, (2) the syntactic reinterpretation of
three analyzed together in the following tables), Gal. Ptg. —anco, —ango,
such names as adjectives modifying a head noun (casa, terra, etc.), with Cat. —anc, —ango.58
the meaning ‘pertaining te the primitive’, (3) the attachment of the suffix Arranged by language and suffix-type, the numerical distribution is as
to Latinate common nouns te form at first place-names, and later appel follows:
latives denoting ownership and general pertinence te the primitive. This
sequence of events, by the way, k refiected grosso modo in the develop Spanish Galician Port. Catalan Total
ment of the Fr. suffix —ard as well. Two other difficulties can aise be
—ang— 78 10 il 3 102
eliminated, the supposed lack of Gothic —ingôs patronymics, disproven by
—anco 52 9 10 0 71
the many clearly Gothic —encs forms in southern France, and the dearth of
—aile 0 0 0 11 11
Ibero-Romance toponyms in —enK—, winch is attributable te the effects of
the Moorish invasion, Total 130 19 21 14 = 184
Possible contributing factors te the present-day Gestalt of —enK— in
clude su —incu— (possibly from the sarne in root that eventually produced Presented in a map-like format, the dialectal distribution of localizable
—ing—), which may explain terms of microtoponymy in southern and espe items (excluding inscriptions) is as follows:
cially eastern France and elsewhere, and -INFUS, which in southern France
—aile—59
and northern Italy seems te have merged with —enK—/ —inK-, passing on a
series of highly characteristic semantic functions such as the expression of
Gal. W Hisp. Cast. E Hisp. Cat.
attenuated colors.
9 11 9 12 11
After a failed start in the Middle Ages, —enK— xvas reintroduced in Ca
talan through Prov. influence, accounting for the near identity of form and Ptg. And./Can.
function in the two languages. Lexically, Arag. —enco is a transition area 8 3
between Cat. / Prov. —enc te the East and Cast. / Gal. / Ptg. -engo te the Canib. I
West. S. Amer. 2
Further evolution has resulted in variation in form, with the introduc Braz. 2
tion of a variant —engue, marginally —en que, as ~vell as semantic branch Ladino 3
ing, through the attachment of —enK— te designations of undesirable quai
ities.
As in the case of —cite, Cat. —aile s pronounced in modem Catalan wkhout Ihe
fïnal stop, viz., as [agi (Mascaré 1986: 25).
90f the four dialectally identifiable Peninsular Portuguese —mica words, two are
northemn (bicanca, Ievranco), one central (bunvnco), and one southern (poçan
co). For —ango, only coxango (central) and fananga (southern) are marked.
126 127
 -ang In terms of semantic areas, —ango is poorly concentrated, with
representation in a large number of unrelated denotative areas. The oniy
Gal. W Hisp. Cast. E Hisp. Cat. area with appreciable representation in alt four language areas is »personal
10 10 14 7 3 traitso<. The variant —ana’ also has only one strong pan-Peninsular nuc
leus, viz., terms pertaining to the land. The closely allied area of toponyms,
Ptg. And./Can.
as well as terms relating to persons and animais, are also numerous. Con
10 16
spicuously missing are some of the areas of concentration we saw in —enK—,
Gen. Amer. 2 viz., legal terms of ownership, inhabitant names, colors, etc.
Mex./ C. Amer. 8
Carib. 6 1. Designations of persons and their traits
S. Amer. Sp. 12 Sp.: burlanga burrango cochindango curàngano chafandanga chulango
Braz. I fulandango galandanga malanga marrandanga maturrango mochandan
Ladino: 1 go mochitanga morângano muchitanga niango pachango patangas
pendanga perranga putanga querindango sefioritango tianga tonti
With 130/184 of the coliected examptes of —anK—, the Hispanic dialects lindango zangandango zanguango Miflangue /7 Ablecanca Auvancum
show by far the highest concentration. On the other hand, viewed in terms babanco brutanco cojanco C’on tuciancus Eburanco Jîianco Lupanco ino
of dialectal provenience on the Peninsula atone, distribution is remarkably zancôn pedanlcyôn ruhianco vejanco viejarranco vivanco zurdanco
even, especially in the case of —anco. America k the source of the nu Gal.: burrundangas nariganga pendanga putanga querindango zanguan
merical imbalance, in that the suffixes hardly exist in Brazil, and in the go
Spanish-speaking area —ango outnumbers —anco 28 to 3. Ptg.: coxanga nariganga
Gramatically, —anK— is, unlike —enK—, primarily attached to nouns in Cat.: brutango burranga peilanga pellaranga
order to derive nouns. Overail, —ango is almost 80%, —anco almost 90%
nominal. A small number are adjectives. Derivations are occasionally 2. Terms retating to the terrain
deadjectival, deverbal, or deadverbial.6° Sp.: faxanga 7/ fiixancu pilancu pozanco rierranca
Gal.: leirango 7/ cabanco covancafochancafoixanco leiranco pozanco
N A Adv.lnt.V ? <N<A<V<Adv Ptg.: poçanco traanca
Hispanic Cat.: calanca escorranc foranc llosanca
—ang— 56 17 3 1 1 45 12 18 3
—anc— 43 8 — 1 43 7 2 — 3. Toponyms
Galician Sp.: Mijangos /7 Abiancos Alisanco Bichanca Matanco Mijancas Ma
—ang— 8 2 — 8 1 1 —
rancas Ojanco Fajarancos Perazancas Puxancones Roinancos Septinian
-anc— 9 9 - — —
ca Vivanco
Portuguese Gal.: Mayanca
—ang— 10 — .. 1 7 3 1 —
Ptg.: Cavanca
—anc— 10 10 — — —
4. Animais
Catalan
Sp.: bicharango chuchanga machango mortangôn pichango ruciango 7/
—ang— I I — 1 2 1 — —
bochanclo burranco huesarranco lebranca htnanco pen’anco pollancôn
—anc— 9 1 — 1 7 1 2 1
potranca rapanca trabanco
Oi’eral/
Gal.: poldranco
—ang— 75 20 3 1 2 1 62 17 20 3 Ptg.: bichanga chiangar /7 bicanca burranco levranco pelanco potranco
—anc— 71 9 — — 1 1 69 8 4 1
60 In three cases —anK— is inserted into verbal 5. Loud gatherings of people
stems, Ieaving the form-class un
changed: Sp. espernancarse, zurrângaine, Ptg. chiangai’. For the USC 0f adj. suf Sp.: bultanga casanga charlanga guasanga matanga mojiganga muchi
fixes n adverbs, cf. Sp. cerquifo, poquito. tanga musicanga parlanga
128 129
 Gal.: bullanga Among the many toponyms and terms relating to the terrain (listed above)
Ptg.: festanga we suspect that the suffix may have at one time had a clear nuance, per
haps often augmentative, since places are often named after striking
6. Inferior objecis (other than clothes) geographical features. Most of these, however, as well as many zoological
Sp.: atalondangos carrindanga cincilindango chafarrango changango designations, appear now to be neutral in effect: Sp. fuxancu trabanco;
guirindanga mirranga morondanga singuilindango Gal. ta banco fochanca; Ptg. bicanca leiranco ; Cat. foranc ilosanca pollanc.
Ptg.: pelanga /1 pelhanca

7. Terms relating to clothing and accessories

Sp.: capuchanga chorrindango filângano flojindango hilangos pelindan II. Origin
gos ringundango ropilindango

8. Body parts and functions Derivatives in —anK— for which I have been able to find a first attestation
Sp.: fundango masango // espernancarse ojanco iosôncano date are as follows:

9. Food and drink —ang— —atic—

Sp.: caiiangazo cazanga fritanga mamindangos morianga 7/ ira billanco pan-xii Sp. Alisanco [780]
Gal.: fritanga morango 7/ Jiisianco Sp. Abiancos [867]
Ptg.: fartanga fritangada moihanga morango Sp. Morancas [987]
Sp. Lupanco [1027)
10. Other Ptg. Travanca [1065)
Plants (Sp. fluritangu matulanga, Cat. burxancfrsvanco pollanc); inha
xiii Sp. traianca ‘viga’ [13 c]
bitant names (Sp. hoyanco, Cat. flixanca); miscellaneous (Sp. acanga
Gal. poldranco [1280]
allanga chupalanganeo pedango pendangues sosango telanga zurrânga
me /7 berdanco bujeranco copanca pedranca tablanco tinanco zarranco; xiv Arag. poltranga [1361] Ptg. travanca ‘obstacle’ [1305)
Ptg, vigilianga /7 sulanca; CaL. fallanca verdanc)
xv Sp. poliranco [1435)
Sp. poiranca [1492]
Turning to the semantic analysis of the suffix itself, we find that in most
cases its effect is evaluative. Over 90% of the —ango examples and close to xvi Sp. pilancu [1574]
45% of the —anco examples are »affective~ or »playfuk, the most typical xvii Sp. bogiganga [1603] Sp. babanco [1611)
coloring being pejorative. In ~-ango the affective function is so dominant it Sp. unogiganga [1640]
would be otiose to list the examples. In the few cases in which this nuance
is not present, the suffix appears to be neutral, i.e., practically meaningless, xviii Sp. burundanga [1725] Sp. ojanco [1726]
e.g., in the toponym Mijangos, and well as in morianga ‘blackberry’, tua Sp. morondanga [1734] Sp. :‘ejancôn [1739]
tulanga ‘bundle of tabaco’, faxanga ‘narrow pass’. Sp. petidanga [1726] Sp. irabanco2 [18 e]
auto variant is not so one-sided. h too is often pejorative, most Sp. zanguanga [1735] Sp. esperrancarse [1791]
overtly in the following, Sp. babanco brutanco cojanco huesarranco lunan xix Sp. bullanga [1857] Sp. lunanco [1817]
co ojancos pedankyôn tierranca tosôncano trabilfanco; Ptg. peiharanca; Sp. curôngano [19 cJ Sp. irabanco1 [1817]
Cat. fallanca, and probably also in Sp. espernancarse inozancén i’iejanco. Sp. maturranga [1879) Sp. pozanco [1879]
Occasionally —auto appears to be diminutive (Sp. burranco lebranca Sp. querindango [19 c] Ptg. pelanco [1890]
potranca titianco; Gal. covanca pozanco; Ptg. burranco pelanco poçanco Ptg. pelanga [1890]
potranco; Cat. calanca), but it isis equally likely, especially in Spanish, to Ptg. inorango [1890]
have augmentative overtones (Sp. bujeranco copancafiianco guesarranca
boyauta perranco pollancôn rubianco tosôncano; Gal. forxanco leiranco).

130 131
 Several additional types of chronological data may be cited. The first is a
sinéle word, viz. barranco ‘ravine’, attested from the earliest times in Ibe
ra-Romance (Sp. barranco [1094], Ptg. barranco [XIII], Cat. barranc [XIV])
and throughout the Mediterranean area. According to Hubschmid (1960a:
45), the ending here is almost certainly suffixal —anco, attached before the
proto-stage.61 A second due to the antiquity of —anco is provided by the
- many Leonese words whose endings unequivocally suggest an original
r -ANCUW ending, i.e., —anco + atonic diminutive -liLas: ojanclo ‘one
eyed’, pozanclo ‘deep spot in a river’, bochanclo ‘young ass’, burranclo ‘id.’,
as well as Cat. po!lancre ‘poplar tree’.62 A third sort of evidence, less de
cisive, comprises the few dated words which MAY be derivatives: zalanco
[XV], fayanca [1620], fandango [beg. XVIII], and Ptg. niogango [1813], as
well as a hast of place-names, including in Galician territory Duancos
[1120], in Portugal Aflanga [1096] and Abanca [1097], and from elsewhere
on the Peninsula Convianca [596], Narancus [975], Osango [952], and
Noanca [961]. A subcategory here are the many words in -.anco registered
by Philipon (1906b) and Aibertos Firmat (1966) as inscriptions, viz.: Ca
ravanca, Turanci, and C’onruciancus, gentilics, and the personal names
Ablecanca, Auvancuin, (‘ouneancus, and Eburanco.
There are a number 0f other undated items which, on various grounds,
can be assumed ta be relatively ancient. Place-names are a major category
here. These may be divided into twa types: (1) transparent: Sp. Matanco
(Vizcaya] (< mata); Bichanca [Alicante] (< bicha); Burriancas [Gran.] (<
burro); LI Hoyanco [Ast.], Oyancas ~Vizcaya] (< hoyo); Mijancas [Viz
caya], Mijangos [Burgos] (< mijo ‘millet’); Obranca [Leon] (perh. < ohm);
Perazancas [Burgos, Santander] (< peraza ‘pear’); Pozancal [Avila] (<
pozo); Puxancones [Leon] (< puxar); Septimanca [Arag.], Simancas [Va
IIad.] (< stîPTiMu); Vivanco [Sant., Murc.] (< vivo); Gal. Mayanca (<
mayo); Ptg. Cavanca (< cava ‘cave’); La Corufla Abeanca, Gal. Abeanca
(< abia ‘running water’), (2) opaque: Ast. Cabianca, Ast., Leon Coyanca,
Burgos Gayangos, Guad. Ledanca, Guad. Loranca (cf. Sant. Loranquillo),
Ast. Luanco, Sant. Polanco, Taranco (cf. Cuenca Tarancôn), Tudanca,
Burgos Toranco, Vizcaya Durango, C’oristanco, Lamnga, Gal. Bardancos,
Breancas, Listanco, Tamallancos, Taramancos (as well as the personal
names ijisancos and Tresancos), Ptg. Marrancos. A final sort of evidence
is provided by Ladino, or Judeo-Spanish, whose derivatives, while they
may not be individually ancient, still may be expected ta reflect the drift or
inherent tendencies in the Spanish of 1492: macharanga ‘machination,
61.ludging from Hubschmid (1959), calanca ‘s probably comparable ta barranco in
this respect.
62Cf. also Sp. can-anclo, can-a,zcla ‘dog collar’ < *cARRANdULU Another parallel
is Arag.floronco ‘bail’ < Fun IJNCIJLIJS ‘id.’, in which the cluster —cl— is likewise
shiclded from palatalization by the preceding nasal, but in which a subsequent
metatheQis has obscured the original *_UNcL0 ending.
132
plot’, a pedango ‘at full speed’, pedankyôn ‘know-it-all youngster’, fiianko
‘grown-up son (or daughter)’, kopanka ‘large cup’.
Though I will be referring ta the chronological information repeatedly,
at this point I would like to use it to prove one fundamental aspect of the
history of —anK—, namely, that in the eariiest stages, the form—ancow~g
for ail intents and purposes the onlyïàhtfl5f LanK.~ Aside from a small
gFôûpof plaoe-n~mes jind Arag. potiranga, which will be explained away
helow, the variant —ango does not appear on the stage until the l7th centu
ry, perhaps 1000 years after —anco made its first appearance. Thereafter
the two suffixes grew at an apparentiy equal rate until the contemporary
period, when there occurred, ta judge from the total number of deriva
tives, an explosion of adtivity in —ango.
On the basis of this observation, I propose ta divide the investigation
temporariiy, concentrating first upon the origin of —anco, and leaving un
til later the question of whether —ango is genetically related ta —ango.
Comparative Data
Like —enK--, —anco (and very rarely, —ango) is represented in other West
ern Romance languages.
For ITALO-ROMANCE, Philipon (1906b: 286) listed a number of to
ponyms, including Tic. (Val di) Aranco, Bognanco (< Bagua, the name of
a river), Runjianca, Schieranco, Altanca, and Pazzoranco, as well as Cors.
Calanca, and Piedm. Baronca. Hubschmid (1943: 241) added the Lig. to
ponym Biiranco, which along with Venetian Boranga can be a common
noun meaning ‘cavern, deep ravine’, Pisan pozzanghera, pozzangolo ‘small
pool, puddle’ (< pozza ‘pool’), and Cors. buruinghera ‘large toad’ (p. 246).
In a later study (1955: 19—21), Hubschmid cited Sic. carrancu ‘rugged area,
craggy and deep’. From Aiessio-Battisti (1951—55) came Ital. calanca
‘strait’, ‘deep ravine’, landslide’ (< Mediterr. 6cala ‘rock, cliff’ [p. 668]);
lavanca, i’alanga ‘wiid duck’, ‘landslide, avalanche’ (< Prov. lavanca ‘id.’
< Lig. *laha ‘rock’ [p. 218b]); pollanco ‘young fowi’ (< poila ‘hen’ [p.
3003]). Finally, Rohlfs (1954:3:314) cites Lomb. pocianga ‘mire’, Tic. pa
jolanca ‘woman in child-bed’ (< pagliuolo), Venetian masanco ‘sickle’,
Tusc, bugianco, busanc ‘tree cavity’, as weIl as the northern itai. place
names Atoranco and Pizzanco.
For the PROVENÇAL area, Philipon (1906b: 285—7) lists a number of
toponyms in the Dépt. of Hérault (Montpelier): Aganiancus, a tributary
[1315], Aulancus, a town [1386], Busancas, a town [llth cent.], Bragaranco,
a brook [1 11h cent.], Lissanca, a spring. Also from the eleventh century are
Mellanca, a castle in Lozère, the geographically unidentified town Per
nancus, and the personal name Musanca. Add ta this Hubschmid’s (1955:
19—21) Posancas [1262], les Pousanques, in the Dépt. of Aude, and Ronjat’s
133
 (1937: 365) Salanco, a river in Roussillon. Among the few appellatives in
—anco are: melanco, belanco ‘(bot.) mountain medlar’ (< Ligur. nie!—
‘mountain’); lavanca [1200], (a)valanco ‘avalanche, rockslide’ (< Lig.
*laba ‘rock’); and calanc(o} ‘ravine, precipice’ (< Lig. cal— ‘rock, cliff’), ail
in Alessio (1951—55 :2: 256), Bearnese barrane ‘ravine’, pitangue ‘mountain
peak’, in I-Iubschmid (1955: 18—19), salanc ‘salty’, ‘salty terrain’, cited by
Ronjat, and finally, Diez’ (1871: 2: 37m) favanco ‘type of bean’ (< Java
‘bean’).
The best source for FRENCU examples is again Alessio (2: 256), who
cites amelanche ‘mountain medlar’ [1771] (< Prov. melanco); avalanche
[1611], lavanche ‘avalanche’ [l6th cent.] (< Prov. lavanca); calanque
[1678], calangue ‘rocky cove’ [1690] (< Prov. calanca); gravanche ‘fresh
water fish’ (< grave, grève ‘river-bank’).
Corominas (1943: 582) cites several place-names in —anco in the RHE
TO-ROMANCE of Grisons: Mulinanc, Mutrancs, Boscnanca, Ca!zeranc,
Schalanc, Vischnanca. Appellatives are contributed by Meyer-L(ibke
(1895:2:600): Engad. ;‘iinaunka ‘neighborhood’, jiraunk ‘sprout’, Surselv.
pillilaunka ‘mother of a newborn child’, and by Hubschmid, Subseivan
valanc ‘gully’ (1959: 245), forangola ‘clif r (1943: 256).
Finaliy, Hubschmid cites a few examples from SARDINIAN: OSard.
puthancaru ‘small puddle’ [1180] (1943: 246), Marranca, a house-name,
kalanka ‘ravine’ (1955: 19—21), Busanca, a place-name (1959: 262).
BASQUE bas a similar, perhaps related suffix. Azkue (1925: 200—4),
followed by Mûgica Berrondo (1965: 18, 1890), designates, for reasons un
clear to me, rwo diminutive suffixes, -ango on the one hand, and -ngo,
which may combine with any vowel (including -a—) on the other. Exam
pies of the former are besanga ‘thick branches forming the cross of a tree’
(< beso ‘arm’,63) luzanga ‘gangling, lanky’ (< luze ‘long’), sardanga ‘fork’
(< sarda ‘id.’), zilanga ‘dimple’ (< zilo ‘hole’), zuranga ‘whitish’ (< zuri
‘white’), txardango ‘pole’ (< sarde ‘pitchfork’). Exemplifying the second
suffix are salitauko ‘small chair’ (< salUa ‘chair’), xurnipanko ‘small
swallow’ (< xurrupa ‘swallow’), (h)ilanko ‘apathetic’, and with vowels
other than —a—: gorrùigo ‘egg yolk’ (< gorri ‘red’), zuringo ‘egg ~vhite’ (<
zuri ‘~vhite), potxingo, poixongo ‘puddle’ (< puizo, putzu ‘puddle’), and
xarenko ‘small net’ (< saie ‘net’). The variants in —tiko are ail from the
Roncalais dialect.
63These etymologies are from Hubschmid (1955: 20).
134
Origin of —anc—.
Diez (1871: 2: 377n) ~vas aware of the existence of an —ancu— suffix, as
revealed by a brief note appended to his discussion of Prov. —enc: »Es gibt
noch eine freilich seltene Endung AJ’1C, die... ungefiihr dem Suffix ASTER
entspricht.« Meyer-Ltibke originaliy (1895:2:600) declined to speculate on
the suffix’s origin, but remarked in a later contribution (1925: 77):
»Die Beurteilung ist hier au0erordentlich schwierig. Die alten Namen sind
durchweg Stammnamen... Einzelne wie Pozanco sind offenhar spanisehe Bu
dungen von pozo mit einem nach seinem Ursprung und semer Verwendung auch
nicht aufgeklârten vorrômischen, aber im Spanischen fruchtbaren Suffix.«
About six months after the appearance of bis controversiai article on
—enc, Philipon published, in the same volume of Rornania (1906b: 283—6),
an essay in which he traced —anco to a substrate language as well, though
in this case to Iberian rather than to Ligurian.
,,Suivant moi, on doit voir dans —anco, pour un plus ancien —anquo, la forme
qu’avait prise dans la langue des Ibères l’indo-européen —tiqua— . . . Le suffixe
—alita apparait sporadiquement dans un certain nombre de vocables onomasti
ques qui jalonnent, pour ainsi parler, la longue route suivie par les Ibères dans
leur marche de l’Orient à l’Occident.c
In a review of this article, Meyer-Lùbke (1907: 504—5) pointed out that
Phihpon had failed to show that lE n > an in Iberian, or that Iberian is an
w language, or even that the Iberians might have corne into contact with
an In language in which the suffix was productive. One also has to question
Philipon’s unsubstantiated assumption that the iberians covered the »lon
gue route« from Asia Minor through Thrace, Illyria, ltaly and Gaul to the
Iberian Peninsula. In a recent summary, Tagliavini (1969: 142) identifies
the point of provenience (or at least path of rnigration) of the Iberians as
Northern Africa.
Philipon’s daim that PIE —~iquo—, —~iko—, the same suffix that produced
—enK— and its cognates, also produced —anK—, bas been wideiy accepted.
Hirt (1927:190) suggested that —anco is the primordial form, having arisen
from an lE root word *aticati ‘(à) bends’. Hubschmid did not share this
view, but affirmed the relatedness of the two suffixes within lE (1955:
15—16):
»On ne peut guère séparer ce suffixe —anko —anha des suffixes indo-européens
—enko I —o,,ko / —nko .. . Il s’agit donc d’un suffixe indo-européen introduit dans
les langues méditerranéennes à une époque très ancienne.«
This quotation is from the French-language abstract preceeding the article
itself, which is written in German. Here again he posited the »Mediterra
nean~ theory, drawing the sirnilar Basque suffixes into the picture (p. 22):
135
 »Die romanischen —anco—Suffixe mit den entsprechenden alt bezeugten Bildun
gen und bask. —anga, —anka lassen sich mit den angeftihrten indogermanischen
Suffixen vereinigen unter der Annahme einer frtihindogermanischen Sprach
schicht in Sûdwesteuropa<
More controversial is Philipon’s identification of Iberian as the source
language for —anco. Though there is a general consensus that the suffix k
of pre-Roman provenience, most scholars have identified the spurceas
Ligurian, the language Philipon had associated with _incu_.M Pokorny
(1936: 498), without much discussion, argued for Ligurian provenience for
both —incu and —ancu. Perhaps echoing this opinion, Rohifs (Han 314)
said of —anco: »Wie dieses [—asco] scheint es aus einer vorrômischen Spra
che (ligurisch?) zu stammen«,65 while Alessio (1951—55: 2: 256) declared
—anca, —enca, and —inca to be »relitti del sostrato ligure<.
The one voice that was raised in opposition to this interpretation was
that of J. U. Hubschmied, father of Hubschmid. Having rejected the exis
tence of a pre-Roman lE —incu—, Hubschmied (1939) found —ancu— equally
as distasteful. Thus, he extended bis Germanic hypothesis for —enK— to
—anK— and even —onK— as welI. His point of departure this time was an
alleged apophonic variant of Germanic —ing—, viz. —ang—. An immediate
problem here is that the existence of —ang— is very much in doubt. Grimm
(1967: 2: 331) cited u few exampies under this rubric, but raised serious
objections to ail of them. Munske (1964: 131) stated bluntly: »Das Vor
kommen einer Variante —ang scheint sehr zweifelhaft.~ Hubschmied
himself (245—6) confirmed that —ang is rare, but embraced the hypothesis
anyway, on the foilowing Iogic: »Bei den Goten, Burgundern und Lango
barden war —ang (spéter —ank, woraus rom. —anco), ~vie das Romanische
lehrt, viel lebenskrâftiger.~< Here again Hubschmied was guiity of circular
reasoning, as Dauzat (1940:285) ~vas quick to point out:
»ISn dehors du suffixe —ing bien connu, le germanique a eu les variantes —ong et
—ring, mais rares, qui n’ont pas vécu, et dont l’auteur, par une singulière pétïtion
dc principe, entend prouver la vitalité en wisigotique, burgonde et langobarde,
d’après leur survivance dans les langues romanes qui est précisément en ques
t ion.
Among the many other defects in this argumentation I wiil point out one
more, which was equally decisive in the case of —enK—: li is clear that, even
if —ang— had been productive in Visigothic, it would not have been trans
ferred to Ibero-Romance directly, through intensive bilingualism, since no
such bilingualism ever existed. In the absence of an alternative path of
transmission (such as place-names as in the case of —ing—), it is clear that
there was no possibility for such a transfer.
~ Ronjat (1937: 3: 366) mistakenly attributed this opinion to Philipon: »On est
donc amené.., à admettre la continuation d’un suffixe employé par une langue
parlée en Gaule antérieurement au latin: le ligure, suivant M. Philipon.<
° lly 1985 (p. 98), Rohlfs calls —anco »sicher vorramischo.
136
In short, Hubschmied was able to convince no one, except perhaps
briefly his son, who later wrote (1955: 19) »Der von meinem Vater, friiher
auch von mir angenommene germanische Ursprung von rom. —anco
scheint mir heute unwahrscheinlich.«
Semantic evolution of —anc—
So much for the 0RIGJN of —anco. The next issue is the nature and early
development of the suffix. In this task the comparative data displayed
earlier is invaluable, since it seems to correspond to the most primitive
layers of —anco on the Iberian Peninsuia, before it began to evoive and
eventually to become rather productive in modem Spanish.
The evidence of the early layers of —anco in Western Romance is unam
biguous: Jt points to a nominal suffix attached primarily to nouns, used to
derive words associated with aspects of the physical environment, primar
ily the land itself, but also animais and, to a lesser extent, plants. I wiil not
go through and cite ail of the exampies in each of these categories, because
h would amount to littie less than a repetition of aIl the comparative data
cited above. I would however like to emphasize that, though the majority
of the place-names cited are opaque, and thus neutral on this issue, most of
the ones that are etymologicaily analyzabie fali into precisely the same
semantic categories, cf. ibero-Romance Alisanco (< alisa ‘aider tree’);
Travanca (< Ptg. Éraye ‘tie-beam’); Morancas (< inora ‘muiberry’); Bu
rriancas (< burm ‘ass’); Hoyanco (< /zoyo ‘hole’); Mijancas (< unjo
‘millet’); Perazancas (< peraza ‘pear’); Pozancal (< pozo ‘weil, pool’);
Cavanca (< cava ‘cave’); Rheto-Romance Boscnanca, with the same root
as 5p. basque ‘forest’. The same can be said of the early personal names
Lupanco (< LUPUS ‘wolr) and Eburanco (<Ceit. eburos ‘cypress’).
Outside of the Iberian Peninsula, —anco remained at this stage of de
velopment. Even within the Peninsuia, to judge by the chronological list of
attestations, this was the case until the l7th century, when the pejorative
word babanco ‘simpleton’ appeared. In the next century, ojanco ‘one-eyed’,
and vejancôn ‘old (man)’, simiiarly nuanced, were coined. Since a large
ntimber of subsequent derivatives are pejorative, we are constrained to
find an explanation for this stark semantic shift.
The expianation is that primitive —anco ~vas not, as il might seem, com
pletely free of potentially negative connotations. As stated above, many of
the words related to the terrain and animais involve a nuance relating to
size, either diminutive as in Sp. burranco ‘young ass’, Gai. col’anca ‘small
cave’, or augmentative, as in Sp. hoyanco ‘large hole’, Gal. foîxanco ‘large
ravine’. Also to be emphasized is that geoiogicaliy centered —anco words
almost always designate aspects of wild, rough landscapes, cf. Sp. barranco
‘ravine’, pilancu ‘bog, mire’, pozanco ‘deep place in a river’, among the
137
 4
dated words, also Sp. faxanga ‘narrow pass’, fiixancu ‘bog’, fierranca
‘sharply sioping field’, Gal. cavanco ‘ravine, hole’, cavanca ‘cave’, fechanca
‘depression or excavation in the earth’, Ptg. travanca ‘obstacle’, Cat. feranc
‘mountain pass’. This is equally true of the comparative data cited, where
the meaning ‘ravine’ is particularly heavily represented (Ital. borango, ca
lanca, Bearn. barranc, Subselvan vafanc, Sard. ka!anka). Also represented
are the meanings ‘cliff’, ‘puddle’, ‘avalanche, landslide’, ‘spring’ and
‘brook’.
Seen in this context, the novelty of babanco, ojanco, vejancôn is flot
that they have negative connotations, since both diminutive and aug
mentative connotations tend to lead to negative evaluation, along the unes
of ‘small’ —‘ ‘puny, insignificant’, and ‘big’ — ‘awful’ respectively. The at
tachment of —anco to almost exclusiYe!y large, dangerous, rough,6r6oth-
ersome geological formations implies strongly that —anco carried with it a
strong hint of negative evaluation. What is new about babance etc., is
instead the fact that they refer for the first time to human beings.M The
traisitiàn point for this shift from inanimate to human is to be found, in
my opinion, in the many animal designations that existed alongside the
geographical words, e.g., Arag. poltranga, Sp. potranca ‘young filly’ among
the dated words, Sp. Bichanca, a place-name, and Leon. bochanclo, bu
rranclo ‘young ass’ among the presumably ancient, as weB as the additional
11 undated animal designations in Spanish and Portuguese cited above in
the denotative categories.
The suffix —ang—
We are now in a position to take up the matter of —ange. The most im
portant issue here is whether —ange is in fact a variant form of —ance, or
whether it basa separate origin of its own. I take the position that they ARE
genetically related, and in fact the other possibility bas not even been
éoh~idered by most of the scholars who have studied the suffixes. I can
think of a number of objections to my own position, however, which I will
attempt to neutralize below.
Wagner (1944), whose study of these suffixes will be carefully analyzed
later on, mad much of the American character of —ange as opposed to the
PeninsulaiÇiistribution of —anco. It is true that —ance bas oniy a very
precarious existence in America, but to counter the distributional argu
ment it is sufficient to show that —ange bas a solid existence as well on the
Peninsula, a task which was taken care of in the areal analysis at the
beginning of this chapter. The presence of —ange, even if in incipient
~‘ 0f course the ancient existence of given-names in —once (Lupance, Eburance)
had no role in this change.
138
stages, in the older Hispanic modalities as well as in Catalan, clearly in
dicates that the American abundance in —ange and dearth of —ance deriv
atives is the resuit of more or less accidentai differences in productivity
patterns vis-â-vis the Peninsula. The possibility that —ange might have
originated in America is thus excluded.
Objecti~”h to the monogenesis hypothesis may also be made on semantic
gr~unds. Denotatively, —once is concentrated in the areas of terrain, to
ponyms, and animais, areas in which —ange is bareiy represented at ail.
- Moreover, one of the two lexical fields where —ange is strongest —— ioud
gatherings of peopie —— is equally devoid of —anco derivatives. Only in the
area of ‘designations of persons and their traits’ is there ample overlap. As
for the force of the suffixes tbemselves, —ange is almost unanimousiy pe
jorative, while quite a few —anco derivatives appear considerably more
neutral in this respect.
It should not be difficult to anticipate my response to this objection,
since I just took pains to show that the evolutionary trajectory of —once
brought it preciseiy to the point, in both denotationai and connotational
respects, where a sudden divergence couid be expected to foHow these unes
of development, viz., a lexical concentration on personal designations and
traits, and an evaluative nuance tending toward the negative. Since —once
~vas stiill tied to its 1000 year tradition (through the continuing existence of
many of its older derivatives), it couid not be expected to move into these
new roles so completely. The variant —ange, on the other hand, not go
cieariy bound to that past, ~vas free to evolve from the start, which resulted
in the secondary specialization in loud gatherings of people (such as tua
jigangas ‘costume parties’, the oldest attestation) and the accompanying
tendency to suggest playful rather than exclusively pejorative overtones.
A third obstacle to the acceptance of the monogenesis hypothesis may
be dispensed with in short order, using precisely the same arguments cited
above. This is the chronoiogical probiem: How to expiain the sudden ap
pearance of pejorative —ange in the l7th century, so late in the iife of
-.anco? The answer is that if —once was indeed going to put forth a variant,
this had to occur sometime, and the supposition that this is in fact what
bappened is greatiy supported by the deveiopment within —once, aL pre
ciseiy this moment, of the semantic conditions that —ange itself displays.
The final and most problematic obstacle to my tbeory is the need to
explain the phonetic change —once > —ange. In the case of —engo / —ence
this was iess difficuit, since the variants in —enc— refiect more or less nor
mal phonetic deveiopment for the northeastern corner of the Peninsuia.67
6? lndeed, one might insert here a special comment regarding the six Catalan words
in —ange, viz., bon-ange ‘bewildered person’, ‘interjection of surprise’, bnnango
and bunorrango ‘brutish’, burranga, a curseword, pellanga, pellaranga ‘lazy \vo
man’, the former also ‘tait skinny person’. One cannot escape the conviction,
given the decidedly un-Catalan look of this suffix, that h s an import from
Castilian, though clcverly disguised to make a definite determination impossible.
139
 V
IL is clear, in contrast, from the otherwise even distribution of —anco and
—ango throughout the Peninsula, that dialectal differences will not provide
an easy solution to the variation as they did in the case of —enK—.
One possibility, which I reject, is that the —tic— / —ng— variation might
be ancient, and that it merely lay »dormant~ in Spanish, Galician, and
Portuguese until the l7th century. Factors in favor of this are the few old
toponyms in —‘1g— on the Peninsula, viz. Osango [952] and Artanga [1096],
the occasional form in —ng— in halo- (Boranga, pozzangolo) and Rheto
Romance (Jorangola), and the preference for —ng— beside —ne— in Basque.
The lateness of the appearance of Ibero-Romance —ang— DERIVA rIVES,
however, effectiveiy eliminates this possibility. I do not believe in a dor
mancy of 1000 years. On the other hand, the fact that the same change is
observable eisewhere within Romance might be taken as a sign of the
»naturalness« of the change, or of a »drift« in the direction of such a
change, to be triggered by other circumstances. At any rate these »other
circumstances« are the only necessary part of the argument.
There are a number of factors which, taken together, provide a cogent
explanation for the change —anco > —ango. The first, partial explanation
is brought to our notice by the oldest of the -ng- words, Arag. poltiunga.
This form represents a variant of po(1,)tranca, specific to n region sharéEl
between Aragon and Gascony, in which [ptk] are voiced to [bdg] after the
nasals [nm] and lïquids [lr).65 The phenomenon, first described by Saroï
handy (1956—57), is best summarized in Rohlfs’s Le Gascon (1977:137—41).
According to Rohifs, whiie the effects of the change are stili observable in
a fairly large area in Gascony, the Aragonese area has shrunk, and the
phenomenon is Iimited to the speech of old people. On the other hand, the
existence of isolated examples further south in Aragon and of hypercor
rected forms such as Gasc. cautêro < CALDÂRIA; crampi < CAMERA; lenco
< LINGUA in a much larger area north of the border shows that the phe
nomenon of post-resonant voicing was once more widespread.
Among the exampies cited by Rohlfs for [IL] > [ld] are: ALTA > Arag.
aida, Gasc. hàudo; for [mp] > [mb]: C.4MPÂNA > Arag. cambana; for [ntj
> [nd]: CANTÂRE > Gasc. candâ; FONTE > Arag. Jitande; and, more
relevant to the topic at hand, for [nc] > [ng]: BANCU > Arag. bango, Gasc.
deriv. bangôt; Germ. biank > Arag. bianga, Gasc. biângo; BRINc’ÂRE >
Burrango and burranga are probably imported versions of And. burrango ‘brut
ish’ (i.e., ‘ass-like’), with subtie changes of meaning. Likewisc, corresponding to
bnaj’ar4ango is Alavés brutanco ‘Id.’, with the unvoiced stop. Finally, pci?— also
figures as a root form in Hispanic areas, cf. Leon peilaranca, again with —anca, in
a form Lhat suggests a simpler pellanca. My guess is that —ango in Catalan is in
an incipient stage, borrowed from Castilian and now undergoing a trial run,
perhaps one day to become productive in that language as weII.
~ Paradoxically, this is precisely the same area where intervocalic [ptkj are preser
ved.
140
Arag. bringar; RONcÂRE > Arag. rongar; SPÊLUNcA > Arag. espehinga,
Gasc. top. Espelungo; TR.4NCA > Arag. tranga. To this list may be added
several Aragonese and Navarrese words from my own word-lists, including
barranga ‘ravine’ < barranca ‘id.’, farranga ‘river rock’ < farranca ‘id.’,
garranga ‘dog’s spiked collar’ < carlanca ‘id.’, palanga, balango ‘lever,
beam’ < palanca ‘id.’, and poirranga ‘f illy’.
The importance of this factor in the change —anco > —ango is difficult
to judge. Excepting poltranga, none of the earlier -ango words can be
overtly traced to the northeast, though iL must be added that the initial
alternation tu / b as weIl as the vowel alternation o / u found in mogi—,
bogiganga and inoron—, borondanga, the two earliest —ango words, is a
salient characteristic of Basque and the Hispanic dialects bordering on iL
(see Pharies 1986: 197)- The words may very well have been absorbed into
Castilian from Aragonese aL an early date. On the other hand, Aragon is
flot particularly productive of —anK— as it was of —enK—, and four of the
six overtly Aragonese words in —anK— contain —anco rather than —ango.
The second, and in my view most important factor in the change :u1!~c0
> —angi i~ the analogical influence of the —enco 7— engo alternation.
Though in isolated cases this is specifically Aragonese and a result of the
post-resonant voicing rule, as in Arag. inostrengo / inostrenco and fraxen
go / fraxenco, in most instances, including some of the oldest words, the
alternation has existed within Castilian; cf. realengo / —enco; podengo /
—enco ; flamengo / — enco ; friolengo / — enco; Ptg. judengo / Arag. judien
co; ail having appeared between the 1 lth and l7th centuries. More recent
continuations of the phenomenon include Col. berrengue ‘whip’ / Venez.
berren que ‘Id.’; Rioj. mayorenco ‘older head of cattle’ / Arg. mayorengo
‘person of importance’; mestengo ‘pertaining to the mesta’ / mestenco
‘id.’.69 In my view, this variation, perhaps in conjunction with the Arago
nese phenomenon, could have provided more than enough impetus to
have initiated the alternation in —anK—.
Severai factors point to the conclusion that the —tic— / —ng— aiternation
in suffixes and suffix-like endings has in the meantime gained complete
aEc~ï~nc~ ~ Ibero-Romance. Afirst proof of this is the large number of
~à?iants in both —ango and —anco that exist far from the influence of High
Àragonese: Can. balango / —anco ‘chaf r; Ptg. bichango, Sp. bicharango
‘pesky’ / Sp. Bichanca, toponym; Can. bubango / uianco ‘gourd’; Extr.,
Snl., Can., Ptg. burranco ‘young ass’ / And., Cat. burrango ‘brutish’; Sp.
inojiganga ‘masquerade party’ / And. monicanca ‘id.’; Can. niorianga
‘biackberry’ / Leon. Morancas, n toponym prob. < (a)mora ‘id.’; Ladino a
pedango ‘quickIy’/ Ladino pedankyôn ‘young know-it-all’ (both < pedar
‘to fart’); CaL. pellanga ‘taIl skinny person’ / Cat. peiianc, Ptg. peihanca
‘thin animal’, Leon. peiiaranca ‘skin’; And. perranco large dog’, ‘iazy per
~ Rutenco / ,uiengo ‘sickly’ exemplifS’ this variation, but are of unknown origin.
141
 t:

son’ / Extr. perranga ‘crying fit’; And. chiquichanga / —anca ‘foreman’;

The third hypothesis for the origin of —ange differs from the others in
Gal. leirango / —anco ‘field’.
that it exciudes any r~laTedness atali with th&ancient Pèiiliisular ~nK—
When we extend our purview to —tic— / —ng— alternations in conjunc
suffixes. This is M- L. Wagner’s contention that —ange arose in America, a
tion with different tonic vowels —— e.g., between -anco and —otigo or —enco
conclusion ho defended on three71 occasio~s, but which is most completeiy
and —iizgo —— we again find a plethora of doublets which indicate unambi
presented in his 1944 article »lbero-romanische Suffixstudien«.
guously that the phonemic difference between —tzg— and —nc— is aL Ieast
One of the most crucial aspects of Wagner’s article is its database, which
partially neutralized in these suffixes:7° Sp. mozancôn / And. mozonguiro
is more noteworthy for its exclusions than iLs inclusions. Ii includes —ango,
‘boy’; Alav. pilanco ‘trough’, Ast. pilancu ‘boggy basin’ / Rioj. pilongo
—ange, —(tige, and —zingo, but excludes —engo and the whole series of —tic—
‘baptized in a certain baptismal font (basin)’; Cat. burrenc ‘ass-like’, Ast.
suffixes, of whatever vocalism, which I am presenting as covariants. Wag
burrenco ‘who likes to carry loads on bis back’ / Cat. burranga, an insult,
ner was forced to omit the anciently attested —engo if ho hoped to prove
And. burrango ‘brutish’; And. amatongarse ‘hide in the bushes’ / Matanco,
modem, American provenience for the others. I-lis overt justification for
toponym prob. < mata ‘bushes’; Can. chupenco ‘thin, puny’ / Chu, chu
this move, however, was the semantic difference between the legalistic
pingo ‘tipsy’; Ckica patangas / Guat. patulenco ‘crippled because of mal
—engo and the almost completely pejorative —ange, —ongo etc.72 The more
formed feet’; Sp. peléngano / Guat. pelenco ‘old nag’.
drastic omission was the series of —nc— suffixes. He showed on p. 336 that
A final category comprises —iig— / —ne— alternations within the —o—, —j—,
he ~vas aware of the existence of —anco al least, but ho rejected any rele
and —u— paradigms: Extr. callongo / Sp. -onco ‘half-cooked’, Arg. estar
vance b the origin of —ange on the following grounds: »Das despektive
chilingo / —inco ‘to be shirtless’; Arg. mulungo / —unco ‘hornless (cow)’;
—anco ist in der Sprache alt, wàhrend das despektive —ange, etc. erst in
Arag. repindongo / —once ‘sarcasm’.
jiingerer Zeit belegt ist.~ Wagner failed to entertain what I would consider
I would not go so far as to say that these data resolve the —anco > —ange
the more likely possibility, Ébat the more recent suffix might be an ouI
question beyond a shadow of a doubt, for the simple reason that I find no
growth of the older.
doublets for the earliest —ange words: bogiganga, morondango, pendanga,
The article comprises a short introduction, Iwo long sets of ibero
zanguanga. I am however personally persuaded that this must be the se.
Romance data, and a conclusion. The differentiator between the two sets
lution, primarily because I feel that the pervasiveness of the —ng— / —ne—
of data is whether or not Wagner was able to prove that they are actual
alternation as illustrated above must point back beyond the chronological
derivatives. Thus, group one consists of 63 derivatives in —ange, —ongo,
data —— as always scarce and heavily slanted toward the Castillan norm ——
—ingo, —ungo, while the ca. 35 words of group two are primarily of un
to an early (perhaps by the lSth or l6th century) period when —anco and
known etmoiogy, though a few are presumably of African or Amerindian
—ange, like —engo and —enco before them, became more and more func
origin. This differentiation is laudable, and Wagner chastised Selva (335n)
tionally indistinguishable. This tendency was then spread to the other —ng—
for having failed to make it. On the other hand, once having made the
/ —ne— suffixes when they arose in later centuries. distinction, Wagner seemed b have ignored it in drawing his conclusions,
which I quote at length below:
Other Theories of Origin »Unsere Darlegungen ergebon also, dal3 es eine ziemlich groDe Anzahl von Bil
dungen auf —ange, —ingo, —ongo, —ungo giN, die ausgesprochen pejorativen Cha
Three other explanations for the origin of —ange have been offered. I have rakter haben, und daB solche besonders in Amerika hàufig sind. In Spanien sind
already mentioned Hubschmied’s Germanic hypothesis. A second theory, sic don àlteren Wôrterbtichern fremd; sie haben erst in neuerer Zeit grôBere
Verbreitung gefunden ... Es wurde auch gezeigt, daB die amerikanischen
just as easily dismissed, is that —ange is a variant of —engo, as proposed by Spielarten des Spanischen von Wàrtern mit diesen Ausgàngen wimmeln und daB
Hanssen (1945:150: »las terminaciones —engue —ange —onga —ungo —unga die meisten davon, soweit man ihre Herkunft erkennen kann, afrikanischer oder
son probablemente variantes de —engo<) and Robe (1960:85, who attri indianischer Flerkunft sind. Es scheint sich also zuerst in Amerika die pejorative
butes ail —ng— suffixes to Germanic origin, i.e., to —ing—). Though, as dis Bedeutung von —ange usw. entwickelt zu haben .. . auch wurde gezeigt, daB
solche Bildungen in Andalusien besonders hâufig sind. .. Wir sind daher der
cussed above, —anK— and —i,zK— may be related at the level of Indo~Eu Ansicht . . . , daB diese Bildungen aus dom amerikanischen Spanisch in die HaIb
ropean, the wide semantic and grammatical divergences in the earliest
Peninsular (as well as southwest European) —enK— and —anK— data show “ Also in Wagner 1939, 1949.
that at the beginning of our era they were completely separate. 72 As for thc pejorative —engo words, Wagner (1944: 321) considered them excep
~ See the Excursus for a more complete demonstration of this factor. tional: »Doch diese [pejorativen Bildungen auf —engo] sind vermutlich den de
spektivcn auf —ange, —luge, —otigo, —séi;go nachgebildet.~<
142 143
 in.~ei Bingang gefunden haben und dann natûrlich au weiteren Bildungen âhn
licher Art geftihrt haben,<c
I take exception ta aimast everything Wagner said here, particularly as
it relates ta —ango. I would contest, ta be specific, the statements (1) that
—ango is particularly frequent in America and Andalusia, (2) that the pe
jarative meaning appears first in America, and (3) that —ango cauld have
been transferred fram America ta Spain. I alsa find unlikely (4) the im
plied daim that the suffixes arase through a process cf false separatian, in
which nan-Spanish »Ausgànge« became Spanish »suffixes«.
It is true that —ango is »frequent< in America, but there is na justifi
catian far calling it »particulariy frequent<. The analysis af —ango deriv
atives (leaving —anco aut far a marnent, far the sake cf argument) at the
beginning of this chapter shaws that America has been a cornparatively
fertile area af develaprnent for this suffix, accaunting far 29 af a tatal af
102, or 28.4%, af the Ibero-Ramance examples. On the other hand, “Amer
ica~ is a big place, especially in camparisan with Spain, and a regional
breakdawn shaws that the cancentratian of examples k far less dense than
in almast any Peninsular area, cansidering tatal papulation. Curiously,
Wagner’s staternent that —ango is »particularly frequent< in America 15
nat even supparted by his own data. 0f his total af 37 derivatives in —ango,
anly 12 are identified as American, including none af the Portuguese and
(af caurse) Catalan examples, whose very existence should have given him
pause. As far the alleged Andalusian bias, my data show aniy 11 deriva
tives for that area, about the same as found in each of the other dialectal
regions. Even if we add in the 5 from the Canary Jslands we do not find
the kind af striking imbalance that wauld indicate a point of irradiation.
Wagner’s own data includes only one Andalusian and one Canarian word,
a clear enough indication that his conclusion is not based on the deriva
tives at ail, but on the etymologically opaque words listed later on, the kind
of words that he himself claimed should not be confused with true deriv
atives.
I do not understand upon what basis Wagner made the daim that the
pejorative meaning appears first in Arnerica, since he did not undertake
any chronologicai analysis. I have no recorded attestations of any Amen
can derivatives before the 2Oth century. Meanwhile, the pejorative/playful
connotation is quite apparent in ail the earliest Peninsular documenta
tions, via. bojiganga (1603), mojiganga (1640), bu,-undanga (1725), tua
rondanga (1734), pendanga (1726), zanguanga (1735).
One of the weakest parts of Wagner’s chain of reasoning was his daim
that the —ango suffix could have been carried back to the Peninsula. He
did not even have his facts straight. 0f morondanga and bunindanga,
attested on the Peninsula in 1734 and 1725 respectiveiy, he said (1944:
332):
144
,,Jedenfalls spnicht aIle Wahrscheinlichkeit dafUr, daB das span. fam. morondan
ga mit dem amerikanischen bunnidanga identisch ist ... [und] von Mittela
merika nach Spanien verschleppt wurde.«
Also incorrectly identified as Americanisms were diango (listed as Cuhan,
it appears in Astunias as well), and, with other —nK— endings, bailongo
(calied Peruvian, it is found in Sp. argot), and bullarengue (attested 1850,
of which Wagner p. 337 said »aus Amenika auch nach Andalusien gedrun
gen«). Actually Wagner expended very littie energy in justifying this rath
er unlikely daim. He did nat cite, far example, any clearly Amenican de
rivatives that are also extant in Andalusia or elsewhere. In fact, he cited a
total of only three borrowings —— monicongo ‘inhabitant of Moniconga’,
‘bumpkin’ and mandinga ‘inhabitant af Mandinga’, of African origin, as
well as chiringo ‘fragment’, passibly of Indian origin —— which have made
their way into Andaiusian Spanish, and in none of these is the ending a
suffix. There are many more prablems with the transfer theory. First, even
if transfers to Andalusia cauid be proven, Wagner would stili be faced with
the prablem of the wide distribution of —ango in the more isolated corners
of the Peninsula. Secondly, —ango words do not beiong ta the lexical ca
tegories most cammon among Americanisms. According ta Lapesa (1983:
412), these are terms of typically American physical geography and weath
er, previously unknown plants and animais, tribal names, and indigenous
customs, dress, material culture, and instutions, as in canoa, huracôn, ccl
cique, tabaco, patata, chocolate, tomate, vicufla. Wagner’s (1949: 102) list
af typical lexical areas far African loanwards is more promising——it in
cludes musical instruments, dances (calinga), foods, and superstitions (bi
lingo ‘evil eye’), but whiie these types of items were accepted into Amer
ican Spanish, there is no indication that they were or are known in sig
nificant numbers in Spain as well. To be sure, my own data includes a
number of —ango words that flourish on bath sides of the Atlantic (e.g.,
Can. bicharango / Ven. bicha,-anga), and the few words that belong ta
»General Spanish« (e.g., morondanga) are by definition also shared. But
since it ~vas the Spanish language that was transferred from Spain to
Amenica, and not, say, Quechua ta Spain, it must be assumed, in the ab
sence of compelling evidence ta the contrary, that any given —ango word
appearing on bath sides of the Atlantic must have originated on the Pen
insula. Wagner fails ta pravide this sort of cornpeliing evidence.
A third objection involves the morphological category af the alleged
borrowing, via., in this case »suffixa, as apposed to root morpheme. There
are a couple of points to be made here. To begin with, studies of language
contact have established that, while the barrowing of root morphemes
(e.g., canoa) dan occur in a context of only superficial contact, functional
morphemes such as affixes and suffixes are borrowed only under condi
tions af extensive and intense bilingualism, since the adoption of such an
element implies the ability to recognize it as an independent element in
145
 the second language, after which it is used, with the same meaning, in
conjunction with root morphemes of the first language. Moreover, even
where such conditions exist, such transfers are far more typical in the
direction »dominant language« — »subordinate language~, than in the
reverse direction, since speakers of dominant languages rarely find il ne
cessary to learn subordinate languages. Thus, in Latin America it is typi
cally the Indian who bas learned Spanish rather than the mestizo or criollo
who bas learned an Indian language. Since the speech of Spanish-speaking
Indians is flot prestigious, there is little chance that their Spanish, perhaps
altered through the influence of their native language (say, through the
introduction of a suffix), would influence the norm of the non-Indian.
(The reportedly mutual influence of Spanish and Guarani in Paraguay is
not an exception to this rule, since prestige is more equal in mat area.)
The other point to be stressed in connection with the morphological
status of —ango is that no one bas ever managed to locate the supposedly
borrowed suffix in any Amerindian or African language. Wagner made no
attempt whatever in this direction. Scavflicky’s (1974) supposed list of
»non-Spanish suffixes« included —ango (as weli as —ingo, —otigo, —titito
and even —812go and —etico), but by his own reckoning flot one of the seven
indigenous —ango words he cited (p. 72—3) contains a suffix, e.g. apango
‘en el caflo’ < apanili ‘cafia’ + co ‘en’, chinango ‘en los setos de cafias’ <
chinainiil ‘seto de cahas’ + co ‘en’. This brings us to the heart of the
American hypothesis, as formulated by both Wagner and Scavnicky: They
assumed that the Spanish suffix —ango arose through a process of FALSE
sWARÀtù~rq, whereby a nonsuffixal final sequence in one or more in
digenous or African languages was interpreted by the Ibero-Romance
speaking newcomers as a suffix, who then attached it to root-forms in their
own languages. While such an occurrence is not unheard of, as in the
English suffix —burger (cheesebutger, soyburger, baconbu~ger < Germ.
Hamburger ‘from Hamburg’), h is not an everyday occurrence, and any
hypothesis incorporating it must be thoroughly documented, showing in
particular that the word or words spawning the suffix were fully accepted
mb the borrowing language, and that the new suffix filled a lexical gap. In
the case of —ango, no such leader word has ever been located; in fact, none
of the words containing the nonsuffixal sequences proposed exhibits the
pejorative connotations which are so characteristic of —ango.
Perhaps conscious of the implausibility of this daim, Wagner leaves this
deduction 10 the reader. Scavnicky (1974) is more forthright. He begins his
titie with the word »sufijos< in quotation marks, and includes from time
to time a remark such as the following, which refers to candanga:
»-anga en este caso parcce 5cr una terminacién aijadida a una raiz como en cl
caso de bidlaranga, por ejemplo. Lo importante es que las siguientes palabras
tomadas en préstamo... puedan hacer creer al hablante hispano que se trata de
verdaderos sufijos.e
146
Wagner got in trouble on at ieast one other occasion on account of his
enthusiasm for American Spanish, when he affirmed that the pejorative
suffix —eco, indicative of human defects, was traceable to Nahuati —ft)ic
(Wagner 1950). As in the case of —ango, Wagner’s pronouncement ~vas
universaily accepted, e.g., by Lapesa, Zamora Vicente, and in 1968 by Lope
Blanch, in his survey of research in Hispanic dialectology for the »Current
Trends in Linguistics< series. Lope Blanch apparentiy thought the maLter
over, however, for only four years later (1972) he published a point-by
point refutal of Wagner’s thesis, in which he showed that Wagner had been
reckless in underestimating the importance of the ancestral Peninsular
—eco suffix, which has precisely this function. To the six Peninsular exam
pies Wagner had cited, Lope Blanch added another 25, mostly from Astur
Leonese and Navarro-Aragonese, and aliuded to the even greater density
of such derivatives in Porluguese. Though here at least Wagner had an
actuai indigenous suffix in mmd as the etymon of Sp. —eco, he again prac
tically ignored the semantic question. As Lope Blanch (p. 168) affirmed:
»Nada permite afirmar que ei sufijo nâh. —ic sirva precisamente como
designador de defectos.«
The reader may wonder why I have taken such pains to refute a hypo
thesis that bas nothing going for it. The reason is that, according to my
observations, Wagner’s pronouncements on —ango (as weli as —ongo, —ingo,
and —istigo) have become part of the conventional wisdom in Spanish phi
lology. I have noticed this in conversations with colleagues, and it is more
than apparent in the literature. Particularly noteworthy in this respect is
Paul Lloyd’s summary of the Wagner’s conclusions in his important article
»An Anaiyticai Survey of Studies in Romance Word-Formation«, in which
Wagner’s misconceptions are repeated as proven fact (1963—64:758):
»Wagner discovered that these suffixes ... are not found in Spain before the
conquest of America and that a vast majority of the formations make their ap
pearance in America rather than in Spain. l-le infers that the suffixes, of African
or Indian origin, were adopted by the Spanish invaders who carried thcm back to
the mother country.<
On the other hand, Wagner alone cannot be blamed for the entire mess.
Practicaliy every Latin American who has written about these suffixes,
including those who neyer consulted Wagner’s article, bas arrived at si
miiar conclusions, in fact, this is the first of several complaints that may be
made about this area of study. Wagner, for example, did not bother to look
into the work on the —izg— suffixes done by many important Romance
linguists —— including Diez, Meyer-Lfibke, Philipon, Gamillscheg, J.U.
l-Iubschmied —— over the course of 50 years. The other major figure in the
literature on Spanish —ango, Juan B. Selva, entitled his original contribu
tion on the subject »Sufijos olvidados«, prompting Malkiel (1951: 164),
who like me ~vas unabie to procure a copy of the study, to remark: »The
title is none too promising, since these suffixes, far from forgotten, have
147
been in the focus of discussion for many decades.« Selva revised the article
in 1949, giving it an equally infelicitious titie »Sufijos americanos~<, but
did not cite Wagner (1944) or any of the people missed by Wagner. Scav
nicky (1974), meanwhile, did cite Selva, but entirely missed Wagner.
Another puzzling feature of Wagner’s study, and of several of the people
who have studied the —11g— suffixes subsequently, is their failure to exam
ine the Peninsular data, or having examined it, to take it seriously. Wag
ner, as mentioned above, knew of —anco but did not consider the possi
bility that it could be crucial for the origin of —ango. Selva (p. 196) treated
the entire problem as an American one, but then blithely cited querindan
go in Biasco Ibâflez, without stopping to note that he is a Spanish writer.
Meanwhile, he said of fritanga (p. 197) that it is a »voz que parece for
mada en América~, though I have traced it to Leon and Galicia. Robe
(1960: 85) assumed that the ancestral carlanca [16091 ivas exciusively Pan
amanian, Benvenutto (1936: 70) and Hildebrant (1969: 106) thought Ca
nary Isiand fotingo, which derives from a Catalan root, is exclusively Pe
ruvian, while Càrdenas (1967: 103) described the ending 0f pendango as n
»terminaciôn de tipo negro~<. Perhaps most puzzling of ail is Scavnicky,
who, aware (1974: 74) of the existence of the Peninsular fritanga, mata
rranga, morondanga, and zanguango, commented: »Es posible que estas
cuatro voces hayan facilitado cl desarroilo del significado actual de las
desinencias —ango, —anga.< On the other hand, not everyone can be ac
cused of failing to do bis homework: Henriquez Urefla (1940: 185) placed
bis Dominican examples of —~zg— suffixes squareiy in the context of their
Peninsular counterparts, inciuding variants in —anco.
Finally, as mentioned by Wagner, there has been a tendency in the Latin
American literature on —ango, etc. to ignore the difference between suffix
and ending. In most cases the nonderivational examples cited are tri- or
quadrisyllabic, e.g., Scavnicky’s apango, cavanga, chinango, but in some
cases the examples are merely bisyllabic: gringo, chongo, rungue, chungo
(Oroz 1966: 263—4), chingo, and yunga (Malaret 1943: 17—8). h is difficult
to see how these endings could be considered suffixai.
The reason that so many scholars have been willing to make such un-
justifiable assumptions about the origin of —ango (as weii as —ongo, —1111go,
—itigo) is that American Spanish is indeed teeming with words with end
ings in —17g—, while Castilian per se, as represented by the DRAE, bas com
paratively few. Since no one suspected that the other Peninsular languages
and diaiects might display the richness of derivational development that I
have demonstrated, and since the distinction suffix / ending ~vas not rig
orously observed, it was assumed that the apparent place of greatest ahun
dance —— America —— must perforce be the place of origin.
The various American diaiects of Spanish contain four layers of —atîgo,
and in general of —ng— words. The first layer is that of general Spanish, i.e.,
words shared by ail diaiects, American or Peninsular, e.g., hullanga, tua
148
jiganga, unorondanga, fritanga. The second comprises American Spanish
derivatives in —ango based on Hispanic stems, e.g., Mex. caballerango,
Cub. musicanga, Mcx. inatanga, Mex. casanga. Thirdly there are the few
derivatives based on borrowed stems, one likely case of which is Chil.
quullango ‘blanket’, derived by Lenz (1905—10: § 1231) from Mapuche ici?!
la or iclla ‘la manta de la india’. Lenz remarks of these etyma that »ni uno
ni otro son suficientes para explicar la terminacién de quillango«. The
likely source is —ango, particulariy if the meaning ‘Indian woman’s blan
ket’ is interpreted as pejorative. Another iikely hybrid example is Cent.
and South Amer. guasanga ‘commotion’, whose stem guasa is probably
indigenous. Finally, the fourth category comprises borrowings whose final
phonemic sequence simply happens to be —ango. Seiva (p. 193, foliowing
Ortiz) identifies a few of these as »afronegrismos<ç e.g., Cuban ampanga
‘tonto’, apabanga ‘dance’, changa ‘joke’, frucanga ‘dish with red chili pep
per’, and a larger number (pp. 197—205) as »indigenismos«, e.g., Mex.
guachinango ‘thief’, Cub. Inapiango ‘good-for-nothing’, Cub. unalanga
‘plant with edible tubers’, as weli as Argentine place-names such as Apu
cango, Fiyango, Ysmiango, Michango. Since it is, I hope, clear by now that
this fourth category did flot cause the »creation<c of —ango through false
separation, we are now free to ask what effect, if any, they did have on the
American deveiopment of the suffixal paradigm. There are two possibili
tics: either they predisposed the American Spanish speaker to create actual
—ango derivatives in greater numbers than he would have otherwise, or
else there was no effect at ail. I wouid opt for the latter possibility. After
ail, no one suggests that the productivity of the Eng. suffix —ish, as in
gir!-ish, woman-ish, bas been increased by the parallel existence of bor
rowings in —ish such as feus?,, brandis?,, and garnis?,.
III. Deveiopment
Variants. Besides —ango and —anco, —anK— bas, in Spanish, three more
variants. The first, —angue, appears only in Ast. pendangues ‘thunder
ciouds’ and the Ven. hypocoristic Miflangues, and is explainable, like —en
gue, as a simple fluctuation of final vowei (see Chapter Two for exampies).
The second is —anclo < — .4NCULU, discussed above. Finally there is the
case oft ariant —dngano, found in chulôngano ‘dandy’ < chulo ‘id.’;
Mcx. flldngano ‘rag, tatter’ < fila, 1,110 ‘thread’; fislôngano ‘what’s-his
name’ < fitlani ‘id.’; And. morângano ‘Moroccan’ < more ‘Moor’; pe
rrdngano ‘wretched dog’ < perro ‘dog’; Argot putôngana ‘whore’ < piéta
‘id.’; and Sant. tosâncano ‘bad cough’ < tas ‘cough’. Here the probable
expianation is that —éngano is a string of two suffixes, —ange and one of
the so-called »sufijos âtonos«, in this case —ana. As i have shown previous
ly (Pharies 1988:70—71), the dactylic accentuaI effect created by the attach
149
ment of these augments endows them with considerable esthetic appeal for
Spanish speakers, especially in words with playful or burlesque overtones.
The most characteristic form of this augment is L V~ —, as in litera
‘puppet’ < Prov. (pejtite ‘doil’, ‘small’, Arg. dz1rrnili-dùr,nili ‘sleepy-head’
< durai— < dormir ‘sleep’. However, any of several other consonants may
likewise be se employed, as in luciérnaga ‘glowworm’ < Lat. LUCERNA
‘lamp’, and bz1zano ‘person who works underwater’ < buzo ‘id.’ It is true
that for some of the examples cited above there is no attested —ange form
without the augment; but the fact that I have this intermediate stage for
four of the six examples (chuléngano, filéngano, perréngano, and putén
gants) seals the case.
Grammatical developinent. Having already described the semantic de
velopment of —ango, I will turn immediately to the question of gramma
tical innovation. Essentially, the suffix bas retained its original function of
deriving nouns from nouns. As the dated words show, the list of admissible
input classes was expanded in the l8th century to verbs (pendanga, mc
rondanga) and adjectives (vejancén). Subsequent development bas
brought a small number of striking departures from this pattern, as in
Peru. acanga and allanga, adverbs from adverbs, and the production of
adjectives as output, derived either from nouns (Mcx. niango, Leon. ba
banco, Cat. flixanca) or from adjectives (Argot chulango, Cub. cojanco,
Cat. brutango). In contrast, in Galician and Portuguese the derivational
classes have not expanded beyond noun < adj., adj. < noun, and noun <
noun, the latter being overwhelmingly predominate.
F,vductivity. The basic patterns of productivity are apparent in the
chronological and dialectal data. The suffix —anco has been steadily if not
strongly productive since the earlicst times, though it failed to take root in
America, judging from the three Spanish American and two Brazilian
Portuguese examples. After a delayed start, —ange has been moderately
productive in the last c6Wple of centuries, accounting for —— when pendan
gue and Mbiangue are figured in —— a total of 102 lexical items in Ibero
Romance, including 28 in Spanish America but only one in Brazilian. The
modest level of productivity of —anK— in general and —ango in particular
may be attributed to two factors. First is the comparative weakncss of the
suffixes in Castilian, where a stronger paradigm might have been expected
to project productivity to other regions, both in Spain and America. The
second hindrance was the strength of the competition. Gooch (1967: 243ff)
li~ts among the distinctly pejorative suffixes in Spanish, besides the —nK—
suffixes, n total of 15 competitors, —ace, •-acho, —ajo, —ales, —alla, —astre,
—astro, —orio, —orne, —erre, —uco, —ucho, —ujo, —ute, and —uni, in which
may be added —ace, —ccc, and Sp. Amer. —eque, —(‘i)ento, —i(n,)clze, and
—uncho (Oroz 1966: 264ff). This is too many for one system in support,73
~ Kvavik, in her study (1975) of the 30 most frequent noun suffixes in Spanish
(which include no —nK— formants), remarks (p. 77) that only 5% of the basic
vocabulary of the language consists of suffixed nouns.
150
and I expect that the field is being winnowed down on the local level.
According to Diaz Gonzâlez (1986: 117ff), for example, the suffix —ucu,
—uca is of »enorme vitalidad« in the diminutive / pejorative function in
Asturian; likewise it is well known that —erre and its many variants are
strongest in the regions contiguous with Basque. The regions in which
-~ango is holding its own in the Spanish-speaking world are Andalusia,
with 11 new creations, and Spanish argot, Cuban, Canary Island, and Mex
ican with five each.
One of the most interesting aspects of the history of the —anK— deri
vational paradigm bas been its capacity to grow through template attrac
tion and modification. Since I described this phenomenon in detail in the
irftroductory chapter, I will procecd directly to the application to —anK—.
The template form in question is —énKV, where Vis —a, —o. Below I list
the words attracted to this pattern, according to the type of change they
underwent in order to attain the requisite form.
(1) —én > —énga: Gal, manguén ‘lazy’ > manguanga ‘act of pretending
te be iII in order to avoid work’; Gal. inonda ‘lazy or sluggish person’ >
morlango ‘torpid or slow (person or animal)’;
(2) —dKV > —dnKV: Rioj. butraco ‘hole’ > butranco ‘id.’; *faragdn
(haragén) ‘lazy’, ‘idler’ > Salm. faranga ‘idleness’, ‘slovenliness’; Lat. AS
PARAGUS > Lad. sparanga ‘id.’; Ptg. sanguessuga ‘leech’ > samexuga ‘id.’
> samexunga ‘id.’; Ptg. velhacdo ‘big scoundrel’ > velhancdo ‘id.’;
(3) -c5n V> —dnKV: Arg., Cub., Peru. pichana (< Quechua) ‘broom’ >
Col. pichanga ‘id.’. Thise example is not particularly convincing, because
of the apparent semantic neutrality of the ending —anga, and the possibi
lity that the change may reflect dialectal differences within Quechua. An
other example of this change, Gal. mulano ornith. ‘kite’ > iniango, milan-
go ‘id.’ is definitely irrelevant: the n > ng change here is part of a broader
phenomenon in Galician whereby nasalized vowels resulting from the loss
of -N- became [ul or (0g]; e.g., FUNARJU > *J~jeipy~ > funeiro > fini
gueiro, cf. Gal. engalar ‘volar’ < en + ala + an, angoites ‘yesterday’,
engadir ‘add’.’4
Finally, outside of the category of template formation but still very
much within analogical attraction is the phenomenon of suffix (or ending)
substitution. This process, described in the introduction as back-derivation
followed by suffixation, has been particularly fruitful in this category: Sp.
andara la birla birlonga ‘te live passively’, ‘to depend on luck’ > And. de
binlango ‘wild (party, spree)’, Sp. caballerizo ‘stable boy’ > Mex. caballer
ange ‘id.’; Sp. fora fie (< Lat. FORA NEus) ‘stranger’ > Peru. forango ‘id.’;
Sp. jeninga ‘syringe’ > (1) siringa ‘pan pipe’, Bol., Peru.’rubber tree’, (2)
Hond. sinindanga ‘binge’, (3) Cub. sirindango ‘what’s bis name, a nobody’;
tracainundana ‘trading session, flea market’ > And. traca~nondanga ‘com
N Also on this subject sec Alonso (1954), Lipski (1975), Dapena (1976).
151
 motion, hubbub’; Ptg. pândega ‘spree, revel’ > Minh. pandanga ‘comic
episode’; Ptg. medroso ‘timid, fearful’ > Mirand. medranco ‘Id.’.
The many words in —ango and —anco that I have been unable to ety
mologize include the TOPONYMS Artanga (Ptg.), Durango (Vizc.), Gayati
gos (5ev.), Osango (Nav.) // Abanca (Ptg.), Bardancos (Gal.), Breancas
(Gal.), Cabianca (Ast.), C’oianca (Ast.), C’onvianca (Leon), Duancos
(Gal.), Ledanca (Guadj, Listanco (Gal.), Loranca (Guad.), Luanco (Ast.),
Marrancos (Ptg.), Naranco (Ast.), Noanca (Leon), Obranca (Leon), Ta
mallancos (Gai.), Taramancos (Gal.), Taranco (Sant.), Toranco (Burgos),
Tudanca (Sant.), the PERSONAL NAMES Bisancos, Couneancus, Turanci,
and Tresancas, and the APPELLATIvES Sp. ajango ‘utensil’, ‘piece of junk’,
berlanga (Sp.) ‘three of a kind’, (Gal.) ‘compensatory piece of land’, Can.
boango and vars., Ptg. tnoganga and vars. ‘squash’, Cat. borrango ‘crazy’,
Can. camango ‘tic’, And. candanga ‘party’, Sp., Gal., Ptg., Cat. fandango
‘Spanish dance’, fitango and vars. ‘fainting spell’, Chue gua~ïanga ‘nostal
gia’, ‘tatter’, Lad. macharanga ‘machination’, mandanga (Sp.) ‘indolence’,
‘impertinence’, (Gal.) ‘low-class woman’, Gal. Inianco ‘partitions of land’,
Gai. miango ‘emaciated animal’, Murc. ~nindango ‘good-for-nothing’, Arg.
iniflangas ‘bits, fragments’, Gal. muxaranga ‘object of ridicule’, ‘untrust
worthy person’, And. palandango ‘foreman’, Alav. perlanga ‘sluice gate’,
Ptg. piranga ‘vermillion’, Ptg. presiganga ‘prison-ship’, Braz. Ptg. puranga
‘pretty’, Arg. recatanga ‘miserable wretch’, Ast. relango ‘land of mud and
gravel’, And. roanga ‘toy hoop’, Bxtr. tarandango ‘something poorly donc’,
Sant. taranga ‘inferior black pudding’, Arag. zaranga ‘dish of fried vege
tables’ // Ast. cha bancos ‘large clods’, CRica chibanco ‘short’, Ptg. faianca,
Sp. (de) fayanca ‘poorly done (thing)’, Ast. Ilabancu ‘two to three month
old pig’, ‘hard clods’.
1V. Summary
Like —enK—, Ibero-Romance —anK— has two realizations, one with an un
voiced velar (—anc—), the other with a voiced velar (— ong—). In most other
respects —anK— differs substantiaily from —enK—. First, there is no East /
West distributional division. On the Peninsula dialectal representation for
the two varieties is fairly even. Second, production in Latin America bas
been strong, though concentrated almost wholly on —ong—. It is this factor
that accounts for the imbalances in the overali numbers which make Span
ish (as against Portuguese) on the one hand and —ong— (as against —a;w—)
on the other appear to be go dominant. Third, —a,zK— is almost exclusively
nominal, in contrast to adjectival —enK—. Lastly, —anc— (though not —ong—)
differs from —enK— in showing a specialization for usually severe features
of the landscape and other wild aspects of the physical environment. On
the other hand, —ong— and to some extent —anc—, like —enK—, have taken
on affective, often pejorative, values.
152
In view of the chronological differences between —anc— and —ong— (the
former appeared almost 1000 years before the latter), it is reasonable to
consider their origins separately. The older variety has a considerable non
Ibero-Romance representation, extending to the southwest Romance areas
of ltaly and Corsica, to both northern and southern France, as well as to
Rhetian Grisons, and Sardinia. A suspiciously similar —— formally at least
—— suffix occurs in Basque as well. Since in ail these areas (except Basque),
the suffix appears almost exclusively in conjunction with designations of
terrain as on the Peninsula, several scholars, most notably J. Hubschmid,
have concluded that —anK— is a relie from an In language that flourished
throughout the area before the arrivai of Latin. There is some speculation
that this primitive —anK— may be an apophonic relative of the in
suffix that produced Germanic —ing— and others. Whatever the precise
source of the formant, it is unquestionably pre-Roman.
Attached as it was to names for ravines, landslides, holes, caves, wild
animais, and plants, —anK— acquired, not surprisingly, an evaluative, alter
nately augmentative and pejorative, function. This is clear in l7th-cent. Sp.
habanco ‘simpleton’, where the pejoration is for the first time extended w
human qualities. Together with the grammatical and formai simiiarity of
—anc— and —ong—, the shared pejorative connotations cement the case for
considering —ong— to be a genetic variant —01w—. As for the phonetic
change implied, I suspect that it was due primarily to the anaiogicai in
fluence of —enK—, whose aiternation —enc— / —eng— was by that time weil
established in Castilian, and which continues to manifest itseif. The nu
merous —a,w— / —ong— doublets (e.g., Can. balango / —anco ‘chaff’) greatiy
support this hypothesis, as do pairs of the type inozancôn / mozonguito
‘boy’, where the contrast between voweis, as well as between /k/ and 7g!,
appears to be more or iess neutralized within the suffix.
Wagner’s attribution of -ango to borrowing from African and Amerin
dian languages is rejected in this chapter. Though —ongo derivatives are
numerous in America and did arise (on the Peninsula, however) at a tïme
roughiy corresponding to the conquest of the New World, the hypothesis is
untenabie for a number of reasons, inciuding (1) its faiiure to account for
simiiarities with —anco, (2) the soiid existence of —atigo throughout the
Peninsuia, where ail of the eariiest derivatives appeared, (3) the lack of a
compelling expianation as to how and why the suffix wouid have been
exported back to the Peninsula, (4) iLs faiiure to expiain how and why the
Romance languages in America, corresponding to the poiiticaiiy and eco
nomicaily superior population, would have borrowed structurai elements
from the subordinate indigenous languages, and (5) the faiiure to find an
indigenous language possessing any —011go suffix, let atone one with the
requisite semantic values. The argument thus bous down to a theory of
borrowing through false separation, an unlikeiy prospect.
153
 In subsequent developments, —ang— has evolved a pair of new variants Chapter Four
(—angue, —dngano), and the paradigm has considerably increascd its num
bers through various sorts of ternplate attraction. Ibero-Romance —onK—, —unK—, —inK—

I. Description

The suffixes to be examined in Ibis chapter are Sp., Gal., Ptg. —ongo, Sp.
—onco;Sp., Gal., Ptg., Cal. —ingo, Ptg. —inca, Cal. —mc, Sp., Cal. —ingue, Sp.
—ingui (one example, in the following grouped with —bigue), and Sp., Ptg.
—ungo, Sp. —unco.
Arranged by language ancl suffix-type, 11w numerical distribution is as
follows:
Spanish Galician Portuguese Catalan Total
-ange 44 - 44
—once 1 — —

—ingo 43 1 1 3 48
—ingue 3 — — 1 4
—inca — — I I
—ungo 20 — - 2!
-unco I — - - I
Totals 112 1 3 4 120

Presented in a map-like format, the dialectal distribution of —o’zK—,

—i,,K—, and —unK— is as follows:

Gal. W Hisp. Cast. E Hisp. Cal.

- 4 9 4 -

Ptg. And./Can.
— 4
Mex., Cent. Amer.: 5
Carib.:4
S. Amer.: 16
Braz.: —
‘5The suffix —onco occurs once in Castilian; ail others are —011go.

154 155
 — inl(—76 N A V Adv<N<A < V < Adv < Int
-ingue 1 2 — .- I — 2 — —
Gal. W Hisp. Cast. E Hisp. Cat.
-ungo 15 5 -. — 12 4 3 I —
2 4 3 4
-unco I — — —

Ptg. And./Can. Galicien

2 -ingo I — — — 1
Mcx., Cent. Amer.: 8 Portuguese
Carib.: 10 -in go I — — — I
S. Amer. Sp.: 16 -inco I — — — — — I — —

Braz.: I -ungo — I — — I
Catalan
— unK— -ingo 3 2 —

-ingue I — —

Gal. W Hisp. Cast. E Hisp. Cat. Oi’era!l

-onK 28 14 2 1 32 8 4 1
Ptg. -inK 33 16 1 3 28 8 13 3
And./Can.
4 -unK 15 7 — — 13 5 3 1 o
Mcx., Cent. Amer.: The three suffix types are almost identical grammatically. Derivatives
Carib.: 2 are predominately nouns or adjectives (the three adverbs are a Dominican
S. Amer.: 13 innovation associated with the var. —iningo ending). In the case of —ange,
Braz.: — nouns comprise 62% of the total, in —ingo 62,2%, and in —ungo 68.1%. In
this respect aIl three lie between ~-anK--, which is 78.2% nominal and 16,2%
Totals for these suffixes are —onK— (45), —inK— (53), and —unK— (22), far adjectival, and —enK—, which is primarily adjectival (approx. 70% compar
fewer than those for —enK— (over 140) and —anK— (184). AIl three are cd to 30% nominal).
pre~minent1y Hispanic (113), with far fewer examples in Catalan (4), In terms of denotational areas, —ungo is quite noticeably concentrated in
Portuguese (3), and Galician (1). Within the Hispanic areas, ail three suf the categories of designations for persons, especially hypocoristics, and
fixes are reprcsented in both the Old and New Worlds; in the cases of —inK— their usually defective traits. These are also the largest groups for —ongo
and —unK-~ the American (especially South American) derivatives are con and —ingo, which however show a much wider range of applicability.
siderably more numerous than the Peninsular. Considering the Peninsular These areas are mapped out below:
distribution alone, —onK— appears to be primarily Castilian, —inK-. primar
ily Eastern, and —unK-. primarily Southern. 1. Designations of persons and their traits
Sp.: alindongarse capirrongo corrongo Chabelonga Chichonga fi
Grammatical parameters are as follows:77 lindonga filongo frailongas Lichonga maflongo Mifionga mo
chongo mozonguito Pichonga2 pilongo pindongo Pochonga2 Po
N A V Adv<N <A <V <Adv<lnt lingo querinclongo sefloronga tionga zangandongo
Hispanic burlingo cachandinga caflingue collinga Chalinga chiporrondingo
-ongo 28 12 2 1 30 8 4 1 — chuchingo fondinga fuôingue jovensiningo mirringo peladinga
-onco — I — — I —. — — — pilingui seûoritingo
-ingo 26 14 1 3 22 8 10 3 1 abatungo Bertunga Bichunga candungo Catunga corunco currundungo
çhachungo chatungo Fïlunga Humbertungo Maflungo matungo
‘6The var. —ingue occurs once in Castilian ami twice in American Spanish. Natungo zangandungo
“ Occurring within a verbal stem, and thus omitted from this table, ‘s the —ing— of
Ptg.: chorincas
descuajaringarse. fanhungo
156 157
2. Terms relating W animais Sp.: abolongo alindongarse bailongo bichoronga calionca callongo
Sp.: amatongarse morrongo pelongo candonga cafiadonga capirrongo chapandongo changonga de
buchingo Ilamingo misingo spistadongo facilongo filongo frailongas maflongo mistongo mo
malungo tucungo chongo mozonguito pilongo pindongo pochonga querindongo se
fioronga tionga zangandongo
3. Food and clrugs alcorzandingo borranchinga burlingo cachandinga cafuinga caùingue
Sp.: bironga caûadonga mondongo sodonga capingo claringo coliinga chuchingo chupingo fondinga fufiingue
borranchinga cafuinga ehupingo miqingo mirringo pancitingo peladinga perringailo piiingui sebin
mamandungo go sefloritingo singuihndango sucinga
Cat.: pelieringo potinga potingue abatungo candungo currundungo chatungo chivunga maiungo matungo
tucungo zangandungo zaraadunga
4. Loud gatherings of peopie Ptg.: cho rin cas
Sp.: bailongo changonga chapandongo fanhungo
arrebatinga Cat.: futinga pelieringo potinga potingue
farrunga zarandunga
2. Appreciative or humorous
5. Physical qualities of objects Sp.: corrongo Chabelonga Chichonga filindonga Lichonga Mifionga
Sp.: cailongo ciarindongo foridongo // callonca néngano Pichonga Pochonga2
biandingo blanquininga chininingo pandingo sucinga arrebatinga Chaiinga chiporrondingo jaiingôn pipirripingo Poiingo
Bertunga Bichunga Catunga Chachungo Filunga Humbertungo Mafiun
6. Other go Ratungo
Inferior things (Sp. bichoronga mistongo miquingo singui
landingo; Cat. futinga), clothing and accessories (Sp. capingo pe 3. Diminutive or attenuative
rringalio), tricks and subterfuges (Sp. candonga pochonga1), Lime Sp.: clarindongo pelongo
(Sp. momentiningo tempraningo), body parts and functions (Sp. blandingo blanquininga buchingo cerquininga coliinga chininingo jo
chocoiongo descuajaringarse pancitingo sebingo), mise. (Sp. de vensiningo momentiningo peladinga poquiningo
spistadongo facilongo nôngano alcorzandingo cerquininga ciarin
go jalingén matacinga pendingue pipirripingo poquiningo solingo 4. Augmentative or intensifying
zotinga chivunga; Gal. bordingas; Ptg. vigilinga). Sp.: decuajaringarse solingo tempraningo zotinga

Shifting attention now to the semantic impact of the suffixes themseives, 5. Other
insofar as this can be determined, we find especially in Spanish a predom Sp.: amatongarse bironga chocolongo fondongo mondongo morron
inance of pejorative force, detectabie in 28/44 or 63.6% of the —ongo exam go piiongo sodonga
pies, 26/48 or 54% of —ingo, and 11/21(52.3%) of —wzgo. With rare excep ciaringo ilamingo matacinga misingo pandingo pendingue potingue
tions, the remaining examples are affective or playful as weli, e.g., the coninco
many hypocoristic endings, as weil as the diminutives and intensifiers. Gal.: bordingas

1. Pejorative78

78 Most of these are overtly described as pejorative, e.g., cafiunga ‘watery coffee,
without taste’, candungo (vulg.) ‘stupid’. in many cases, however, the nuance of
the suffix itseif s left out of the definition. Pejorative force can be safely assum
cd when the suffix is attached (o a negatively evaluated stem, e.g., eh! vunga ‘jail’.
In some cases, e.g., querindongo ‘lover’, I have, I hope correctiy, assumed that the
function s pejorative.

158 159
II. Origin
Derivatives (and in one case, abolongo, suffix substitution) in —onK—,
—i,zK—, and —unK-- for which I have been able ta find a first attestation
date are as foltows:’9
Spanish Catalan
Before XVI abolongo [13 c]
xvi rnona’ongo [1599]
callonca [16 cJ
XVII morrongo [1605]
pilongo [1625]
xviii candonga [1700]
zangandongo [1735]
XIX pindonga [1843] poringa [1840]
zangandungo [1852]
The histories of —onK—, —inK—, and —unK— differ qualitatively from
those 0f —enK— and —anK— in that they do flot involve elements inherited
from the last millennium and before. Abstracting from the l3th-century
occurrences of abolongo, which I believe are due ta scribal error, we may
pinpoint the l6th century as the probably starting-point for —o,zK—, and
the l9th for —inK— and —unK—. The supposition that the three suffix types
are of fairly recent origin is further supported by the jack of paralle]s in
other Romance languages. I ~vas unable to find any of them (except for
Ital. —ing— < Germ. —ing—) in any of the Romance languages outside
Iberia in which —enK— and —atzK— fjourish, and my confidence that there
indeed are none is bo]stered byi. U. Hubschmied’s (1939) fai jure to do so
as well.
On the other hand, there is an apparent parallel in Basque. As mention-
cd in Chapter 3, Azkue (1925: 204) describes a diminutive —ngo (—tiko in
Roncalais) suffix in Basque, which combines not only with —o—, but also
with —o— and especially —I—. Azkue cites few examples, however, and does
flot etymologize them. Among the transparent examples I was able to find
79
Datcd nonderivatives include Sp. hirlonga [1726], chînonga [l553], zorongo
[1849j, and a hast of jate reprcsentatïves of Gemanic —(11g—, including carlinga
[1575], es!(‘1go [1587], estr(nga [1565], pechelingue [l6th cent.], relinga [lSth cent.],
reslinga [1492]; others are berlinga [1831], jeringa [l7th cent.], sù-inga [1495],
niandilandinga [1609], mandinga [16 cent.], potingue [1843], vocinglero [1607];
carbunco [1529], sandunga [1849]; Ptg. inondongo [lSth cent.], car!inga [l6th
cent.], choramingas [l7th cent.], eslinga [1890], resthiga [lSth cent.], set-inga [l6th
cent.], Inatunga [1881]; Cat. B!adinga [988], carlinga [1839].
160
are Vizcayan potxongo, potxingo8° ‘puddle’ < poizo, putzu ‘id.’; zorongo
‘wild, frisky’ < zoro ‘crazy’; gorringo ‘egg yolk’ < gorri ‘red’; zuringo ‘egg
white’ < zuri ‘white’; High Nav. xubingo ‘littie bridge’ < zubi ‘bridge’;
Roncalese xerrinko ‘little pig’ < zerri ‘pig’; xa!inko ‘little spoon’ < zou
‘spoon’. There may be some connection between Basque —anK—, —o,zK-,
and —inK— and the Ibero-Romance —nK— series. Hubschmid (1955: 22) for
example, speculated that —nK— might have belonged to an early lE lan
guage ]ayer that affected Basque and eventually Latin and Romance. On
the other hand, the recent vintage of —o,zK— and —i,,K— in Romance im
plies that they could not derive directly from this layer. The question is
then whether the Ibero-Romance suffixes were borrowed from Basque. 1
find no evidence supporting this hypothesis. There are few Basque ban
words in —nK-- in Ibero-Romance, and the lexical influence of Basque
upon Castilian during the last five centuries has been slight in any case. As
in aIl dominant ]anguage / subordinate language situations, borrowings
have fbowed in the opposite direction, i.e., from Castilian ta Basque.
The factors of late attestation and lack of European parablels lead ta the
conclusion that —o,zK—, —inK—, and —unK— must be of recent vintage. This
conclusion atone is sufficient ta eliminate one of the theories of origin that
has been proposed —— in this case for —ongo abone —— viz., Hubschmied’s
(1939: 243—5) daim that it is a reflex of Germ. —ung—.
Ta clarify, Hubschmied identified the source as —ung—, which is yet
another variant of the masculine nominal suffix —ing—, as described in
Chapter Twa. This variant ~vas discussed by Grimm (1967: 341), who cited
several gentilic examples (Trulungi, Juihungi, Greuihungi from Roman
historical accounts), personal names (Sne!hinc, Adalung, as weIb as Hor
nunc ‘February’). This is ta be differentiated from the deverbal feminine
nominal suffix —ung, which is highby productive in Modem High German
(Zeichnung ‘drawing’ < zeichnen ‘ta draw’, Saminlung ‘cob]ection’ < sain
mcm ‘ta collect’, Hoffnung ‘hope’ < hoffen ‘to hope’). According to
Munske (1964: 4), the genetic relationship between masc. —ing—/— ung—
and fem. —ung is yet to be explained.
Hubschmied admitted that —ung— »l~Bt sich fûr die germanischen Spra
chen, die im Romanischen untergegangen sind, num in wenigen Wârtern
wahrscheinbich machen<. The only examptes [woubd classify as »probabbec<
are the Latinized Langobardic proper names (p. 245), Elbungus, Amalon
gus, Billongus, which parallel Grimm’s examples cited above. Hub
schmied’s daim that Genevan evarnô ‘piglet kept over the winter for fat
tening’, Saône-et-Loire ivernon ‘piglet a few months old’, Jura mayâ ‘spring
pasture’ are traceable ta the suffix —1111g— rather than -ONE is considerably
bess canvincing, though given the pemvasiveness of Germanic influence in
iOSame of these equations illustrate the pecubiar Basque phenarnenon whcrcby
pabatalization irnplies a diminutive function.
161
these areas and the demonstrated use of —ing— with stems denoting seasons
and months (Prov. estivenc ‘of summer’, joanenc ‘grass to be cut in June’),
it is not impossible.
On the other hand, Hubschmied’s (245) further daim that a Gothic —ung
might explain Sp. .-ongo, as in mozongo (the oniy example he cites) bas
none of these arguments going for it. First of ail, he was able to cite no
examples of Gothic —ung—, and Grimm (1967: 341) states that of —ung—
there is »im Gotischen Uberhaupt keine Spun<. Even if the suffix had
existed in Gothic, it wouid have had to be transmitted to Romance, like
—engo, through patronymic place-names, of which there is again no trace.
Hubschmied attempted to boister his case by citing an alieged shared
tendency of both Sp. —ongo and West Germ. —ing-- (flot —ung—) toward
pejoration, but I believe the latter svas neyer pejorative. I would argue that
in the two onG examples cited by Hubschmied, arming ‘poor man’, and
ndieding ‘miserable wretch’, the negative force emanates from the root
morphemes rather than from the suffix. Finaiiy, the chronoiogical evi
dence alone is sufficient to eliminate this unlikely proposai. Even if —ung—
had existed in Gothic, and even if it had been transmitted in some way
into Romance, we can hardiy be expected to believe that it first surfaced
1100 years later as a pejorative suffix.
Given the recent vintage of these suffixes, the search for their origins
must focus on a different set of possibilities than those considered for —enK—
and —anK—. I see two possibilities: Either the suffixes were borrowed from
languages with which the Ibero-Romance tongues have recently been in
intense contact, or else they arose internally through the operation of crea
tive mechanisms within the Ibero-Romance languages themselves.
The borrowing hypothesis must begin with the identification of a iikely
donor language (or languages). This language must fulfiil two criteria: (1)
it must have been in intensive contact with Ibero-Romance languages
(especially Spanish, given the numericai and chronological data) during
the period from immediately preceeding the l6th century up to the I9th
century, when —inK-- and —unK— appeared, and (2) it must incorporate
large numbers of lexemes containing suffixal —o,rK—, —inK—, or —unK—.
Consuiting Lapesa’s Historia (1983: 408—13), we find that indeed »el
espaflol âureo experimenté un notabilisimo acrecimiento de palabras~. He
goes on to provide a list of the major contributing languages, viz., Italian,
French, Portuguese, and the Amerindian tongues. We have aiready deter
mined that the suffixes are flot present in italian and French. Portuguese
may be eliminated on the basis of the scant representation of the suffixes
in that language. On the other hand, Basque, a language in which we found
a somewhat parailel suffix, is flot on Lapesa’s iist of languages in intense
contact, a criterion which effectively eliminates it as weB.
This leaves the Amerindian languages, and indeed as mentioned in
Chapter 3, it bas been claimed —— and in fact il is widely believed —— that
162
the suffixes under examination were borrowed from the languages of
Afffètiàa, including the African languages broûjhf there by slaves. This
hypothesis received less than favorable treatment from me in my previous
discussion, and I believe that it js also untenable as it applies to —orzK—,
—inK—, and —unK—. Since I have already described the hypothesis as enun
ciated esp. by Wagner (1944), and already discussed each of my objections
to it at length, 1 will present my arguments in abbreviated fashion, noting
areas of special pertinence to the new suffixes.
Distribution. Wagner’s daim that the —ng— suffixes are »besonders Mu
fige in America corresponds with the data for —onK—, —inK—, and —unK—
better than h did for —anK—. Whereas only 30/130 of Hispanic —anK—
were American, the proportions here are 25/46 (54.3%) for —o,zK—, 34/46
(73.9%) for —inK—, and 16/21 (76.1%) for —unK—. However, though these
proportions are high, they are not overwhelming, and Wagner’s own data
are even less compelling: 3/11 for —ongo, 3/9 for —ingo,81 and 1/5 for
—ungo. These numbers refer to bis usÉs of actual derivatives. Again as in
the case of —anK—, it is only in the usÉs he reserved for nonderivatives that
the American examples become predominant.
This distributional pattern severely weakens the Americanism theory,
for ail of the reasons I cited regarding —anK—. If these suffixes originated
as borrowings in America, why are there so many of them on the Iberian
Peninsula? How did they get there? Why are they so strong in languages
and dialects far from Andalusia, the principal contact point for America?
Why are the words semanticaliy atypicai of the usual Americanisms?
Morpho!ogy. As in the case of —anK—, there are three probiems invol
ving the morphologicai status of —o’zK—, —inK—, and —unK—: First is that
structurai elements are borrowed oniy by subordinate ianguages experienc
ing heavy contact with dominant languages, which is not the case of Span
ish in America. Second is the failure of proponents of this theory to identi
fy actual indigenous suffixes that could have been borrowed. Even Wagner
(1944: 329—33) scoffs at some of Ortiz’s etymoiogies of —11g— eiements, e.g.,
sandunga ‘charm, grace’ < Congoiese sé ‘sait’ + ndunga ‘pepper’, zan
gandongo ‘ciumsy, lazy youth’ < Congoiese sanga ‘to dance’ + ndunga ‘a
certain musical instrument’. Even where accurate etymologies are avaiia
ble, e.g., as in the Amerindian examples (cited by, among others, Seiva
1949: 210—11) Mex. nzolongo ‘long, soft object’ < Aztec nzolonqui ‘id.’, S.
Amer. porongo ‘type of pitcher with a long neck’, ‘penis’ < Araucanian
punincu ‘id.’, suffixes are nowhere in evidence. The endings are either free
morphemes in compounds, or else part of the root. Thus, proponents are
~‘ Subtracting words Wagner mistakcnly identified as American: pilongo, (rom
General Spanish, demongo, found in Asturian as well as in Cuban, fotingo,
found in Canarias as welI as America, and bailongo, called Peruvian but also
found in Sp. Argot.
163

reduced to suggesting that faise separation on the basis of unanalyzable
indigenous words is the mechanism through which the Spanish suffixes
arose. It is this presupposition that explains Scavnicky’s failure to even
attempt to etymologize the great majority of the examples he cites. Jndeed,
in his discussion of —ingo only one example is so elaborated (Nic. talolinga
‘quagmire’ < Aztec tIalli ‘land’ + ohm ‘tremor’ —— which again contains
no —12g— suffix), while none are for —onK— and —unK—. One may thus
applaud Scavnicky for his honesty in admitting to the improbable belief
that false separation was the operant mechanism in the rise of these suf
fixes, but he deserves considerably less thanks for the theory itself.
The Vocalic Proliferation Hypothesis
Lapesa (1983: 413) carefully traces the influx of loanwords into l7th-cent.
Castilian, but adds:
»Aparte de la adopcién de voccs grecolatinas y extranjeras, el léxico literario
espaflol aumenté su caudal aprovechando las propios recursos dcl idioma. Se ha
indicado ya la abundante formacién de derivados. .
Having eliminated ail other possibilities that have been proposed, w~ turn
to the theory that the three suffixes under examination might have arisen
internally, through the operation of the creative mechanisms inherent in
the Ibero-Romance languages themselves.
Lapesa ~vas referring to the derivation of new words on the basis of
pre-existing suffixes, but languages are also capable of creating new suffix
es, not ex nihilo, but analogically on the basis of internai patterns. In the
case of —onK—, —inK—, and —unK-, the analogy was based on the model of
—anK- and —enK-- coupled with the tendency, in both Latin and Ibero
Romance, for suffixes with identical consonantal nuclei to cluster, some
times resulting in the analogical creation of new suffixes with the same
nucleus and meaning, but with a different stressed vowel.
The possibility that a suffixal inventory might be augmented through
such a process has been broached by several scholars. One of the earliest
discussions I find is that of Michaelis de Vasconcellos in her Licôes de
filologiaportuguesa (1911:1:73—4):
»Um modo especial de multiplicar os sufijos herdados consiste na tendência de
alterar a sua vogal ténica criando gamas vocâlicas, perfeitas ou imperfeitas. Pro
cedendo assim os portugueses completam apenas o que os latinos haviam corne
çado. «
Michaelis illustrated this affirmation with three types of evidence, to
which a fourth can be added. First, she showed that gamuts of suffixes,
with identical consonantal nuclei but differing tonic vowels, existed in
Vulgar Latin, e.g., -ÂcEU, - Fat), -OCE~i; -ÂGJNE, -FafNE, -DaINE; -ACULU,
164
-ICULU, — UCULU. Second, she demonstrated that the vocalic gamut pattern
in Latinate suffixation was transmitted through to Portuguese, cf. the fol
lowing direct reflexes of Latin words: imagem ‘image’ < IMÂGINE ‘id.’,
J)shigem ‘soot’ < FULFOINE ‘id.’, fernigem ‘rust’, ‘blight’ < FERR VaINE ‘Id.’.
Third, Michaelis remarked:
“Que maravilha que, aplicando o processo a outros sufixos os portugueses p05-
suam hoje —ara —ego —1,0 —0(0 —uto (mularo, lebrato, torero, rapazito, perdigoto,
cucuruto); ... —acho —echo —icho —ocho —ucho (fogacho, ,‘enrrecho, rabicho,
corocha, gorducho); —ace —eca —1cc —ccc —“ta (reihaco, boneco, amorico, par
dota, bichoco, abelhanrco); que a par de —arro —erre, criassem —erra (grandorro)
—urro (casinurro). E assim pot diante.~<
Notice that, though it may appear so, Michaelis did not daim that ail
members of each series were created through analogical extension and
vocalic proliferation. Many of the individual members of each series can
be traced to sources other than analogy. In the —r— series, for example,82
—etc derives from Latin -lin’ and liaI. —erre, and —ira from the wide
spread —ittu diminutive suffix, of considerable antiquity. On the other
hand, —ato probably has nothing to do with the reflex of -Anis found in
learned words (cardinalaro, nitrate), and —ow seems to be a var. of —ole
(papelore). In both cases analogical extension through vocalic substitution
could have been the deciding factor.
I do believe that Michaelis overstated her case in some respects. I doubt
that the ending of cucururo isa suffix, for example. The —cli— suffixes in —a—
—i-, and —u— are probable descendants of -ASCULU (< -ASCU + -ULU),
-ISCULU, and -riscuLu, ventrecha < Fr. venrresche, and carocha is of dis
puted origin. They probably contain no suffix either. A concerted effort
might produce more convincing examples, however.
I found a similar reference to the vocalic variation hypothesis in Ron
jat’s Provençal grammar (1937: 334): »Sur les modêles —amen, —emen,
—irnen, —umen, —atu, —etu, —itis, —tau etc plusieurs suffixes ont varié
leur voyelle tonique.« The suffix -Ârjcu, which produced Prov. —age, for
example, seems to have spawned the variants -Oncu (OProv. invernorge)
and -mcv (drudige ‘vigor’, bbanquige ‘whiteness’). Perhaps less convincing
is the daim that the suffix —as, f. —asse < -Âcîu (as in FOCÂCIA > fou
gasse ‘cinder bread’) spawned variants -os(so) (cAPUT > cabosse ‘head’)
and —us(so) (ÂrERuI..~1 > merlus ichth. ‘whiting’), since the latter at least
could be a reflex of -vasA.
Turning to the Hispanic side, we find the following remark by Yakov
Malkiel on the subject of suffixal »gamuts<, where vowels alternate within
an identical consonantal configuration (1970: 29):~~
82 Etymologies from Cunha (1982).
83 This topic ‘salsa treated in Malkiel (1982).
165
 »The existing literature on word-formation bas for decades, sporadically and
incidentally, alluded to these gamuts, but one sorely misses any attempt to treat
the phenomenon on a monographic scale, and such inventories of l-lispano
Romance derivational suffixes as one encounters at rare intervals, fail w use
these gamuts as a major taxonomie device.«
Malkiel did flot specificaily cite any of these sporadic allusions to suffixal
proliferation through vocalic substitution, but they do exist. Even limiting
our purview to the —nK— suffixes, we find (1) Alemany y Bolufer’s (1920:
11) single entry for ail four —ng— suffixes other than —engo, where he said
of —ongo, »del mismo origen que —engo, dcl cual es variante.., la misma
procedencia debemos reconocer a los sufijos —ango, —ange; —engue, —frigo
y —utigo, —unga<, (2) Hanssen’s statement that (1945: 150) »Las termina
ciones —engue, —anga, —otzga, —ungo, —unga son probablemente variantes
de —engo«, and (3) Robe’s (1960:85) reference to —ngc as a single suffix »of
Germanic origin in Romance«, and to the Panamanian »variants« —ange,
—engo, —luge, —ongo, —wzgo, and —engue.
Malkiel’s monograph (1970) on suffixation in the Cabraniego dialect of
Asturian is a treatise on the usefulness of the vocalic gamut arrangement
as a taxonomie device. The odd thing about this particular study, though,
given Malkiel’s usual proclivity toward historical research, is that is re
mains at the taxonomie, i.e., descriptive level. There is no systematic effort,
in other words, to show the origins of the various suffixes discussed, stiil
less to prove that vocalic proliferation could have produced some of them.
The reason for this is that Maikiel insisted as a matter of principle on
confining his data b that compiled by Canelladas (1970), an uncharac
teristic but scientifically defensible limitation.
Malkiel devoted most of Part u (pp. 29—58) to the formaI, grammatical,
and semantic characterization of what he called the »integrated deriva
tional suffixes«, i.e., those that share a common consonantal nucleus, or
»piliar*. To cite an example, the /k/ pillar84 is represented by three suf
fixes in the dialect of Cabranes: (1) —acu, which often suggests crudeness
or coarseness (berracu ‘ill-tempered man’), and applies especialiy to human
beings; (2) —leu (follicu ‘something hollow like a bellows’), and (3) —ucu, a
diminutive ([abucu ‘small-sïzed brown bean’). Malkiel implied that the
various series of suffixes listed in Ibis section are grammatically and se
mantically similar enough to be classified as units, irrespective of their
various origins and whether or flot any speakers of the dialect consider
them to be genetically related.
Not surprisingly, in spite of his synchronie viewpoint, Malkiefs long
term goal in writing this monograph seems to have been to pave the way
for its application to genetic studies.
‘~ Maikiel (p. 66) classified the —«g— suffixal cluster as »unintegrated< in Asturian.
166
»The main benefit that may someday accrue 10 lïnguists from this alternative
approach to morphemic classification will in aIl Iikelihood affect historically
slanted studies, since perfect prototypes available in the parent langauge (-Ace,
-roc, -ace; ‘AMEN, -IMEN, -CAIRN, etc.) mise the question of proliferation. .
The mechanism whereby such proliferation would occur is analogy,
where new forms are created as a means of completing a proportion, in
volving either substituting a vowel in the gamut, e.g., -AMEN, -1MB?”, -UMEN
—aCu, —iCu, X — —uCu, or completing a series, e.g., /p t k/ of pillars.
Malkiel stated this in structural terms (1970: 58):
»Since this kind of patterning isa living force, there isa constant latent challenge
for speakers to fill ‘empty pigeonholes’ in the shorter gamuts, to press into service
suitable new pillars, and to nuance the semantic load of each unit. . o
Or again (p. 76):
»The grid that we have established through the use of vocalic gamuts and con
sonantal pillars as our two prime axes enabled us to recognize, at a glance, certain
gaps or empty boxes (slots), strikingly reminiscent of the Praguc phonologists’
‘cases vides . -. ‘ Every such vacancy hides a ‘latent suffix’, and carnes with it, as
it were, an invitation to speakers, if not an outright imperative, to f iII it prompt
Though Malkiel did not attempt to prove that any specific suffix origi
nated in this way, he did consider this to be a legitimate possibility, as seen
by this hypothetical example (p. 78):
»Assuming —ose— can be effortlessly traced w a prehistonic language, there is
scarcely any need for our going to any great length in searching fora comparably
archaic source of, say, —Ise— and —use—, so long as we agree w credit our dialect
and its congeners with prolonged potency in matters of apophonic variation.
Placed within the grid, —asc— (or, for that matter, —o,’r—) ~vas likely to generate,
under its own power, an appropniately rich vocalic gamut.o
lt is now timet5 to determine whether the —,zK— pillar has undergone
vocalic proliferation in the Jbero-Romance languages, particularly Span
ish. The first step in this demonstration is to show that series of apophonic
suffixes existed al some earlier period in the language’s history. This point
was adequately proven by Michaelis, whose series of Latin suffixes have
the added advantage of being genetically related rather than being acci
dental groupings. A second step in this une of reasoning is 10 show that
these types of patterns survived into the modem era, when —onK—, —inK—,
and —unK— seem to have arisen.26 Again, Michaelis takes care of this point
~ Stein’s (1970) inventory of processes whereby suffixes arise in English, German,
and French includes the following: inherited, borrowed, adapted from inflection
al endings, adapted from independent words, false segmentation, and »sponta
ncous onigino, as in EngI. 1mb-y, Jack-y. Expanding the scope of the list to in
clude Spanish, we should now add vocalic proliferation.
‘6The apophonic tendency is also observable in verb-endings (Malkïel 1982), ono
matopoeias and the like (e.g., ringorrango ‘superfluous adornments’, riquio’aque
roll of firecrackers’).
167
 for Portuguese. Direct transmission of such Latin series in SPANISH include
—able (< — ABILE) / —ible (< -fErLE); -ado (-nu) / —edo (-mv) / —ido
(-n-u) / -udo (-mv); —ajo (-AcuLu) / -4o (-EcuLu, -falLu), / -ijo
(-IcuLu); and —ambre (-AMINE) / —imbre (-LIfINE) / —umbre (— aMINE).
Moreover, it is also plain that some apophonic suffixal series not attribu
table to Latin have developed in the Ibero-Romance languages. In Spanish
the most notable of these are —(n, —tri, which as reflexes of Lat. -mu and
-ONE were not serial in the parent language, as well as the usually pejor
ative —aco, —eco, —ico, —oco, —uco (ail of uncertain origin), —acho (<
-ACEU), —ucho (< 7), aiso pejorative, and the suspiciously Basque-looking
pejorative —arro, —orro, —urro, not to mention Maikiei’s other example,
—asco, —isco, —usco. I ait not claiming that any of these suffixes were
formed to fui a »case vide<ç though this does seem iikeiy in some instan
ces. A final determination in each case can be made oniy after an in-depth
investigation. For this reason I xviii continue to concentrate here on the
—nK— piiiiar.
These two steps establish that there was a basis in the Ibero-Romance
ianguages upon which an analogical process resuiting in vocalic prolif
eration in suffixes could be based. The next step is to show that —nK— was a
likely candidate for vocalic proliferation.
A number of specific factors support this hypothesis. First, it appears
that in spite of their different origins, —enK— and —anK— grew gram
maticaily and semanticaily alike enough by the time that —onK— etc. began
to arise sporadically, to provide a unified impetus for vocalic proliferation.
As we saw, the semantic histories of both —enK— and —anK— show o grad
uai shift toward negative evaluation in recent centuries, e.g., in l6th-cent.
Sp. friolenco and Ptg. andarengo, bordalengo, as weli as in l6th-cent. Sp.
pilancu, I7th-cent. babanco, inogiganga.
A second argument that supports the proiiferation theory is the striking
semantic similarity of the three suf f ix types. If —onK—, —inK—, —unK— had
~eparate origins, we would expect them to have separate meanings. In fact
a~il three are beteween 40% and 60% pejorative, and near 100% affective or
playful. The three are also practicaliy identicai in grammatical status, pro
ducing nouns and adjectives with near 100% consistency, and using nouns
as input at a rate hovering around 65%,~~
Third, the many cases in which n single stem is conjoined with more
[han one —nK— suffix suggests strongly that »mere« proliferation rather
than any 5—way convergence of genetically unrelated suffixes has taken
place. Pertinent exampies here include Sp. abolengo / abolongo; Can.
bicharango / Ven. bichoronga; Sp. b/andengue / Arg. blandingo; Sp.
candonga / Peru. candungo; Cub. caflangazo / Cub. cafladonga / Nic.
caflengo / Amer. caflingue; Extr. clarindongo / Bol. claringo; CRica co
S’ in this respect the three suffixes are more simiar te —ango than te —engo.
168
rrongo / Mex. curungo; Pan. changuenga / Col. changonga; Can. chuchan
ga / Coi. chuchingo; Can. chupenco / Chu. chupingo / And. chupalan
ganeo; Mex. fildngano / Can. filindonga; Arg. filongo / Arg. Filunga;
Mex. fondongo / Pan. .fundango / And. fondinga. These exampies bring
us iess than half-way through the Spanish date alone, but make sufficientiy
plain, in my view, the essential interchangeabiiity which seems to appiy
among these suffixes. Given this ievel of synchronic homogeneity, I think
it is reasonabie to rule out the possibility of diachronie heterogeneity.
Finally, there is Éhe factor of relative chronoiogy: The fact that ail three
suffixes appear for the first time after the establishment of —enK— and
—anK—, and in the comparatively recent past, makes anaiogy a likely hy
pothesis.
To sum up, then, the proliferation hypothesis is supported in the case of
—onK—, —inK—, and —unK— by a series of factors, viz., that the suffixes are
(1) formally, (2) semanticaily, and (3) grammaticaiiy simiiar, to the point
that (4) they are demonstrabiy interchangeable in many instances, and (5)
ail appeared for the first time in the last 400 years.
III. Development
As I have repeatedly shown in this chapter, the —onK—, —inK—, and —unK—
suffixes are very much alike. They are in fact SO aiike, I have argued, that
they must have arisen through the operation of the same process of inter
nai creation. On the other hand, the suffixes are not identical, $0 that it is
necessary, under the rubric »deveiopment<, to outiine a mini-history for
each suffix separately.
The suffix —onk—
The story of —onK— is more complex than [hase of —inK— and —unK—, and
in many ways it is more probiematic for the vocalic gamut hypothesis.
Some of the probiems invoive the earliest documentation. In the first place
there is the anomalous case of abolongo, var. of abolengo iineage’, which
according to Pérez Gonzâiez (1985: 242) appeared in Latin documents
from the Castilian chanceilery dated between 1158 and 1214, and which
Solalinde and Kasten (Aifonso 1957: 40n) found in two manuscripts of
Alfonso X’s l3th-cent. General Estoria. I am convinced that these forms
are simply errors, if not editorial (it is perhaps too much ta suspect that
modem schoiars could have misread the form three times), then scribal.
This interpretation is strengthened by the temporal isolation of abolongo ——
one must wait three more centuries for the next occurrence of —011go.
One of these next occurrences is, curiously enough, abolongo again,
documented by the DII (112), where the phrase »de vuesa alcunia (sic) y
169
abolongo viene~ is attributed to Lape de Vega, assigned the date 1598—1603,
and characterized editorially as a »deformaciôn rûstica convencional«.
The word appears to have undergone suffix substitution. Since —ongo did
flot yet exist as such, it may be regarded as a nonce precursor of the struc
tural change to corne. Callonca ‘half-cooked’, with its unvoiced stop con
sonant, cornes as no surprise considering flic abundance at that time of
—enco and especially —anco forms. The more compelling question is why,
in subsequent centuries, —ongo continued to develop to the exclusion of
—onco. Considering the parallel predominance of —ango over —anco in
recent centuries, coupled with the practical failure of —inco and —anco to
establish themselves, the predominance of —otigo (cf. the var. Extr. callon
go) seems to be part of a very definite shift in preferences among Spanish
speakers away frorn the —nc— pillar and toward -ng—. I would not hazard a
guess as to the causes of this shift.
A third problematic word among the earliest attestations of —onK— is
chinonga ‘dark woman of mixed race’, attested in the River Plate area in
1553, synonymous with its root china, which reflects Quechuan china ‘fe
male animal’. There is seemingly nothing unusual about this example ——
iLs root-word is clear and the derogative meaning manifest —— except for
the earlinesss of its appearance in the conjunction with its American birth
place. One would not normally expect to see a highly innovative, internally
forged suffix rnake one of its first appearances attached to a recently bor
rowed stem in an outlying area. Perhaps the search for a suitable etymon
within Quechua should be widened to include inflected or compounded
forms of china that might, like S. Amer. porongo ‘long-necked pitcher’ <
Araucanian puruncu, explain the entire word-form, eliminating it from
our list of early derivatives.
The —onK— suffixes differ from —anK— and —enK— in being almost cx
clusively Hispanic. The apparent exceptions, Gal. mondongo, Gal., Ptg.
pindonga, and Ptg. candonga are almost certainly Castilian imports. On
the other hand, unlike —inK- and —unK—, —otzK— is solidly Peninsular in
its habitat. It arose there comparatively early and in comparatively large
numbers, and is stiil strongly represented on the Peninsula (21 of 45). In
America —ongo appears 5 times in Mexico and Central America, 4 times in
the Caribbean, 16 times in South America (Argentina 6, Venezuela 5),
including, notably, 7 hypocoristics.88
The —013go paradigm has been added w through a number of processes
other than derivation, which justify the conclusion that the suffix has
acquired a template-like attractive power. In several cases, for instance, the
only available stem ends in —ôn, which ~vas then fitted with —go to add a
new semantically appropriate member to the paradigm: Mcx. ojigolongo
~ Other than the word in —onco, the only other variant is in Argotic ‘zôngano
+ —ozzgo + the »sufijo ~tono« —ano, playfully applied.
170
‘affliction, trouble’ < ajigolôn ‘id.’; Ast. billonga ‘car of corn’ < billôn
‘vellén’ (= ‘fleece, tuft of wool’]; And. butrongo ‘arse’ < butrôn ‘id.’; Pan.
chingongo, from its English synonym chewing gum; Ast. demongu, de
niôngaru ‘demon’, from a clipped form of de,nonio ‘id.’; Arag. forongo ‘ace
of hearts’ < forôn ‘id.’; Mcx. inorrongo ‘type of cigarette’ < morrôn ‘id.’;
and Nav. pichorrondongo, an endearment < Nav. pichorrondôn ‘id.’.
Whiie there are no examples of -ôn > —onk— or —ok— > —onk— as may be
enumerated for —anK— and —inK—, there are several other change catego
ries, including (1) metathesis (possibiy And. capirrongo ‘Iazy bum’ < ca
pigorrôn ‘id.’), (2) blending (Extr. melondrongo ‘cured ham’ < melôn +
inondongo), (3) suffix substitution (besides abolongo, Extr. pingorongo
‘erect, tau’ < pingorote ‘top, point’; sirindongo Mcx. ‘what’s his name’,
Hond. ‘drinking spree’ < jeringa ‘syringe’, (4) borrowing, on the reasoning
that the attractiveness of the foreign word was enhanced by its formai
similarity to —o,zK— words (birlonga ‘[incautious] way of playing a certain
card game’ < Fr. beslonc ‘oblong, twisted’; Nav. zorongo ‘head-band’ <
Basque zoronga ‘handkerchiefl. Among the —o,zK— words I am at present
unable to etymologize are Extr. co—, cajondongo ‘gazpacho’, Hond. cajon
go ‘large corn tortilla’, Ast. chalonga ‘frog’, Arg. cholongo ‘(fruit) eaten by
birds and worms’, Mcx. desror/ongo ‘disorder, squandering’, Mcx. fodongo
‘dirty’, ‘fart’, Dom. mafiongo ‘foolish’, Arag. a la pichironga ‘carclessly, in a
slipshod manner’, Extr. pitvngo ‘good, healthy’, and Extr. tolondongo
‘calmness’.
The suffix —inK—
The story of —i,zK— begins much later, with the appearance of Cat. potinga
(1840) and Cast., Cat. potingue (1843 in CasÉ.), the only dated words in my
entire corpus. k is truc that words with this ENDING appear carlier, but in
none of them is iL a suffix: restinga ‘shallows’ Sp. [1492], Ptg. [1540], per
haps < Eng. rock string, Sp. relinga ‘plumb une used with fishing nets’
[lSth cent.] < Fr. ralingue ‘id.’, Sp. vocinglero ‘loud-mouthcd’ [lSth cent.]
(sec DATA), Sp. estringa ‘large needle’ (1565] < Ital. stringa ‘id.’, Sp. carlin
ga ‘hole into which the mast is f itted’ [1575] < Fr. ca~’lingue ‘id.’, Sp.
eslinga ‘rope with hooks for lifting hcavy weights’ [1587] < Engl. ding, Sp.
pechelingue ‘pirate’ [l6th cent.] < Viissingen, city in Holland, Sp., Gal.,
Ptg. mandinga ‘negro tribe in West Sudan’ [l6th cent.] < African lan
guage, Sp. rnana’ilandinga ‘criminai element’ [1609] < mandil ‘apron’.
Lacking any meaningful chronoiogicai evidence, we turn to the distri
butional figures, recorded earlier in the chapter. The picture they give is
one of a weak but completely legitimate presence on the Peninsula, and a
strong presence in ail areas of America, excepi perhaps for Brazil, where
< 1,0 only one new derivative (vigilinga) appears. Since (1) —inK— is weak in
Andalusian (fondingo oniy), (2) none of the Peninsular 1-lispanic forms is
171
particularly weli-suited for a leader-word role, and (3) Catalan is unlikely
to have exerted much influence upon American Spanish, I conclude that
.-inK— arose independently on both sides of the Atlantic. This assumption
creates no difficulties for the theory of origin that I have proposed, in that
by the time —ingo appeared, the relatively strong presence of —ango, —engo,
ami, by that time, —ongo, would have been sufficient to bring any further
vocalic possibilities into play anywhere in the Ibero-Romance world. As it
turned out, pockets of productivity broke out probabiy almost simulta
neously in Catalonia (3) and ail over Spanish America; in the Mcxi
co/Centrai American area (8), the Caribbean (10, including 6 of the char
acteristic —iningo (< —bi + —ingo) forms in the Dominican Republic),
Venezuela and the Andean states (10), and the southern cone (6).
Along the way —ingo was joined by a variant, namely Cat., Sp. ~-ingae,
of which there are three examples. The form probably took its cue from
the rather vigorous —engue var. (cf. the American pair cafiingue / caflen
gîte ‘sickly, run-down’, as weil as Cast. pendingue / Nav. pendengue ‘wom
an’s cloak or shawl’).
The semantic development of —inK— seems to have undergone the in
fluence of the various diminutive suffixes in —(—, as evidenced by the overt
diminutive overtones displayed by many of the data; Arg. blandingo
‘blandito’, Arg. buchingo ‘borrico recién nacido’, Chu. capingo ‘capa de
masiado corta’, and ail of the Dom. —iningo words, including cerquininga
‘cerquita’, chininingo ‘chinini n’ [= ‘muy pequeflo’], plus Arg. chiquitingo
‘chiquitico’, to cite only a few. In view of the almost total productivity of
the diminutive suffixes, it comes as no surprise that —inK— would fali
under their influence. What is hard to fathom is how —o,,K— has managed
to remain relativeiy free of the augmentative meaning conveyed by the
equally powerful —ôn. Though this connotation is perhaps present in Nav.
frailongas ‘sanctimonious (person)’, at least three —ongo words are defined
as diminutive (yen. bichoronga ‘insignificant thing’, RPlata changonga
‘small, cheap guitar’, Col. pelongo ‘fledgling’), whiie no —ingo words are
augmentative.
Again, not ail of the etymoiogically analyzable words in —inK— acquired
this ending through a simple process of derivation. The various tempiate
iike changes that cnn be cited are (1) the change —in— > -ing--: Sp. gorrino
‘pig’ > SaIm. gorringo ‘id.’, (2) —ig— >- —ing—:89 Sp. inendigo ‘beggar’
> Extr. mendingo ‘person with a lot of nerve’; Sp. bofliga, mofiiga ‘cow
chip’ > Cub. inoflinga ‘id.’; Sp. repanrigarse ‘to settle down’, ‘to sprawi out’
[1517] > Arag. repantingarse ‘id.’; Arag. cerigallo ‘tatter, rag’ > Arag.
zaringallo ‘id.’; (3) the change —(n > —ingo: Sp. borrachin ‘drunkard’ >
89 Ast. I1ora~ningu ‘whimpering’, Ptg. c/zora!ningas ‘cry-baby’, the latter from the
i7th cent., predate by a considerabie time the inception of the suffix. The same
caR be said for mandilandinga in Cat. 3 below.
172
Extr. borranchinga ‘happy drunkard’; Sp. chininin (attested in Ecuador)
‘small piece’ > Dom. chininingo ‘very small’; And. chipil(n ‘smail’ > Col.,
Mcx. chî~i1ingo, Mex. chipilingue ‘small child’; Sp. chiquidn ‘very small’
> Arg. chiquitingo ‘id.’; Sp. chiquilfn ‘very smali’ > Pan. chiquilingo
‘smaii person or chiid’; Sp. *clziquifl(n ‘small’ > Dom. chiquiningo ‘id.’;
And. pichil(n ‘small child’ > Mcx. pichilingo ‘id.’; Sp. tilln ‘ding-a-ling’ >
Mex., Peru, RPlata tilingo ‘silly’; Basque tipulin ‘onion sprout’ > Nav.
tipulingo ‘id.’; Sp. zarramplin ‘lousy worke? > Sant. zarramplinga ‘id,’; Sp.
boum ‘soft’ (< FuLraINE) > Chil. fuulingue ‘poor-quaiity tobacco’; (4)
suffix substitution: Arag. frajenco ‘young pig’ > Arag. frajingos ‘id.’; Sp.
pellejo ‘skin, hide’ > Chu. petiingajo ‘tatter’; chorizo ‘sausage’ > Nav.
choringa ‘long skinny sausage’; prob. Cat. gandalla ‘life of laziness’ >
Cub. gandinga ‘id.’; Sp. ,natacfa ‘siaughte? > Saiv. nzatacinga ‘id.’; per
haps Sp. mojiganga ‘costume hall’ > Cub. ?nojinga ‘ridicule’; And. singui
lindango ‘trif le’ > And. singuilandingo ‘id.’; Sp. tarea ‘task’ > Sant. tarin
ga ‘beating’, ‘task’.
Words in —inK— which I am unabie to etymologize inciude Can. belingo
‘happening, party’, And. berlinga ‘clothesiine, poie’, Gal. berlingas ‘poles
used on smail boats’, Cat. berlinga ‘deck railing’, Col. biringo nnd vars.
‘nude’, Chu. candinga ‘nuisance’, Saim. canguingos ‘imaginary type of
food’, Alav. colingarse ‘to swing’, And. condinga ‘bravery, guts’, Arg.
(estar) chilingo, —mcc ‘Oo be) shirtless’, Chu. chuJYnga ‘head engineer’,
Arg., Urug. jïltingo, Jiyingo ‘smali knife’, Cub. fluinga ‘flatterer’, Leon.
niesingo ‘weak, delicate’, Ladino perlingo ‘agitated, fidgety’, Alav. piripingo
‘squatting’, Sant. talingar ‘to hang like a swing’, Ast. taratninga ‘swing’,
And. tejeringo ‘fritter’, Col. tifingo ‘intense black’, And. zaraniingo ‘boy in
puberty’, Ptg. titinga ‘white spots on the face and body’.
The suffix —unK—
The deveiopmentai lines of —unK— follow those of —inK— very ciosely.
There are no early attestations. The ending appears in Port. malungo ‘com
panion (esp. among black slaves)’, from the l8th century, but since the
word apparently originated among the blacks themseives it is almost
certainly not a Portuguese derivative. Contrast PRican malungo ‘big (per
haps ‘bad’, ‘mean’) chicken or rooster’, ‘pooriy donc’, whose connection
with malo is practically assured. It goes without saying that Sp. carbunco
‘anthrax’ (< C4RBUNCULU), dated 1529, is aiso irrelevant to the history of
—unK—. I am uncertain of the origin of bayunco ‘bulrush’, dated 1871, or of
Amer. bayunco, vallunco ‘surly’, ‘rustic’, if indeed the two meanings are
reiated. The latter certainiy appears w fit well with the semantic pro
pensities of —unK—.
The only other two dated words in —unK— are Sp. sandunga ‘grace,
poise’ [1849], regrettabiy also 0f unknown origin, and zangandungo ‘clum
173
sy, lazy person’ [1852], which exists also in the guises zangandongo [1735]
and Manch. zangandango.
With a total of 22 derivatives, —unK— is the least productive of the —nK—
suffixes. Other than the one Ptg. exampie, Madeiran fanhungo ‘nasal (of
speech)’, whose isolated existence is a puzzle, ail exampies are Hispanic, in
which a single Castillan and four Andalusian/Canary Island examples are
overbalanced by a total of 16 Spanish American derivatives. Even the
American numbers are somewhat misleading, however, in that fully 7 of
these 16 pertain to a pocket of productivity in Argentine / Chiiean hypo
coristics. No other Spanish American country has more than two indige
nous derivatives; the 9 remaining examples are spread out among Mexico,
Honduras, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Venezuela,
Peru, and Colombia.
In light of these patterns I am convinced that —unK—, like —inK—, must
have been created independentiy in various parts of the Spanish-speaking
world, where the existence of the stronger —nK— suffixes made its potential
appearance uniformly iikely. The principal argument in favor of this sup
position is the lack of a strong leader-word, on either side of the Atiantic,
that could have acted as carrier and catalyst. The two remoteiy possible
candidates are Cast. zangandungo, of which it is my impression that it is
comparatively rare and little-known, and Can. marungo ‘broken-down per
son’, which appears in Arg., Urug., Cub. and PRico in the meaning ‘bro
ken-down animai’.
I did not detect the rise of an expected variant *_ungue, and Guai.
corunco ‘red-haired’ (beside its variants cortvngo, curungo, etc.) must be
considered anomaious, especiaiiy considering the general faiiure of the —ne—
variants to transfer to the New World.
Grammaticaily and semanticaily —unK— is unremarkable. Although in
the case of —inK-- it seems possible to deteot the influence of the various
diminutive suffixes in —t’—, no such demonstration can be made here, since
Sp. suffixes in —u-- are almost aIl affective,90 tending to pejorative, e.g.,
—nec (casuca ‘hut’, frailuco ‘insignificant iittle monk or priest’), —ucho
(casucha ‘but’, malucho ‘sickly’), —udo (barbudo ‘bearded’, cabezudo
‘large-headed’) —une (perruno ‘dog-like’, frailuno ‘monkish’), —ujo
(blandujo ‘fiabby’, OSp. magrujo ‘gaunt’), — uzo (gentuza ‘rabble’, pajuzo
‘rotten straw’). For this reason, no direct unes of influence are traceable.
As expected in a sporadicaliy-occurring suffix such as —unK—, the aggre
gate of whose derivatives are capable of exerting little attractive force,
tempiate activity has been minimal. Cent. Amer. bayunca ‘tavern’ <
bayuca ‘id.’ exhibits the change —une— < —ne—, but its isolation (particu.
larly in having the unvoiced consonant) awakes the suspicion that its pre
nasalization is unrelated 10 the —unK—paradigm. Rioj. gandunga ‘lazy
~° One exception is —rira, which forms adjectival abstracts (altura).
174
(bum)’ appears to be based on the root that aiso occurs in the synonymous
gandul, gandutnbas, gandayas, gandurro, but given the haziness of the
root might best be iabeled a product of suffix substitution. This is aiso the
apparent category for Ptg. varunca ‘henpecked husband’ < vardo ‘maie’,
and Braz. pilungo ‘nag’, ‘skinny, weak person’ (cf. Sabugal pilonga ‘dried
up’), in spite of the rarity of the suffix in Portuguese and its dialects.
Perhaps the importation of Sp. matungo ‘broken-down horse’ into Brazii
expiains the impetus for the appearance of the synonymous pilungo.
Among the etymoiogicaliy opaque words in —unK-, again ail Hispanic,
are PRico chalungo ‘sioppy’, Rond. chulunco ‘bobtaii’, ChU. furungungo
‘pyramid-shaped pastry’, Cub. jurungo, jorungo ‘bothersome person’, ‘for
eigner’, Arg. mulunco, —linge, molunco ‘de-horned (cow)’, PRico puchungo
‘endearment’, ‘effeminate man’, Sp. sandunga ‘grace, poise’, and Arag. sa
mandungo ‘stupid’, the latter possihly a blend.
IV. Summary
The suffixes —o,zK—, —i,rK—, and —nnK— are very much aiike. In each case,
(I) the —12g— variant is heavily predominant, (2) the suffixes are primariiy
Hispanic, (3) there bas been considerable productivity in Spanish America,
(4) they are ca. 65% nominai, (5) they prosper in designations of persons
and their traits, (6) aimost aiways adding an eiement of evaiuation. usually
negative.
The two most important facts shaping the search for the origins of
—onK—, —inK—, and —unK— are their recent vintage and the iack of extra
Peninsular correspondences. Thus, the suffixes were either borrowed re
cently or created through the internai resources of the Ibero-Romance
(especialiy Hispanic) diaiects themselves.
As in the case of —ange, there is no evidence for the hypothesis that the
suffixes were borrowed from the indigenous and imported (i.e., African)
languages of America. It is true that a considerabie number of borrowed
words in American Spanish contain these endings, but they are not suffix
al. Moreover, no one bas managed 10 identify any indigenous suffixes that
might have been borrowed. Finaiiy, none of the speciai conditions that
usuaiiy characterize Americanisms (especially the semantic condition that
they designate some peculiar aspect of indigenous life) are met by these
derivatives, and the transfer theory also fails to account for the presence of
—onK— and —inK— in areas of the Peninsula far removed froni the Anda
iusian centers for American contact.
it is lïkely that ail three suffixes arose through the operation of anaio
gicai forces. The factors supporting this process are (I) the formaI simi
larity of —enK— and —anK—, (2) the converging semantic similarity of —enK—
and —anK— in recent limes in the direction of pejoration, (3) the iong-term
tendency, in both Latin and Romance, for suffixes with identicai conso
nantal nuclei to cluster, resulting in series of suffixes with the same nu
cleus and meaning, but with different stressed voweis. Supporting this hy
pothesis are (1) the striking semantic and grammatical similarity of the
three suffixes, (2) the existence of etymological doublets (e.g., Sp. abolengo
/ abolongo) which suggest that the new suffixes are practically inter
changeable both among themselves and with —engo and —ango, and (3) the
aforementioned recent vintage of the suffixes, coupled with (4) the lack of
non-Ibero-Romance parallels.
In their subsequent development, the suffixes dif fer only in details. The
variant —o,,K— arose earliest and is the most heavily Peninsular (especially
Castilian) in its distribution. Both -inK— and —zt,zK— are primarily Amen
can in their distribution, and the relative lack of leader-words leads to the
supposition that they must have arise independently, through precisely the
same mechanism, on both side of the Atlantic. In America, —inK— seems to
have fallen under the influence of the various diminutive suffixes in —f—,
especially in Argentina and the Dominican Republic, in the latter taking
the compound form —iningo. The one area of concentration of -ung-,
meanwhile, is Argentina, where the suffix bas acquired considerable pro
ductivity as an attachment to hypocoristics. Finally, the two more numer
ous paradigms, those of —o,zK-- and —inK—, bave acquired sufficient attrac
tive force as to have motivated a large number of tempiate-like changes.
176
Excursus
Factors in the Vocalic Distribution of Recent —ng—
Denivatives
Having treated —enK— and —anK— separateiy from the others, I have not
yet had an opportunity to address an important issue in the overall de
velopment of the —nK— pillar, namely, the interrelationships among the
various vocalic nuclei. In order to complete the story of the rise and de
velopment of the —nK— suffixes, it is now necessary to depict the dynamics
of their interaction, discovering which factors help one suffix triumph
over the others in any given denivation, or alternativeiy showing to what
degree variation is nandom.
I am limiting examination here to »recent<( derivatives in —ng—, which
is to say that I am exciuding both early —ng— derivatives (aIl of which are
in —engo), and ail —tic-- denivatives, the overwhelming majonity of which
are either —enco or —anco. The reason for this limitation is that both of
these categories involve archaic layers which arose and to some extent
continue to flounish outside of the mainstream of contemporary —nK—
production, which is mostly restricted to the —ng— form and the pejorative
or affective meanings. When the early —engo derivatives arose there were
no vocalic alternatives within the context of the —ng-. pillar, so the ques
tion of distribution was moot for them. The productivity of —enco bas
declined in ail areas except for the NE part of the Peninsula. As for —mica,
though it has shown signs on the Peninsula of having undergone a seman
tic shift toward pejoration, it retains a highly archaic flavor in most in
stances, e.g., in the undated Galician terms for aspects of the terrain: ca
banco ‘ravine’, covanca ‘cave’, fochanca ‘cave’, fotxanco ‘ravine, hole’,
feiranco ‘field’, pozanco ‘deep spot in a river’. The suffixes —onco, —inca,
and —mica, ail represented by a single derivative, are too few in number to
yield worthwhile distnibutional data.
The first and perhaps most important statement that can be made re
garding the relative distribution of recent —ango, —engo, —ingo, —ongo, and
—ungo derivatives is that, to a certain extent, iL is free or random. This
conclusion is strongly indïcated by the large numbers of stems to which
two or more of the suffixes have been attached, with insignificant9’ dïf
By »insignificant~< I mean susceptible of explanation through normal channels of
177
ferences in meaning. If there WBRE decisive factors at work determining
which sort of stems would be assigned to which suffix, we would flot cx
pect the two- and even three-way (cafla, mamar) variation shown in many
cases. Divided up according to the vowels alternating, examples are as
follows:
I. —ango / —engo: Extr. perranga ‘crying fit’ / Extr. perrenga ‘naughty,
capricions person’ and Sp. perrengue ‘person quick to become angry’; Ptg.
bichanga ‘relating to insects and pests’ / Ptg. bicharengo ‘badger’; Extr.
parlanga ‘chat’ / Ptg. parlenga ‘id.’; Ptg. pelanga ‘soft, hanging piece of
skin’ / Ptg. peiharengo ‘emaciated’; Braz. vigilianga ‘fishing boat’ / Braz.
vigilenga ‘id.’; Ptg. inaturrango ‘bad horseman’ / Braz. inaturrengo ‘id.’
2. —ango / -ingo: Can. chuchanga ‘snail’ / Col. chuchhzgo ‘coward’; Pan.
fandango ‘buttocks’ / And. fondinga ‘jinx’; Cent. Amer. Inirranga ‘scrap,
bit’ / Col. min-ingo ‘small boy’; Arag. sefioritango ‘littie rich boy’ / Sp.
sefloritingo ‘id.’; Braz. vigilianga ‘fishing boat’! Braz. vigilinga ‘id.’
3. —ango / —ongo: Can. bicharango ‘bug’, ‘jerk’ / Ven. bichoronga ‘trifie’,
‘whore’; Cub. caflangazo ‘drink of cane liquor’ / Cub. cafiadonga ‘rum of
poor quality’; Pan. fiindango ‘buttocks’ / Mcx. fandango ‘ii’; Vefl. tua
chandango ‘shorn (person)’ / Mcx. mochongo ‘Iaughing-stock’; Extr. pe
lindangos ‘tatters’ / Mcx. pelongo ‘with short hair’; Gal., Extr. pendanga
‘lazy woman’ / Gal., Sp. pindonga ‘streetwalker’; Gal., Sp. querindango
‘love? / Argot querindongo ‘id.’; Arag. sefloritango ‘liule rich boy’ / Argot
sefloronga ‘ridiculous woman’; Argot lianga ‘woman’ / Arag. tionga ‘pros
titute’; Manch. zangandango ‘tau, lazy boy’ / Sp. zangandongo ‘id.’; Mex.
sirindango ‘insignificant person’ / Mcx. sirindongo ‘id.’
4. —ango / —ungo: Cub. malanga ‘coward’ / PRico malungo ‘pooriy donc’;
And. matnindangos ‘Christmas sweets’ / And. maniandungo ‘fritter’; Mcx.
inatanga ‘fight’, S. Amer. malurrango ‘ciumsy rider’, ‘broken-down person
or animal’ / Can. matungo ‘broken-down person’; Manch. zangandango
‘tau, iazy boy’ / Sp. zangandungo ‘id.’
5. —eng— / —ing—: Sp. blandengue ‘weak, soft’ / Arg. blandingo ‘a little soft’;
Cub. cafiengue ‘weakling’, Nie. caflengo ‘weak, puny’ / Amer. cafiingue
‘sickiy’; Cub. jalengue ‘scuffle, commotion’ / Ast. ja/ingôn ‘swing’; Nav.
(tomar e!) pendengue ‘to leave’ / Sp. (romar e!,) pendingue ‘ïd.’; Braz. ii
gilenga ‘fishing boat’ / Braz. vigilinga ‘id.’
6. —engo / -ongo: Sp. abofengo ‘lineage’ I Sp. abolongo ‘id.’; Pan, chai,
guenga ‘scuffle’ / Col. changonga ‘derision’; Sp. frailengo ‘having to do
with friars’ / Nav. frailongas ‘sanctimonious person’; Braz. pendenga ‘ar
gument’ / Sp. pindonga ‘prostitute’
7. —ingo / —ongo: Bol. claringo ‘clearly’, Extr. clarindongo ‘somewhat
semantic change, e.g., cliuchar ‘to suck’ > Can. chuchanga ‘snail’, since snails
ding through the use of suction, and > Col. chuchingo ‘coward’, probahly im
plying a comparison with babies, who suck and are cowards.
178
clear’; And. fondinga ‘jinx’ / Mcx. fondongo ‘thick’, ‘buttocks’; Argot pi
lingai ‘prostitute’ / Extr. pilongo ‘orphan’; sefloritingo ‘littie rich boy’ /
Argot sefloronga ‘ridiculous woman’
8. —ongo / —ungo; Sp. candonga ‘trick’ / Peru candungo ‘ingenuous’; CRi
ca corrongo ‘nice’ / Mcx. curungo, Ven. currundungo ‘chubby’; Arg. filai,-
go ‘temporary boyfriend or girlfriend’ / Arg. Filunga, a hypocoristic; Sp.
zangandongo ‘tau, lazy boy’ / Sp. zangandungo ‘id.’; Extr. pilonga ‘fool’ /
Braz. pilungo ‘emaciated person or horse’
On the basis of this compilation, I think it is fair (o conclude that no
rigid factors dctcrmine the distribution of thc —ng— suffixes. On thc other
hand, I do not bclicve that assignment is entircly random. Below I analyze
possible factors in four catcgorics; arcal, phonological, grammatical, and
scmantic.
The ai-cal factor. The process of derivation, lypicaliy described as a
rulc-govcrned operation, is in its lcast intensive state —— wherc opcration of
thc conjoining mcchanism ïs sporadic at bcst —— extremcly similar to ana
logical change.92 Malkiel (1966: 333) argues for calling an isolatcd suffix
likc cntity a “lexical fcaturc«, the samc cntity appcaring in only two words
a »lcxical anaIogy~, and only with thc advcnt of thc third exampie a »suf
fïx<. Now thc —ng— suffixes are (1) at bcst oniy modcratcly productive, and
the concomitant factors of (2) thc iack of widcly occurring cxan-iplcs and
(3) thc thin sprcad of cxamplcs throughout the varïous diaiect areas, add
up to the situation that any givcn dialcct is Iikciy to have vcry few exam
pics of any givcn —ng— suffix. Onc would thcreforc cxpect that thc crcation
of ncw —ng— derivativcs might takc place in these dialects through proccss
es cssentially analogical in nature.
What this ail has to do with thc distribution question is this: Sincc (1)
thc crcation of ncw —ng— dcrivativcs is govcrned by analogy, and (2) thc
larger the number of cxampies supporting any particular analogical
change, the more likciy it is to occur, it foilows that it is prcciscly in
individual dialects wherc one or the othcr of thc —ng— suffixes has gained n
solid foothold (say, with S—6 cxampics) that furthcr derivations arc most w
be expected. In other words, succcss breeds success, and distributional pat
tcrns can be expected to be affected by the areal factor. On the other hand,
the question of how thc original, patterning examples are distributed can
not be determined by this factor.
An cxample of this principle is tha of —ungo in Argentine Spanish.
FuiIy 8 of the 20 Spanish examples of —ungo are Argentine, while no other
dialect or even dialect area has more than two. With the exception of
farrunga ‘unexciting party’, these are aIl hypocoristics, indicating that in
this dialect the suffix has become semantically specialized and passed
92 Sec Rock (1986: 173) for furthcr discussion.
179
beyond analogical extension to actual productivity. A close paraliel is the
case of Arg. —ongo, cf whose six examples three (Chichonga, Pichonga1,
Pochonga2) are hypocoristics. The suffix —ingo aise exhibits semantic and
formai specializations that indicate iocalized centers of deveiopment. Most
notable among these is the Dom. variant —iningo, where —ingo is concat
enated with —fn and retains the iatter’s diminutive (sometimes attenuative)
meaning, cf. blanquininga ‘whitish’, cerquininga ‘very near’, jovensiningo
quite young’, momensiningo ‘brief moment’, poquiningo ‘very little’, and
tempraniningo ‘quite early’. Another dialect where the diminutive over
tones cf the Sp. —j— suffixes have overcome the normaily pejorative tone
cf the —ng— suffixes is Argentine Spanish, as evidence by blandingo ‘a littie
soft’ (= blandito), buchingo ‘newiy born donkey’, solingo ‘ail aione (=
solito), sucinga, which I surmise must mean ‘a littie dirty’, and capingo
‘short cape’ (cf. Chu. capingo ‘short cape of poor quality’, where the neg
ative evaluation is manifest). To mention one more case of local produc
tivity, there is And. —ango, whose 11 derivatives are typically combined
with the —nd— template, discussed in Chapter One: cf. chorrindango ‘ear
ring’, flojindango ‘slob’, inamindangos ‘Christmas sweets’, inarrandanga
‘dirty’, ropilindango ‘slobby’, singuilindango ‘trif le’, and ton tilindango
‘fool’.
The phonologicalfactor. I found no correlation between the consonant
immediateiy preceding the suffix and the vowel of the suffix. In ail five
variants of —ng—, the consonants —î—, —t— and —nd— are very common, —cl,—
and —rr— are common, and the unvoiced stops (except for the combinations
—tungo and —tango) are rare. Likewise, I found no evidence that the tonic
vowel of the stem played a part in this selection. As for the final vowel of
the stem, I discovered that most —ango and —ongo stems end in -a or -o
respectively (exampies: acanga < acô, bichoronga < biche), especiaHy if
we admit possible ailomorphs as stems, e.g., seflo rUa for the masc. se&o
ritango, and /ie for the fem. tionga. But most Spanish (as well as Galician
and Portuguese) words end in -a or —o anyway. Since the vowel -e is iess
usual in word-finai position, a strong preponderance in its case would be
more suggestive, but no such preponderance exists. For Sp. I found oniy
frailengo ‘friar’ (< J}aile ‘id.’) in this category, and while in Galician (cf.
moenga < moer) and Ptg. (molengo < mole, pendenga < pende;) the
situation is shghtly more common, in aIl three languages —o is the most
usual stem-final vowel in —engo derivatives (Sp. monengo < mono, Gai.
tourengo < touro). Spanish is practically the sole habitat of —ingo and
—ungo, and since neither —i nor —u is a typical word-final vowel in this
language, the possibilities for influence do not really exist. On the other
hand there is the example of Alav. pipirringo ‘poppy’ < Nav. pipirripi ‘W.’.
Aise, Dominican speakers’ preference for —ingo (rather than say, —ongo)
for attachment to —(n te form —iningo may have been due te an esthetic
preference for vowel harmony. in summary, the influence of phonological
180
factors in the distribution of the various —ng— suffixes is as yet un
demonstrated.
Thegrarnmaricalfactor. The grammar tables presented at the beginning
of Chapter Four show that form-class cannot be a factor in the relative
distribution cf —ongo, —ingo, and —ungo, in that the three suffixes are close
to identical in this respect, with an approximate 65% / 35% split between
nouns and adjectives respectively. The suffix —ango is more purely nom
inal (ca. SO%) in nature, but even so the amount cf difference is toc small
to warrant the conclusion that when a noun derivative is wanted Ibero
Romance speakers take —ango as their suffix cf choice. The one case in
which the grammatical feature may play a role is that cf —engo, since its
relative distribution of form-classes is approximately the opposite cf the
others, i.e., 30% nominal / 7O% adjectival.
Though more —engo derivatives are dated than for any other suffix, I
still do flot feei comfortable with assuming that aIl undated items are
necessarily of recent vintage: —engo is after ail very ancient, and the dating
mechanism necessarily tentative ami approximate. On the other hand, I
feel that it is defensible to utiiize the specificaliy Sp. Amer. —engo deriv
atives as a test database, since both their provenience and the fact that they
are pretty uniformly pejorative suggest that they belong to later stages cf
the development cf —enK—.
There are ten Spanish American words in —engo, and another four in
—engue. Among the first group fully six (Nic. caflengo ‘weak, puny’, Arg.
chovengo ‘deformed’, Arg. mayorengo ‘commanding, supervising’, Peru.
inudengo ‘inane’, Cent. Amer. niujerengo ‘effeminate’, Arg. muquengo ‘ef
feminate’) are adjectives, and one of the remaining four (the others are the
Ven. hypocoristics Chapalengo and Manenga, as well as Pan. changuenga
‘argument, fight’), Nic. monengo ‘hick person’, looks suspiciously like it
might be a nominalized adjective. This grammatical distribution is quite
strikingly different from that we find for the other —ng— suffixes, and may
indicate that form-class plays a part in channeling derivatives to —engo. On
the other hand, of the —engue examples, only one, Arg. mamengue ‘listless’
is adjectival, as against the three Cuban nouns cafiengue ‘weak person’
(another nominalization?), chequendengue ‘government check’, and joIe;,
gue ‘fight’. The resulting 7/14 or 50% adjectival rate for —eng— overali is
suggestive, but certainly provides insufficient basis for predicting suffixal
distribution. Derivatives of —engo may tend te be adjectives, but it would
be inaccurate te say that adjectives tend te be in —engo, since fully 48 (17
in —ango, 12 -ongo, 14 -ingo, 5 —ungo) are flot.
The semantic facror. I have already touched upon this factor, when I
remarked that —ungo had become semantically specialized for hypocoris
tics in Argentina. The question te be investigated here is whether one
derivative may influence the choice cf suffix for another derivative by
being semanticaliy related to it. Theoretïcally this is possible, since, as I
181
insisted a moment ago, at low levels of productivity derivation is akin to defective’ (putango, ~nujerengo, chuchingo, pindonga). The one possible
analogy, and analogical creation is based on proportions of form and exception to this tendency is —ingo, which shows a definite inclination
meaning. toward diminution.
In its most general form, this hypothesis bous down to whether a suf The semantic criterion is thus no more convincing as a factor in the
fixal paradigm is strengthened by leader words, a topic I have already dealt vocalic distribution of the —ng— suffixes than is the phonological, and the
with in the individual chapters, e.g., when I claimed that Sp., Gal., Ptg. areal and grammatical evidence is not much more impressive. True, by
barranca, Cat. barranc ‘ravine’ must have spurred the production of —anco combining factors it is sometimes possible to come up with fairly accurate
derivatives denoting aspects of rough terrain. At a more specific level of predictions, e.g., Ébat Arg. hypocoristics will incorporate —ungo, that Do
application, the hypothesis may explain cases in which a single word, minincan diminutives will feature —iningo, that S. Amer. derivatives in
though not meeting the grandiose criteria for leader-words for entire para —engo will be adjectives, etc. This is not a large yield from so much anal
digms (i.e., early attestation, wide dialectal range, high frequency of use, ysis, and as such does not constitute a hindrance to our concluding, on the
abundance of derivatives and near synonyms —— Malkiel 1950: 41), may basis of ail that bas been said in this excursus, that the distribution of
help spawn a semantically similar derivative, as for example, Ital. ~naggio vowels among recent —ng— derivatives is pretty much a random affair.
ringo ‘man of consequence’ motivated the production of burlesque mina
ringo ‘man of no consequence’. I found a few cases of this type among my
data, but far fewer than expected: Peru. acanga ‘here’ / allanga ‘there’,
Leon. charlanga ‘chat’ / Extr. parlanga ‘id.’. Leite de Vasconcellos (1924:
66) daims that Ptg. judengo ‘Jewish’ follows cristengo ‘Christian’ in this
way. However, in none of these can the direction of spread be determined,
unlike in the pair Sp. abadengo ‘pertaining to the abbot’ / Sp. frailengo
‘pertaining to friars’, where the relative antiquity of the former identifies it
as the model.
Actually a larger number of pairs indicate that these sorts of semantic
offshoots more often than not actually CROSS vocalic lines within the -ng-.
pillar. For example, is it not likely that the abolengo / frailengo series is
continued in Nav. frailongas ‘sanctimonious person’, and perhaps even in
Argot curôngano ‘wretched priest’? Other possible examples of this in
clude Sp. pindonga [1843] ‘streetwalker’ / Argot putanga ‘id.’; Sp., Gal.
querindango ‘lover’ / Arg. filongo ‘temporary boy- or girlfriend’; Extr.
burranco ‘young donkey’ / Arg. buchingo ‘id.’; Sp. perendengues ‘earrings
and other pendants’ / And. chorrindangos ‘id.’
The failure of semantically motivated extensions to remain withing a
given vocalic paradigm is not the only evidence that suggests that within
the —ng— pillar vocalic differences are pretty much neutralized, at least in
Spanish. The list of alternations presented near the beginning of this ex
cursus, where semantic differences among suffixes were usually minimal,
is a second indicator, and a third is the vocalic heterogeneity shown by
most denotative categories. The category ‘noisy event, loud gathering’, for
example, incorporates examples from aIl five vocalic groups (bullanga,
jalengue, arrebazinga, bailongo, zarandunga), as does the category ‘physi
cally defective (person)’ (mochandango, chovengo, fiuiingue, pilongo, cha
tungo). Four of the five are represented in the classes ‘insignificant or
inferior thing’ (chafarrango, chequendengue, tniquingo, bichoronga), ‘food
and drink’ (caflangazo, cafuinga, mondongo, mamandungo), and ‘morally
182 183
 -- (~‘r 4f~J”’~’

References
— ~
(

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 Index of Topics and Names — comparative data 95—lOI Henriquez Urefla, P. 148
— development 121—5 hiatus prevention 15
— dialectal distribution 87f. Hildebrant, M. 148
— gardingus hypothesis III historical approach 2
— Germanic hypothesis 93—6 Hock, H. 179
— grammatical analysis 88f. homorganic nasal 15
— Lai. —ignus hypothesis 119f. Hubschmid, H. 3, 114, 132—7, 161
— Lai, —meus hypothesis 120 Hubschmied, J. 3, 99, 103, 118f., 136,
Aebischer, P. 3, 93, 94, 96, 97, 102, 108, Bungundian 96, 98, 99, 103, 108, 116, — Latin —inquns hypothesis 113 142, 147, 160ff.
122, 123 136 — aumerical distribution 87 hypocoristic 149, 179
Alemany y Bolufer, J. 166 Butler, J. 99, 120 — origin 92—120 Iberian language 135
Alessio, G. 98, 100, 133, 134, 136 Canelladas, M. 166 - Provençal borrowing hypothesis Icelandic 104
Allen, J. 89, 93 Cal. —ange 139 III—2 lE —nko 119, 135i
Alonso, D. 151 Cal. —enc, —enca 101—4, 122 — semantic analysis 89—92 —inK—, borrowing hypothesis 162ff.
alternation of /nk/and /ng/ 141f. — pronunciation 87 — Spanish —altec hypothesis 121 — chronological data 160
Americanisms 145 Cat. —enco 118 — stress change lOI — development 173ff.
analogy 141, 165, 179 Cat. —engo 102 — summary 125f, — dialectal distribution 155f.
analysis, chronological 4 Catford, J. 13 esthetic factors 15 — grammatical analysis 156f.
analysis, grammatical 4, 88 coin-names 104 Estravis, 1. 3 — numerical distribution 155
analysis, numerical 4 comparatists 3 etymological analysis 3, 4 — origin 160—9
analysis, semantic 4 consonantal pillar 166f. etymologies, anecdotal 20 — semantic analysis 157ff.
Anderson, S. 14 conspiracy 13 Ewert, A. 106 — summary 175f.
Anglo-Saxon 94 Corominas, J. 134 excursus 4, 8, 177—83 inscriptions 132
—auge, dialectal distribution 144 Cârdenas, D. 148 false separation hypothesis 146 interfix 16, 23
— layersof 148f. Cunha, A. da 93, 165 folk etymology 20, 38 interpretatioa 4
—anK—, American origin hypothesis Dapena, J. 151 Frankish 96, 98, 103, 108, 112 Italian 95—98, 110, 114
142—9 data collection 3 Italian —anK— 133
Frk. —ing 99
— chronological data 131ff. data, Catalan 81—86 Italian —ingo 97
French 99ff.
— development 149—52 criteria for selection 5ff., 19,93
—
Fr. —anK— 134 Jud, J. 96
— dialectal distribution 127f. Galician 68—72
—
Fr. —ard 100 Judeo-Spanish 132
— grammatical analysis 128 — Portuguese 73—80 Gamillscheg, E. 3, 93f., 96—99, 102, 105, Kluge, F. 96, 106
— numerical distribution 127 — Spanish 17—67 108f., 11, 116, 147 Kretschmer, P. 115
— origin 134 — structure 5 Garcia de Diego, V. 93 Kuhn, A. 105, 122
— productivity 150 dating 17 Gascon /ng/) /nk/ 140 Kvavik, K. 150
— semantic analysis 129—31 Dauzat, A. 3, 104 genetic approach 2 labial consonant alternation 141
— semantic evolution 137f. descriptive approach 2 Germ, —ang— 136 Ladino 132
— summary 152ff. dialect studies 3 Germ. —iu;g—, declension 95f. Langobardic 94f., 96f., 99, 136
appellatives 100 dialectal distribution I
Arag. —enco 118, 122 — meaning 104 Lapesa, R. 147, 162, 164
Diez, F. 3,93, 101, 104, 113f., 119, 135, Germ. —ring 161 Lat. —ancuhi 132, 149
Aragonese /ng/) /nk/ 140f. 147
author-date system 17 Germ. hart 100 Latin 7
diminutive suffixes 172 Germanic /ng/) /ak/ 103 leader-word 16, 114, 124
Azkue, R. 134 distribution, mirror image 88 gerund 13, 14 Laite de Vasconcellos, J. 182
Basque 141, 151, 168 dormancy 140 given-names 95, 97, 100, 106, 138 Lenz, R. 113, 115—8, 135f., 149
Basque —nK— 134, 135, 160f. doublets 16, 178f. Gonzâlez Fernândez, I. 3 Lima, R. 93
Benvenutto Murrieta, P. 148 drift 140 Gooch, A. 150 Lipski,J. 151
Bertoni, G. 116 Dutch 93 Goth. —ingôs 93, 94, 101, 102 Lloyd, P. 147
bilingualism 94, 97, 100, 104, 106, 110, Dworkin, S. 4 — on Iberian Peninsula 106ff. ban-translation 104
145 Diaz Gonzâlcz, 0. 151
blend6, 113 — existence in Gothic 107f. Lape Blanch, J. 147
Egert, G. 87 — transcription 96 Machado, J. 93
borrowing 6f., 106, 145, 161 Elcock, W. 93
Brugmann, K. 119 Gothic 96, 98, 103, 162 Maddieson, I. 14
endings, nonsuffixal 7f. Grimm, J. 106, 136, 161 Malaret, A. 148
Briich, J. 3, 98, lOI, 104, 111, 113ff. —enK—, lE —(irai— hypothesis 114—9
Buesa Oliver, T. 15 Hanssen, F. 3,93, 121, 142, 166 Malkiel, Y. 7,8,15, 123, 147, 165ff., 179,
— chronologicai data 92f., 121 Harris, M. 99 182
200
201
 ç?

Mascaré, J. 87, 127 Pérez Gonzâlez, M. 169 Index of Words

Mason, P. 93 relatedness of —ne— / —13g— I
Menéndez Pidal, R. 3, 93, 106, 112 Rheto~Romance —anK— 134
methodology 3 Robe, S. 142, 148, 166
Meyer-Liibke W. 3, 93, 98, 101f., 111, Rohlfs, 0.3,97, 106, 117, 133, 136, 140
114f., 119, 135, 147 Ronjat, J. 99, 135, 136, 165
Michaelis de Vasconcellos, C. 164f., 167 Sachs, 0. 108f.
microtoponymy 115, 117f. Sardinian 15, 114
Mou, F. 87, 93 Sard. —anK— 134
Moorish invasion 109f. Saroïhandy, J. 140
Munske, H. 96, 104, 106f., 119, 136, 161 Scavnicky, G. 146ff.
Muret, E. 3 Selva, J. 3, 15, 147ff., 163 albenco 18, 89,90,91
MUller, B. 93 Septimanischer Typus 97, 110 Romance Languages albo 18
Mûgica Berrondo, P. 134 Sp. —dngano 149 albôndiga 49
~ abbreviation I Sp. —(i}ego 125 albor 18
— productivity chart 2 Sp. —eec 146f. Hispanic alcorzandingo 11, 13, 18, 158, 159
nominalization of adjectives 89, 97 Sp. —engue 123 alcorzando lI, 13, 18
Nunes, J. 93 Sp. —en que 123 abad 17 alcorzar 18
Nyrop, K. 99 Sp. —ingue 156 abadengo 5, 17, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 110, aIda 140
Old High German 94 Sp. —inflige 180 III, 112, 122, 124, 182 -aIes 150
—onK—, borrowing hypothesis 162ff. Sp. —nec 151 abatir 17 Alesanco 18
— chronological data 160 Stem, 0. 167 abatungo 17, 157, 159 Alienco 18, 93, 125
— development 169ff. Stolz, F. 118f. Abeanca 17 alindongarse 12, 18, 157, 159
— dialectal distribution 155f. structure of chapters 4 Abeancos 17 alirondo 15
— grammatical analysis 156f. suffix substitution 18, 151, 171, 173 Abiancos 17, 129, 131 alisa 137
— numerical distribution 155 suffix vs. ending 145f., 148 -able 168 Alisanco 18, 129, 131, 137
— origin 160—9 sufijo àtono 149f. Ableca 17 aliso 18
— summary 175f. synchronic approach 2 Ablecanca 17, 129, 132 altura 174
onomatopoeia 9 synchrony and diachrony 8 abolenco 92 alunadenco 18, 90, 92, 122, 124
origin vs. history 8 Tagliavini, C. 107, 135 abolengo 17, 68, 73, 89, 91, 92, 110, 122, alunado 18
Oroz, R. 148, 150 template formation 7—16, 124, 149, 151, 124, 168, 169, 176, 178, 182 allâ 18
Ostrogoths 95 170, 172ff. abolengue 17, 89, 124 -alla 150
parallel creation 6 Thomas, A. 3, 102, 115f. abolongo 17, 18, 159, 160, 168, 169, 171, allanga 18, 130, 150, 182
patronymic 94, 100 toponym 6, 95, 94, 95, 102 176, 178 allarnenco 18, 90, 91, 122
Pattison, D. 93, 124 variants 6 abolorio 17 allarse 18
Pellegrini, 0. 93 —unK—, borrowing hypothesis 162ff. abuelo 17, 124 amatongarse 19, 142, 158, 159
Pharies, D. 8, 13ff., 149 — chronological data 160 acâ 18, 180 -ambre 168
Philipon, E. 3, 89, 113, 115—9, 133, 135, — development 173ff. acanga 18, 130, 150, 180, 182 amora 141
136, 147 — dialectal distribution 155f. -aco 150, 168 ampanga 149
Piel, J. 108f. — grammatical analysis 156f. -acu 166 -anc- 134
Pisani, V. 97, 119f. — numerical distribution 155 -acho 150, 168 -anca 29
place-names 94, 95, 98, 106, 132 — origin 160—9 -ado 168 -anclo 149
playful connotation 8, 149 — semantic analysis 157ff. agrienco 18,90
summary 175f. agrio 18 -an cc passim
Pokorny,J. 115 —

Visigothic 95, 99, 105 ajango 6, 18, 152 -and- 14

prenasalization 13ff. -andango 10,11,12
productivity 1ff., 16, 138 vocalic distribution of —ng— derivatives ajigolear 18
4, 177—83 ajigolongo 7,9, 18, 170 -andungo 12
— of Catalan —cire 2 -ang- 128
property designations 97, 110 vocalicgamut 167 ajigolén 7,9, 18, 171
vocalic proliferation hypothesis 164—9 ajo 18 -anga passim
Provençal 98f., 110f. vocalic variation I
Prov. —anK— 133f. -ajo 150, 168 -Angano 127, 149, 154
Wagner, M. 3, 123f., 138, 143—9, 163f. -aI- 23
Prov. —enca 101—4 Wilmanns, W. 119
Prov. -enco 102 Wolfram, H. 105 Alasanco 18
pun 22 Zamora Viccnte, A. 147 alavanco 42
Alaxanco 18
202 203
-072go passim bayuca 19, 174 blando 22 burranco 5,24, 129, 130, 137, 141, 182
-angue 127, 154 bayunca 19, 174 blandujo 174 burrângano 5, 24
aniar 52 bayunco20, 173 blanga 140 burrango 5,24, 129, 340, 141, 142
afienco 18, 89, 90, 91, 105, l22 Belén 42 blanquininga 22, 158, 159, 180 burrenco 142
aflo 18 belillo 20 boango 22, 77, 152 burrencu 5, 24, 90, 92, 124
apango 146, 148 belingo 20, 173 boba 22 Burriancas 24, 132, 137
apaularse 53 berdanco 20, 130 bocamanga 7 burro 5,23,24, 132, 137
apobanga 149 berengo 20 bochanclo 22, 129, 132, 138 burundanga49, 13!, 145
Apolinar 57 berlanco 20 boche 22 butraco 7, 9, 24, 151
Apolinaria 57 Berlanga 20, 108 bogiganga 48, 73, 131, 141, 142, 144 butranco 7,9,24, 151
Apucango 149 berlanga 21, 23, 68, 152 bolengo 17 butrôn 24, 171
-ar 34 Berleaga 108 bollo 23 butrongo 24, 171
-ar- 21,23 berlinga 20, 68, 81, 160, 173 bondejo 50 buyarengue 23
-arra 13 bermejenco 19, 21, 90, 91, 121, 123, 124 bondonga 48 bûzano 150
aro 60 bermejo 21 bondongo 6, 48 buzo 150
arrebatar 19 berracu 166 bofiiga 172 caballerango 7, 24, 149, 151
arrebatinga 19, 158, 159, 182 berrengue 21, 141 borchanco 22 caballerizo 7, 24
arrebatifia 19 berrenque 21, 141 borde 22 cabezudo 174
-arro 40, 168 Berta 21 bordenco 22, 91, 92, 121 Cabianca 24, 132, 152
Artanga 140 Bertunga 21, 157, 159 borondanga 6, 48, 49, 74, 14! cacique 145
-asc- 167 beta 36 borrachin 22, 172 cachandinga Il, 13, 24, 157, 159
-asco 168 bibirritingo 57 borrachinga 7 cachando 11, 13,24
-astre 150 Bichanca 129, 132, 138 borracho 22 cachar 24
-astro 150 bicharanga 21, 145 borranchinga 22, 158, 159, 173 cachear 24
atalajar 11, 19 bicharango 21, 23, 129, 141, 145, 168, bosque 137 cachi 26
atalondangos 11, 19, 130 178 brelanga 20 cachicandonga 26
atar 19 bicharraco 2E bringar 141 café 24
Auva 19 bicho 21, 132, 180 brochanco 22 cafongo 24
Auvancum 19, 129, 132 bichoronga 21, 158, 159, 168, 172, 178, brutaina 120 cafuinga 24, 150, 158, 182
Aviancos 17 180, 182 brutanco 23, 129, 130, 140 caja 24
avolenco 17, 67, 89, 91 Bichunga2l, 157, 159 bruto 23 cajandona 24
azote 67 bichurango 21 bubango 22, 141 cajandongo 10
azul 5, 19 bieyancu 65 bubianco 22, 141 cajondongo 24, 171
azulenco 5, 19, 90, 91, 12! bilingo 145 buche 22 cajonga24, 171
baba 19 billén 21, 171 buchingo 22, 158, 159, 172, 180, 182 calandanga 25
babanca 19, 129, 130, 131, 137, 138, 150, billonga 21, 171 bujeranco 29, 130 calandranga 25
153, 168 biringo 21, 173 bujero 23 Calengas 24, 93, 125
bailar 19 birlanga 21 bulla 6, 23 calinga 145
balle 19 birlango 21, 151 bullanga 6, 23, 81, 129, 131, 148, 182 callo 24, 25
bailongo 19, 145, 158, 159, 163, 182 birlonga2l, 15E, 160, 171 bullaranga 23 callonca 24, 158, 159, 160, 170
bâlago 19 birlongo 21 bullarengue 91, 23, 121, 145 callonco 24, 142
balanco 19, 141, 153 birondango 6, 49 bulle 9 callongo 24, 142, 158, 159, 170
balango 19, 53, 141, 153 bironga 21, 62, 158, 159 bullebulle 9 camango 25, 152
bandullo 50 birringa 21 bullir 23 camarlengo 25, 68, 74, 121
bango 140 Bisancos 152 buralenco 23 cambana 140
Barbaringo 19, 47, 93 bitango 36 burenco 23, 90, 91, 121, 123 caminar 25
barbudo 174 bitonga 36 burengue 23 caminencu 25, 90, 92
barranca 19, 68, 73, 81, 132, 137, 141, bitongo 36 buriel 23 campaflo 29
182 blanco 22, 112 burlanga 23, 129 cananga 7
barranga 141 blandengue 22, 90, 92, 121, 168, 178 burlar 23 canângana 27
barrango 19 blandingo 22, 158, 159, 168, 172, 180 burlingo23, 157, 159 côncano 27
Barrinco 19, 115 blandir 22 buro 23 candaina 26
bayôn 20 blandito 180 burranclo 24, 132, 138 candanga 6,25,26,74, 146, 152
204
205
Cândida 26 carringa 27 Coristanco 132 charango 30
cândido 16, 25, 26 carro 10, 27 correr 28 chararrango 182
candil 55 casaI 28 corrongo 16, 29, 157, 159, 168, 174, 179 charla 31
candinga 25, 39, 173 casalenco 28, 89, 90, 91 corrundungo 12, 16, 29 charlanga3l, 129, 182
candonga 16, 25, 68, 74, 82, 158, 159, Casandulfe 110 corunco 29, 157, 159 charlar 30
160, 168, 179 casanga 28, 129, 149 corundungo 12, 29 charranga 30
candongo 26 casar 28 corungo 29 charranguear 30
candungo 26, 157, 158, 159, 168, 179 CasteIloli 110 Couneancus 29, 132, 152 charrar 30
canguingos 26, 173 castro 86 Couneidoqum 29 chato 31
canoa 145 casuca 174 Coyanca 28, 132 chatungo 31, 88, 157, 159, 182
canyengue 26 casucha 174 cuarte 118 cheque 11, 13,31
caiia 12, 13, 15, 26, 178 Catalina 28 cura 29 chequendengue 11, 13, 31, 91, 92, 181,
caiiadonga 13, 15, 26, 158, 159, 168, 178 Catunga 28, 157, 159 curângano 29, 129, 131, 182 182
caiiandonga 12, 13, 16,26 cavanga 148 curinga 29 chibanco 6,31, 152
cafiangazo 26, 130, 168, 178, 182 cayonca 24 curro 12,29 chico 32
caflengo 26, 90, 92, 168, 178, 181 caza 28 Curro 29 chicolongo 32
cafiengue 16, 90, 92, 172, 178, 181 cazanga 28, 130 currundungo 12, 29, 157, 159, 179 Chicha 31
cafiifia 26 cazar 28 curunco 29 Chichonga 31, 157, 159, 180
caftingue 26, 157, 159, 168, 172, 178 cecengo 28, 125 curundungo 12, 29 chilanca 58
capa 26 cellenco 66, 67, 121 curungo 29, 169, 174, 179 chilangos 7
capellân 106 cerca 28 chabancos 29, 152 chulinco 31, 142, 173
capigorrôn 26, 171 cerengue 28, 125 Chabelonga 29, 157. 159 chilingo 31, 142, 173
capingo 26, 158, 159, 172, 180 cerigallo 66, 172 chacha 9 china 31, 170
capirote 26 Cerler 61 Chacho 29 chinango 146, 148
capirrongo 26, 157, 159, 171 cerquina 28 Chachungo 29, 157, 159 chïnga 31
capuchaca 27 cerquininga 28, 158, 159, 172, 180 chafandanga 10, 13, 29, 129 chingar 61
capuchanga 27, 130 cerquito 128 chafando 10, 13, 29 chingo 31, 148
capucho 27 cilanco 58 chafar 29 chingolingo 31
carajamandanga 44 cincilindango 9, 10, 28, 130 chafarranga 29 chingongo3l, 171
carambelo 14 cingar 61 chafarrango 29, 130 chinguilindango 9, 61
caramelo 14 clarin 30 chafarrear 30 chininin3l, 173
caranga 27 clarindongo 12, 16, 28, 158, 159, 168, chafarrinada 30 chininingo 158, 159, 173
Caranga 27 178 chafarrinar 29 chino 31
Caravanca 27, 132 claringo 6, 16, 28, 158, 159, 168, 178 chalâ 30 chinonga3l, 160
carboncla 27 clariningo 6, 28 chalanguero 30 chinôn 31
carbunclo 27 claro 12,28 chalanquero 30 chipi 9, 11,32
carbunco 27, 160, 173 cochindango 10, 13, 15, 28. 129 chalarse 30 chipilin 32, 173
cardo 5, 34 cochino 10, 13,28 Chalinga 30, 157, 159 chipilingo 16, 31, 32, 173
carlanca 27, 74, 141, 148 Coianca 28, 152 chalonga 30, 171 chipilingue 3!, 173
carlanga 27 cojanco 28, 129, 130, 150 chalungo 30, 175 chiporrondingo 9, 11, 16, 31, 32. 157,
carlinga 27, 69, 160, 171 cojo 28 changa 30, 149 159
carrada 27 cojondongo 10, 24, 171 changango 30, 130 chiquichanca 142
carranca 27, 69 colingarse 28, 173 chango 30, 43 chiquichanga 142
carrancla 27, 132 colla 29 changonga 30, 158, 159, 169, 172, 178 chiquilin 32, 173
carranclo 27, 132 collinga 29, 157, 159 changuear 30 chiquilingo 32, 173
carrandanga 10, 27 companga 29 changuenga 30, 32, 9!, 92, 169, 178, 181 chiquiningo 32, 173
carrandilla 27 compango 29, 69 Chapalengo 30, 91, 92, 181 chiquirrindin 13
carranganada 27 condinga 25, 173 chapando 12, 13,30 chiquirrin 13
carranque 27 Contuci 29 chapandonga 30 chiquirritico 32
carrendera 28 Contuciancus 29, 129, 132 chapandongo 12, 13, 30, 158, 159 chiquitin 32, 173
carrera 28 Convianca 29, 132, 152 chapar 30 chiquitingo 32, 172, 173
carrin 13,28 copa 29 Chapelo 30 chiringo 41, 145
carrindanga 10, 13, 15, 27, 28, 130 copanca 29, 130 charanga 30, 66, 69, 75, 86 chiringuito 41

206 207
 chirringa 41 descuajarse 33 estraer 34 flojindango 10, 14, 36, 130, 180
chirringo 41 desfondar 37 estraidenco 34, 90, 92 flojo 10, 14, 37
chirringue 41 despistado 33 I estraido 34 fior 37
chirringuis 41 despistadongo 33, 158, 159 estringa 34, 160, 171 florango 37
chirriningo 41 destorgar 33 fabucu 166 florén 13
chiva 32 destorlongado 33 Mcii 34 floronco 7, 37, 83, 132
chivunga 32, 158, 159 destorlongo 33, 171 faciiongo 34, 158, 159 florondén 13
chécoia 32 diablo 33 faianca 6 florong 37
chocolate 145 diango 33, 145 fallanca 35 fluritangu 37, 130
chécolo 32 dificilongo 34 fallancén 35 fodongo 171
chocolongo 32, 158, 159 dia dan 9, 10, 11, 13, 34 failar 35 folango 37
cholenco 32, 125 dingoiondango 9, Il, 13, 16, 28, 33, 60, fandanga 34 foilicu 166
cholongo 32, 171 61 fandango 16, 34, 35, 69, 75, 82, 132, 152 fondangona 37
chongo 148 dinguilindango 9, 10, 13,33 faranga 35, 151 fondinga 37, 157, 159, 169, 171, 178, 179
chonguear 32 distraido 34 farta 35 fondo 37
chonguenga 32 dolama 46 farranca 35, 141 fondonga 37
chopa 33 domingas 7 farranga 35, 141 fondongo 37, 158, 159, 169, 178, 179
choramingas 160 dormir 150 farrunga 35, 158, 179 forango 151
chorango 67 Durango 65, 132, 152 faxa 35 foraiio 37, 151
choringa 7,32, 173 dûrmili-dûrmili 150 faxanga 35, 129, 130, 138 forôn 38, 171
chorizo 7,32, 173 Eburanco 34, 129, 132, 137, 138 fayanca 35, 82, 132, 152 forongo 38, 171
chorrindango 10, 32, 130, 180, 182 -eco 147, 150, 168 fayanco 35,75 fosa 69
chorro 10 -edo 168 feder 37 fotingo 6,38, 148, 163
chorros 32 -ego 101 Felicia 42 fotre 38
choya 32 -ejo 168 ferrenco 36, 90, 91, 122 foxa 39
chovengo 32, 90, 92, 181, 182 embarco 123 ferro 36 fragenco 38
chuchanga 32, 129, 169, 178 embarque 123 fierringo 36 fraile 38, 180
chuchar 32, 178 empingorotado 57 fierro 36 frailego 38
chuchinga 32 enclenque 43, 123 filandango 10, 13, 14, 16,36 frailengo 38, 90, 91. 94, 121, 124, 178,
chuchingo 32, 157, 159, 169, 178, 183 filando 10, 13,36 180, 182
chufinga 33, 173 -enco passi~n filandôn 36 fraileflo 38
chulângano 33, 149,’ 150 -enda 15 filôngano 36, 130, 149, 150, 169, 178 frailongas 38, 157, 159, 172, 178, 182
chulango 33, 129, 150 -endango 10 filar 36 frailuco 174
chulo 33, 149 -endengue 11 fileflo 36 frailuno 38, 174
chulunco 33, 175 filindonga 12, 16, 36, 157, 159, 169 frajenco 38, 121, 173
chungo 32, 148 -engo passim fillingo 36, 173 frajengos 38
chupado 33 -engue 12, 13, 87, 123, 126, 172, 181 filo 12, 36, 149 frajingos 38, 173
chupalandero 33 -enque 87, 123, 126 Filomeno 36 fraudulenco 38, 124
chupalanganeo 33, 130, 169 entenquerenque 63 filongo 36, 157, 159, 169, 179, 182 fraudulento 38, 124
chupar 33 -ento 150 Filunga 36, 157, 159, 169, 179 fraxenco 38, 105, 122, 141
chupenco 33, 91, 92, 142, 169 -eque 150 fitango 36, 152 fraxengo 38, 141
chupeta 33 escardalenca 34 Fiyango 149 frechenco 38
chupingo 33, 142, 158, 159, 169 escardar 34 fiyingo 36, 173 freixengo 38
chupino 33 escardelenca 5,34,90 fi~anco 37, 129, 130, 133 f resco 112
chupén 33 escuajaringado 33 fi~o 37 frialenco 38
demonche 33 esfondar 37 flaco 37 frijenco 38
demongo 163 esfondingarse 37 flajenco 38 Friohin 42
demongu 33, 171 eslinga 7, 34, 160, 171 flamenco 7, 37, 69, 76, 82, 93, 121, 141 friolego 38
demonio 33, 171 esparrancarse 34 flamengo 37, 93, 141 friolenco 38, 90, 92, 121, 122, 123, 141,
demontre 33 espelunca 34, 141 flaquenco 37,90,92 168
demônganu 33 espernancarse 34, 128, 130 fodongo 37 friolengo 38, 90, 92, 121, 123, 124, 141
demôngaru 171 esperrancarse 131 fleisengo 38 friolento 38
descuajaringarse 33, 156, 158, 159 espindongado 54 flojear 14 frior 38

208 209
friquitin 38 guaparrandén 13 I -isco 168 lloramingu 43, 172
friquitinga 38 guapo 13 jalar 40 Ilun 43
fritanga 38, 130, 149 guarandinga 40, 62 jalengue 40, 91, 178, 18!, 182 macén 43
fritango 3g guasa 40, 149 jalingén 40, 158, 159, 178 macuenco 43
frito 38 guasanga 40, 129, 149 jelengue 40 macuico 43
frucanga 149 guasango 40 jeribeque 25 macuquino 43
fuande 140 guazébara40 jeringa7,9, 11, 12,40, 15!, 160, 171 machanga43
fuera 37 gûesarranca 40 jeringar 63 machango 43, 129
fulandango 10, 13, 15, 38, 129 gûesarranco 130 Jijona 4! macharanga 23, 43, 132, 152
fulângano 38, 149 guinda 9, 40 I jijonenco 41, 90, 91 machimondinga 44
fulano 10, 13, 38, 149 guirindanga 9, 40, 62, 130 I jinglar 65 macho 43, 44
fulenco 39, 90, 91 gullanga 40 jinglero 65 Magdalena 44
fulo39 Gundiuadi 110 I jorungo4l, 175 magrujo 174
fullingue 39, 173 hambre 40 joven 42 malanga 44, 129, 149, 178
fumar 39 hambrenque 40 jovensiningo 42, 157, 159, 180 malango 44
fundango 37, 130, 169, 178 haragén 13, 35 juâncano 52 malenco 44, 92
fuflingue 39, 157, 159, 182 haragandina 13 judiego 42 malucho 174
fufiir 39 heder 37 judienco 42, 141 malungo44, 158, 159, 173, 178
furrundanga 49 Herminia 47 jurungo 4!, 175 rnamando 10, 12, 13
furrundungo 49,50 hilangos 16, 36, 130 juvenco 7,42,76, 121 mamandungo 12, 13, 16, 44, 158, 178,
furundanga 6,49 bib 12, 36, 149 kopanka 133 182
furundungo 10,49 holgazân 106 Lango 42 mamar 14,44, 178
furungungo 49, 175 holingre 39 Laranga 132 mamengue 16, 44, 90, 123, 181
futinga 38, 173 boum 173 Lavajos 42 mamindangos 10, 14, 16, 44, 130, 178,
fuxancu 39, 129, 131, 138 hoyanco 40, 130, 132, 137 J lavanco 42 180
galân 10, 13,39 hoyo 40, 132, 137 Lebinco 42, 93, 125 manclenco 43
galandanga 10, 39, 129 hoyuebo 32 lebranca 42, 129, 130 mandanga 44, 152
galandango 13 huesarranco 40, 129, 130 I Ledanca 42, 132, 152 mandil 17!
gâllara 15 hueso 40 [ Ide 9 inandilandin 11,44
gandalla 173 Humberto 40 lelo 9 mandilandinga 11,44, 160, 171, 172
gandayas 39, 175 Humbertungo 40, 157, 159 Lengo 42 mandinga 16,44,49, 145, 160, 171
gandido 39 huracân 145 Lesanco 18 mandorro 44
gandinga 25, 39, 173 ibicenco 40, 69, 90, 91, 121, 123 Lichonga 42, 157, 159 mandorrotear 44
gandir 39 Ibiza 40 liebre 42 Manenga 44,91,92, 181
gandul 39, 175 -ible 167 lindango 18, 28 Manuel 45
géndulo 39 -ico 168 lindo 12, 18 manzana 35
gandumbas 39, 175 -icu 166 lizondo 15 mafiongo 45, 157, 159, 171
gandunga 39, 174 -ido 168 Loranca 42, 132, 152 Maflungo 45, 157, 159
gandurro 39, 175 -iego 101, 125 I Loranquilbo 42, 132 mapiango 149
gardingo39, 111 -ijo 168 Luanco42, 132. 152 mar4s
garra 27 -imbre 168 luciérnaga 150 marengo 45, 89, 90, 91
garranga 27, 141 -in 32, 168, 172, 180 I lunanco 18, 43, 129. 130, 131 mariagorringo 45
gavilén 106 -inche 150 Lupanco43, 129, 131, 137, 138 marido 13
Gayangos 39, 132, 152 -md- 14 lupanda 15 marindén 13
gentuza 174 -indango 10, 12, 16 Lupus 43 marrandanga 10, 13, 45, 129, 180
Godén 105 indongo 12 I Ilabancu 42, 152 marrano 10, 13,45
Godos 105 infernâculo 86 llama 43 marrullar 51
gorringo 2,7,39, 172 Ilamingo 43, 158, 159 Martin 45
gorrino 2,7,39, 172 -ingo passim Ilar 18 martinenco 45, 91, 122
gringo 148 -ingue 172 lloramica 43 masa 45
guachinango 149 -iningo 157, 172, 180, 183 Iboramiga 43 masango 45, 130
guafianga 39, 152 -io 7 loramingar 43 mata 19, 132, 142
guaflo 39 Isabel 29 Iloramingo 75 matacia 45, 173

210 211
matacinga 45, 158, 159, 173 millongén 14 monstruo 50 musicanga 52, 129, 149
matalôn 46 milopanda 15 mofliga 14, 50, 172 mustrenco 50
matancinga 45 mindango 47, 152 mofiinga 14, 50, 172 nadador 52
Matanco 19, 129, 132, 142 mindanguear 47 mora 50, 137, 141 nadadorenquc 52, 88
matanga 45, 129, 149, 178 mindongo 47 Morancas 50, 129, 131, 137, 141 Naranco 52, 152
matanza 45 minimo 47 morângano 50, 129, 149 Narancus 52, 132
matar 46 Mifia 47 morianga 50, 130, 141 narices 71
matul 46 mi~angas 47, 152 moro 49, 50, 149 nava 42
matulanga 46, 130 mifiango 47 morondanga 6, 9, 48, 49, 71, 74, 130, navanco 42
matunga 160 Mifiangue 47, 129, 149, 150 131, 141, 145, 149, 150 -nd- 12, 13, 15, 15; 16
matungo 45, 46, 70, 76, 157, 159, 175, Mifionga 47, 157, 159 niorondango 142 -ng- 16
178 mifiunga 47 morro 51 niada 52
maturranga 46, 59, 131, 148 miquingo 47, 158, 159, 182 morrôn 51, 171 niaI 52
maturrango 45, 46, 70, 76, 129, 178 mirar 47 morroncho 51 nialar 52
maullar 51 mirra 47 morrongo 51, 158, 159, 160, 171 niango 52, 129, 150
mayenco 46, 90, 91, 122 mirranga 47, 130, 178 morronguear 51 nido 52
mayo 46 mirringo 47, 157, 159, 178 morroûo 51 no 52, 170
mayor 46 miruéngano 47 I mortangôn 51, 129 Noanca 52, 132, 152
mayorenca 46, 89, 90, 91, 122 mis 47 mostrar 50 nôngano 52, 158, 159, 170
mayorenco 46, 105, 123, 141 misingo 47, 158, 159 mostrenco 50, 77, 89, 90, 91, 92, 121, Nato 52
mayorengo 46, 90, 91, 123, 141, 181 misto 47 122, 123, 141 ~atungo 52, 157, 159
-mb- 15 mistongo 47, 158, 159 mostrengo 50, 71, 141 fioflo 9
meitadenco 48 mitad 48 mozancén 51, 129, 130, 142, 153 oblonga 7
mejenga 46 mitadenco 47, 91, 122 mozo 51 obra 132
mejengue 46, 125 miz 47 mozongo 162 Obranca 52, 132, 152
mejunje 46 mizo 47 mozonguito 51, 142, 153, 157, 159 -oco 150, 168
melôn 171 mochandanga 48 muca 52 ojâncano 52
melondrongo 49, 171 mochandango 10, 13, 16, 129, 178, 182 muchacha 9 ojanclo 52, 132
memengue 92 mochando 10, 13 muchacho 44,71 Ojanco 129
mendigar 14 mochitanga 48, 51, 129 muchango 43,44 ojanco 52, 130, 131, 137, 138
mendigo 46, 172 mocho 48 mucharanga 71 ojancos 52, 130
mendingar 14 mochongo 16, 48, 157, 159, 178 mucharango 23,43,44 ojo 52
mendingo 46, 172 mogango 22 muchitanga 51, 129 oliancu 52
mendongo 6,48 mogiganga 48, 84, 129, 131, 141, 144, mucho 51 -én 13, 21, 168, 170, 171, 172
mengajo 47 148, 178, 179 mudenco 51, 90, 124 -onda 15
menor 47 mojinga 48, 173 mudengo 51, 90, 92, 181 -ondango Il
merengue 46, 77, 121 molondanga 49 modo 51 -ondangos 19
merequetén 46 molongo 163 muerto 51 -ondingo 11
merequetengue 46 molunco 51, 175 mugiganga 48 -ondo 15
mena 9 momentiningo 48, 158, 159, 180 mujer 51 -ondongo 12
mesingo 47, 173 momento 48 mujerengo 51, 90, 92, 124, 125, 181, 183 -onga 13, 15
mesta 50 mondar 9, 16, 49, 50 mujeniego 125 -ôngano 52
mestenco 50, 141 mondejo 50 mulato 51, 125 -ongo 11,12,18,21,31,47,50,52,66,71,
mestengo 50, 89, 91, 121, 123, 124, 141 mondengo 50, 125 mulengo 51, 125 124
mesteflo 50 mondingo 50 mulo 51, 125 -oiio SI
mefiique 47 mondo 49 mulunco 33, 51, 142, 175 Ordial 84
mica 43,47 mondonga 6,48 mulungo 51, 142, 175 -orio 150
Michango 149 mondongo 6, 16, 48, 49, 71, 77, 158, 159, mu6eco 101 orondo 50
Miguel Ange! 47 160, 171, 182 muquear 52 -ornio 150
Mijancas 47, 129, 132, 137 monengo 50, 89, 90, 92, 180, 181 muquengo 52, 90, 92, 181 -orro 150, 168
Mijangos 47, 129, 130, 132 monicanca 48, 141 murro 51 Osango 52, 132, 140, 152
mijo 47, 132, 137 monicongo 49, 145 murrundanga 6,49 Oyancas 40, 132
millôn 14 mono 50, 180 mûsica 52 Oyanco 40

212 213
Paco 29 pendango 54, 148 pila 56
Pacurro 29 pollastre 123
pendangue 150 pilanco 56, 142
pachanga 52 pollastro 123
pendangues 54, 130, 149 pilancu 56, 129, 131, 137, 142, 168 polIo 57
pachango 52, 129 pendengue 55, 172, 178 pilancén 56 poltranca 140
pacho 52 pender 9, 16, 55, 57, 123 pilingui 56, 157, 159, 179 poltranco 58, 131
pajar 52 penderengue 57 pillastre 123 poltranga 58, 131, 133, 138, 14!
Pajarancos 52, 129 pendin 55 pillastrôn 123 poltro 58
Pajares 52 pendingue 55, 158, 159, 172, 178 pilonga 56, 179 ponga 6
pâjaro 52 peraza 55, 132, 137 pilongo 56, 78, 142, 157, 159, 159, 160, pop6 57
pajuzo 174 Perazancas 55, 129, 132, 137 163, 179, 182 popenco 57, 91, 91, 122. 123
palanca 53, 141 perendeca 55 pindanga 47, 54 poquiningo 57, 158, 159, 180
palandango 10, 52, 152 perendenga 55,91 pindangas 54 poquito 128
palanga 53, 141 perendengue 55, 57, 123 pindingue 55 poronga 7
palo 53 perendengues 9, 16, 54, 91, 92, 121, 182 pindonga 47, 54, 55, 160, 178, 178, 182, porongo 163, 170
palrar 53 perinola 13 183 porrondo 15
pancitingo 53, 158, 159 perla 55 pindongo 54, 157, 159 porruchanda 15
pancito 53 perlanga 55, 152 pingano 57 potenco 57
pandingo 53, 158, 159 perlengue 55, 90 pingar 57 potengo 57, 93, 123
pando 53 perlindango 10, 55 pingaro 57 potingue 58, 85, 159, 160, 171
panza 53 perlingo 55, 173 pingO 55 potranca 58, 79, 129, 130, 131, 138
papa 53 perra 55 pingorongo 57, 171 potranco 58, 85
papenco 53, 92, 121, 121 perranco 55, 129, 130, 141 pingorota 57 potro 58
parasanga 7 perranga 55, 129, 142, 178 pingorote 57, 171 Pozancal 132, 137
parlanga 53, 129, 178, 182 perrângano 55, 149, 150 pingorotudo 57 pozancal 58
parlar 53 perrenga 55, 90, 92, 178 pingre 39 pozanclo 58, 132
pastenco 53, 90, 91, 105, 122, 122 perrengue 55, 78, 90, 92, 112, 121, 124, pipirringo 180 pozanco 58, 129, 131, 135, 137
pasto 53 178 pipirripi 9,57, 180 pozancu 58
pata 53 perringallo 55, 158, 159 pipirripingo 9,57, 158, 259 pozancén 58
patangas 53, 129, 142 perro 55, 124, 149 pipirritingo 57 pozo 58, 137
patata 145 perruno 174 pirindola 13 pradenco 91
pato 52 pico 57 pirinenco 57, 90, 91, 122 pradencu 58, 89
patulenco 53, 90, 92, 142 picorota 57 Pirineo 57 prado 58
patulenque 53, 90, 92 picuruta 57 piripi 57 procedimiento 58
Paulenco 53, 57, 93, 125 pichana 151 piripingo 57, 173 proceso 10,58
payengo 53,90,91 pichanga 56, 151 pirlonga 56 procindanga 10,58
Payo 53 pichango 56, 129 pirongo 57, 171 puchungo 175
pechelingue 53, 53, 71, 160, 171 pichelingue 78 pirringa 47 pudinga 58
pedango 53, 130, 133, 141 pichilingo 56, 173 pirringo 47 pujar 58
pedankyén 53, 129, 130, 133, 141 pichilingue 53 pitango 36 purruchanda 15
pedar 53, 141 pichilingui 56 pito 36 puta 58, 149
pedranca 53, 130 pichilonga 56 pitongo 36 putanga58, 129, 182
peladinga 53, 157, 159, 159 pichilin 56, 173 pizca 47 puténgana 52, 58, 149, 150
pelângano 53, 142 pichironga56, 171 pocilanco 58 putango 183
pelenco 53, 90, 92, 142 picho 56 poco 57 Puxancones 58, 129, 132
pelendengues 54 Picho 56 pochanco 58 puxar 58, 132
pelindangos 10, 16, 54, 130, 178 Pichonga 56, 157, 159, 180 pochonga57, 158, 159, 180 querendango 10, 14, 59
pelo 10,54 pichorro 12, 13, 56
pelongo 16, 53, 158, 159, 172, 178 Pochonga 57, 157, 159 querendôn 13,59
pichorrondongo 12, 13, 56, 171 podenco 57, 84, 121, 141 querer 59
pellaranca 54, 140, 141 pichorrondén 12, 56, 171
pellejo 54, 173 podengo 57, 79, 123, 125, 141 queridango 59
pellingajo 54, 173 pidén 55 Polanco 57, 132 querido 35
penco 67 piedra 53 Poli 57 queriendo 10, 10, 12, 13,59
pendanga 47, 54, 55, 129, 131, 142, 144, piel 54 Polingos7, 157, 159 querindango 10, 16, 35, 59, 72, 129. 13!,
150, 178 pierna 34 pollancôn 57, 129, 130 148, 178, 182
214 215
 querindonga 59 rongar 140 singuango 66 tela 63
querindongo 12, 13, 59, 157, 158, 159, ropa 9, 11, 13,60 singuilandingo 11, 40, 61, 62, 158, 173 telanga 63, 130
178 ropilindango 9,11, 13, 16, 60, 130, 180 singuilindango 9, 11, 40, 61, 130, 159, telengue 63
quillango 149 Rosalia 30 173, 180 telenguendengue 10, 63
racamandanga 64 rubjanca 60 sifiuritangu 61 telenque 63
Rafael 30 rubianco 60, 129, 130 sirindanga 11, 41, 151 tempraningo 158, 159, 180
ralinga 59 rubjo 60 sirindango 9,41, 151, 178 tempraniningo 63
real 59 ruciango 60, 129 sirindongo 41, 171, 178 temprano 63
realenco 59, 89, 91, 93, 121, 141 rucio 60 siringa 41, 151, 160 tenguedengue 63
realenga 59 rulenco 60, 90, 91, 141 sodonga 21, 62, 158, 159 tenguerengUe 63, 125
realengo 17, 59, 72, 79, 89, 91, 92, 110, rulengo 60, 141 solar 62 tercenco 63, 125
122, 124, 124, 125, 141 rulo 60 solariego 125 tercero 63, 125
reanga 60 rungue 148 solariengi 62, 89, 91, 92 tin 63
rebatinga 19 rungundango 11 solariengo 125 tiaca 63
rebenque 21 sacamandanga 64 Solduengo 62, 108 tianga 63, 129, 178
rebordenco 22, 122 sacristân 106 solingo 62, 158, 159, 180 tiempenque 63
rebordo 22 salacenco 60, 90, 91, 122 soliningo 62 tiempo 63
recatanga 152 Salazar 60 solito 180 tierra 63
recatango 59 salobre 60 solo 62 tierranca 129, 130, 138
recato 59 salobrenco 60, 90, 91 sopenco 67 tierruca 63
regaliegos 125 sandunga 61, 160, 163, 173, 175 sopitaflo 36 tif ingo 63, 80, 173
regordenco 59, 90, 92 sanguango 65 sopitipando 36 tifo 63
regordo 59 sapenco 61, 92 sosango 130 tifus 63
relango 59, 152 sapo 61 sosangu 62 tilin 63, 173
relengo 59, 79, 125 sarampiôn 61 I ~ 62 tilingo 63, 173
relinga 59, 160, 171 sarango 61 I sparanga 62, 151 tina 64
relonga 59 Sarller 61 I sucinga 62, 158, 159, 180 tinaco 64
remandingo 44 sarllerenco 61, 90, 91, 122 I sucio 62 tinanco 64, 130, 130
repantigarse 59, 172 sebingo 61, 158, 159 I suripanta 20,36 tio 180
repantingarse 59, 172 sebo 61 I tabaco 145 tionga 63, 157, 159, 178, 180
repindonco 54, 142 sellenca 61, 67, 91, 92, 121, 124 I tabanco 62 tipula 64,64
repindoneo 54 sellence 61, 91, 91, 121 I taberna 62 tipulingo 64, 173
repindongo 54, 142 sello 61 I tabla 62 titere 149
resalte 123 seflora 61 t tablanco 62, 130 titirimbaina 14
resalto 123 sefiorita 180 t talandango 10,62 titirivaina 14
respandingarse 11, 13,59 sefioritango 1,61, 129, 178, 178, 180 j talingar 62, 173 tolondongo 10, 64, 171
respantingarse 11, 13 sefloritinga 61 talolinga 164 tomate 145
restinga 60, 79, 160, 160, 171 sefioritingo 1,61, 157, 159, 178, 179 talângana 63 tontilindango I I, 13, 64, 129, 180
Revenga 108 seflorito 61 I tanganillas 63, 125 tontin 11, 13,64
Revillagodos 105 sefioronga 61, 157, 159, 178, 179 tapa 62 tonto 64
rico 112 Septimanca 61, 129, 132 r tapanca 62, 129 Toranco 65, 132, 152
riconcas 60 serendengue 9, 11, 41 r taraminga 62, 173 tos 64, 149
rincôn 35 serengue 9,41 r taranca 63 tosâncano 64, 130, 130, 130, 149
ringlera 60 serenolengue 61 r Taranco 62, 132, 152 traba 62, 64
ringlero 60 serindongo 12 r Tarancén 62, 132 trabanca 62
ringo 11 seringa 160 tarandango 10, 62, 152 trabanco 62, 64, 129, 131, 131, 131
ringorrango 11, 60, 72, 167 shilangos 7 tarandolo 62 Trabancos 64
ringundango 60, 130 siella 61 I taranga 62, 63, 152 trabenco 62, 90, 92
roanga 60, 152 Simancas 61, 132 tarangana 63 trabencu 64, 91, 92
Romancos 60, 129 Simplicia 56 tarea 63, 173 trabil 64
Romanillos 105 sin 66 taringa 63, 173 trabillanco 64, 130, 130
Romanones 105 singa 44 te 63 trabucar 14
roncin 35 singar 9, 11, 11,61 tejeringo 63, 173 tracamanda 15
216 217
 tracamandanga 10, 15, 64 viringo 21 zarramplin 66, 173 burradân 68
tracamondanga M, 151 virringo 21 zarranco 66, 130 burrân 68
tracamundana 10, 64, 151 visaje 25 ~âtico 65 burro 11,68
trambucar 14 Viscunos 29 zerengue 28, 121 burrundangas 5, II, 12, 24, 68, 129
tranga 141 vitango 36 zinzilindango 28 cabanco 24, 68, 129, 131, 177
trâpala 13 Vivanco 129, 132 zollenco 66, 125 camariengo 25, 68
trapalandaina 13 Vivancos 65 zopenco 67, 72, 90, 92, 121, 121 cameriengo 68
trapisonda 14 vivanco 65, 129 zopo 67 candonga 26, 68
travanca 62, 64, M, 131 vivo 65, 132 zorenco 67, 125 carlinga 27,69
Tresancos 152 vocable 118 zoronga 160 carranca 27,69
Trevenca 93 vocimbrero 65 zorongo 7,67, 171 cava 68
Trevinca M, 115, 125 vocinglero 65, 160, 171 zorongollo 67 cavanco 138
triquitraque 167 volenga 17 zote 67 charanga 30, 69
tuco M voxiga 48 zotinga 67, 158, 159 chôpete 33
tucungo 64, 158, 159 xaramandunga 10 zulla 67, 124 choupa 33
Tudanca 64, 132, 152 Ysmiango 149 zullarse 67 coengo 69
Turanci 132, 152 yunco 20 zullenco 67, 90, 121, 121, 124 compango 29,69
turanci 65 yunga 148 I zumbar 9 Coristanco 69
-ucho 150, 168, 174 zabullir 14 ZUflZÛfl 9 cova 69
-uco 150, 168, 174 zalamanco 65 I zurdanco 67, 129 covanca 69, 129, 130, 137, 138, 177
-ucu 151, 166 zalamengo 65, 125 zurdo 67 Duancos 69, 132, 152
-udo 167, 174 zalanco 132 zurrangar 67 -enco 87
ujo 150, 174 zalenco 65, 125 zurrar 67 engadir 151
-ui-53 zamacuco 65 zurràngame 67, 128, 130 engalar 151
-umbre 168 zamandungo 10, 65, 174 -engo 87
-uncho 150 zambuliir 14 fandango 35, 69, 152
-undango 11 zanco 66 fiamengo 37, 69
-undungo 12 zandango 65 Galician focha 69
-ungo 12, 12, 124 zandunga 61 abade 68 fochanca 69, 129, 131, 138, 177
-uno 174 zangamandanga 64 abadengo 5, 17, 68, 89, 91 fochanco 39
-urro 29, 168 zangandango 1, 10, 65, 129, 174, 178 Abeanca 132, 132 forxa 69
-usco 168 zangandongo 1, 12, 65, 157, 159, 760, nIa 151 forxanco 69, 129, 130, 137, 177
-ute 150 163, 174, 178, 179 amora 71 forxo 69
-uza 150 zangandungo 1, 12, 13, 16, 65, 66, 157, -anco 127 fritanga 38, 69. 130
-uzo 174 159, 160, 173, 174, 178, 179 -ango 127 frito 69
valie 20 zângano 10, 12, 66, 72 angoites 151 fuchanca 69
vailunco 20, 173 zangén 10, 12, 13,66 I avé 68 fungueiro 151
varenga 65, 121 zanguanga 65, 131, 142, 144 I avoengo 17,68,89,91 fustanco 69, 130
veijarranco 65 zanguango 65, 66, 72, 129, 148 I Baierinicas 68 fuste 69
vejanco 65, 129 zarabutear 14 baranca 68 ibicenco 40, 69, 91
vejancén 65, 131, 137, 138, 150 zaramandanga 64 Bardancos 68, 132, 152 iar 70
vejiga 48 zarambutear 14 barranca 19, 68, 182 Laranga 70
verde 20 zaramingo 66, 173 barranco 68 larego 70
verija 21 zarandear 66 I berIanga 20, 68, 152 larenga 70
veringo 21 zarando 12, 66 I berlingas 20, 68, 173 larengo 70, 91, 91
viajanco 65 zarandona 66 J biiango 70 leira 70
vicuôa 145 zarandunga 12, 66, 158, 159, 182 Bisancos 68, 132 iciranco 70, 129, 130, 142, 177
viejanco 65, 130 zaranga 66, 66, 152 borda 68 ieirango 70, 129, 142
viejarranco 129 zarangailo 66 borde 22 Listanco 70, 132, 152
viejo 65 zarangollo 66 bordingas 22, 68, 158, 159 Iosango 70
Viiabalde 110 zaringallo 66, 172 Breancas 68, 132, 152 macho 71
Villiardompardo 65 zarra 66 bulla 68 mandanga 44, 70, 152
villarengo 65,90,91 zarrampiinga 66, 173 bullanga 68, 130 mandinga 171

218 219
 mandongo 70 pozanco 58, 72, 129, 130, 177 Artanga 73, 132, 152 carocha 165
manguân 70, 151 pozo 72 -ato 165 carranca 27, 74
manguanga 70, 151 puta 72 auolinga 17, 92 casmurro 165
marandaina 70 putanga 72, 129 avé 73 - caVa 74, 132, 137
marandanga 70 querendango 13 avoenga 73 Cavanca 74, 129, 132, 137
matungo 46,70 querendoso 59 avoengo 17, 73, 89, 9!, 92, 110 Cavenca 115
maturrangas 70 querido 72 bandôga 49 charanga 30, 75
maturrango 46, 70 queriendo 10 barranca 73, 182 charingas 41, 79
Mayanca 129, 132 querindango 10, 12, 59, 72, 129, 178, 182 barranco 19, 73, 132 chiangar 75, 128, 129
mayanca 70 real 72 begango 22, 77 chiar 75
mayo 70, 132 realengo 59, 72, 89, 91 Bellengo 73, 93, 109 chôco 32
merlinga 7, 70, 83 reengo 59, 72 Berlanga 20 choramigar 75
mianco 152 reguengo 59, 72 bicanca 73, 127, 129, 131 choramingas 43, 75, 172
rniango 70, 151, 152 riarego 72 bichanga 73, 129, 178 chorar 75
miâu 70 riarenga 72 bichango 141 chorincas 75, 157, 159
milango 70, 151 riarengo 72, 90. 91 bicharengo 73, 92, 178 choringa 43
milano 70, 151 ringolôn 72 bicharoco 73 choupa 33
moenga 70, 89, 91, 123, 180 ringorrango 72 bicho 73 coreto 165
moer 70, 89, 180 rio 72 bichoco 165 Coria 69
mondonga 70, 71 solar 72 bico 73 Corius 69
mondongo 6, 49, 70, 71, 170 solarego 72 bocaina 120 COxanca 28
mora 71 solarengo 72, 89,91 bogango 22,77 coxanga 75, 127, 129
morango 71, 130 Tamallancos 72, 132, 152 boicininga 7 coxo 75
morendanga 49,71 Taramancos 72, 132, 152 boneco 165 cristengo 75, 76, 124, 182
morlaco 71 tourengo 72, 91, 180 borda 73 cucuruto 165
morMn 7,71, 151 touro 72, 180 bordalengo 22, 73, 90, 90, 92, 121, 168 -engo 87, 112
morlango 7,71, 151 Tresancos 132 bugiganga 48,73,74 eslinga 34,75
morondanga 48, 49, 71 xovenco 42 bugio 73 -eto 165
morronga 71 xudenga 42, 72 burendangas 74 fado 35
mostrengo 50,7! xudengo 72, 124 burindangas 74 faia 35
muller 71 xudeu 72 burranca 74 faianca 35, 75, 82, 152
mullerego 71 zanguanga 72 burranco 5,24,74, 127, 129, 130, 141 fandango 35, 75, 152
mullereiro 71 zanguango 72, 129 burro 74 fandinga 35,75
mullerengo 51, 71, 90, 92 zopenco 67, 69, 72, 124 burrondanga 49 fanha 75
muxaranga 43, 71, 152 zângano 72 burundanga 68, 74 fanhoso 75
nariganga 71, 78, 129 burundangas 74 fanhungo 75, 157, 159, 174
narigôn 71 burundunga 74 faramengo 37, 75, 121
narigota 71 Bustamante 74, 108 farofeiro 75
narigudo 71 Portuguese Bustarenga 74, 108 farofento 75
noitarenga 71, 91 Bustili 74, 108 farol 75
noite 71 camarlengo 25, 74 faroleiro 75
-ongo 71 abadengo 5, 17, 73, 89, 9!, 92, 112 camerlengo 121 farra 75
paia 35 Abanca 132, 152
pechelingue 53, 71 abelharuco 165 camundongo 7 farronca 75
pendanga 54, 71, 129, 178 Albarenga 73, 93, 95, 108, 110 candango 25,74 fartanga 75, 127, 130
pender 7! Albarengo 93 candidura 26 farto 75
Alvar 73 candidissimo 26 ferrugem 165
perendengue ~ Alvarenga 73, 94, 122 candissimo 26 festa 75
perindengue 55, 71 aniora 77 candonga 26, 74, 170 festanga 75, 130
pindonga 6,71,71, 170, 178 amorico 165 candongo 26, 74 filhinho 36
pochanca 72 -anco 74, 127 candura 26 flamenga 75
poldranco 58, 72, 129, 131 andarengo 73, 90, 91, 121, 123, 124, 124, cara 74 flamengo 37, 75, 121
poldro 72 168 cardinalato 165 flamingo 37, 75
pozanca 72 -ango 127 carlinga 27, 74 Floarengus 76
220 221
 fogacha 165 molho 77 pilungo 56, 78, 175, 179 varunca 80
Foralengos 109 mondonga 77 pindonga 78, 170 velhacac 7, 80, 151
Fralengo 76 mondongo 49, 77, 160 piranga 78, 152 velhaco 80, 80, 165
framengo 75, 121 mondrongo 49, 77 pirangas 79 velhancao 7~ 80, 151
friolengo 124 monstro 77 pirar 79 velhancaria 65, 80
fritada 76 mora 77 poçanco 58, 79, 127, 129, 130 velho 80
fritangada 38, 76, 130 moranga 50, 77 poço 79 ventrecho 165
Froalengos 76 morangar 77 podenco 57, 79 vcrdc 80
Froarengus 93, 109 morango 50, 77, 130, 131 podengo 57, 79, 125 verdelengo 20, 80
fuligem 165 morondanga 49 potemgo 79 verdoengo 20, 80, 90, 91, 121, 124
gardengo 76, 93 morondongo 74 potenco 79 verdolengo 20, 80
gardingo 7, 39, 76 mostrengo 6, 50, 77, 121 potengo 93 verdor 80
Gaudengo 109 mugiganga 73 potranca 79 verdura 80
geringonça 35 mulato 165 potranco 58, 79, 129, 130 verdurengo 20, 80
gorducho 165 mulher 77 potro 79 vigie 80
grandorro 165 mulherengo SI, 71, 77, 90, 92, 121, 124 presiganga 6,79, 152 vigilenga 80, 91, 92, 178, 178
imagem 165 nariganga 7! provinco 113 vigilianga 80, 130, 178, 178
-ito 165 nariganga 78 puranga 79, 152 vigilinga 80, 158, 171, 178, 178
judenga 76 nitrato 165 puro 79 xaramandunga 80
judengo 42, 76, 121, 124, 141, 182 -ongo 78 rabicho 165 xcndengue 80
judeu 76 -ote 165 rapazito 165 xeringa 79
juvenco 7, 42, 76, 93 -oto 165 j rastinga 79
lebrato 165 palanca 53 j real 79
lebre 76 pandanga 78, 152 realengo 59, 79, 89, 91 Catalan
leiranco 131 pândega 78, 152 I regaengo 79,92
levranco 76, 127, 129 papelote 165 I regalengo 59,79 abadenc 5, 17, 81, 89, 91, 92, 122
losango 70, 76 pardoca 165 J regengo 79 abat 81
malungo 44, 173 parIa 78 regueengo 79,92 abbadenc 112
mamulengos 76, 121, 125 parlenga 53, 78, 91, 92, 178 reguengo 59,79,93 âguila 81
mandinga 44, 171 pechelingue 53, 78 relengo 59, 79, 125 aguilenc 81, 91
mandongo 44, 76 pelanca 54 I restinga 60, 79, 171 albenc 122
mandronga 44, 76 pelanco 78, 129, 130, 131 I samessuga 79 -anc 127
maô 76 pelanga 54, 78, 130, 131, 178 I samexuga 79, 151 -ango 127, 140
Marrancos 76, 132, 152 pele 78 samexunga 79, 151 avi 81
Martolengo 77 pelhanca 78, 141 sanguessuga 79, 151 avienc 17, 81, 89, 91
matungo 46, 76 pelhancas 54 seringa 41, 79 badalengo 81
maturrangas 76 pelharanca 78, 130 siringa 79 badcnc 17, 8!
maturrango 46, 76, 125, 178 pelharengo 78, 90, 90, 92, 178 I Soenga 109 barranc 19, 81, 132, 182
maturrengo 46, 76, 125, 178 pela 78 Soengas 79 berlinga 20, 81, 173
medranco 7, 76, 152 pendanga 54 solar 80 Bladinga 160
medroso 7, 76, 152 pendência 78 salarengo 62, 72, 80, 89, 91, 92, 123 Bladingo 81, 93
Mendonça 35 pendenga 78, 91, 92, 121, 123, 178, 180 sorongo 67 blanc 81
merengue 46, 77, 121 pendengues 78, 91, 92 Spadengo 80, 93 blanenc 81, 90, 91
Mértola 77 pender 78, 180 sul 80 Blancs 81
Mertolengo 77,90,91,92 perdigoto 165 sulanca 80, 130 blanquenc 81,90,91
moganga 77, 152 perrengo 55, 78 titinga 63, 80, 173 blanquinenc 81
rnogango 22, 77, 77, 132 perrengue 55, 78, 121 Travanca 131, 137 blavenc 122
mogiganga 48, 73 petranca 78 travanca 138 bard 22
majiganga 73 petrificado 78 travanca 80, 137 borranga 81, 82, 139, 152
moIe 77, 180 petroso 78 [ travanco 64,80 borratxo 81
molenga 77 pichelingue 78 trave 80, 137 brut 81
molengo 76, 77, 90, 92, 180 pilonga 56, 78, 175 travinca 80 brutango 23, 81, 129, 139, 150
molhanga 77, 130 pilongo 78 varâo 80, 175 brutarrango 81, 139
222 223
 bullanga 6, 81 futinga 6, 83, 158, 159 pedra 84 verdanc 85, 130
burranga 81, 82, 129, 139, 142
burrango 5, 24, 141
galanga 7
gandalla 39
II pedrenca 84
Pedrenchs 84, 108
verdenc 20, 85, 90, 91
‘jercjolenc 20, 85
burrenc 5, 24, 82, 90, 92, 142 gandul 39 Pedrencos 84, 91, 92, 92, 108 verdosene 20, 85
burro 82 gazenga 83 peu 84 vermeIl 86
burxa 22 groc 83 pellanc 84, 141 vermellenc 86, 90, 91
burxanc 22, 82, 130 groguenc 83, 90, 91 pellanga 54, 84, 129, 139, 141 vermellosenc 86
burxar 82 groguinenc 83 pellaranga 129, 139 Vila 86
cadaquesencs 117 groguissenc 83 peHenc 84 vilenc 86,90,91
cala 82 groguissé 83 pelleranga 54 vinc 120
calanca 82, 129, 130 guadengo 83, 93, 102, 109 pelleringa 84 vit 86
camarlenc 7, 25, 82, 92, 93 home 83 pelleringo 54, 84, 158, 159 vitenc 86, 90
candonga 82 homenenc 83, 90, 91 penyalenc 84, 90, 91 xaranca 86
carlinga 27, 82, 160 illa 83 penyol 84 xaranga 30, 86
cobert 82 illenc 83,90,91 pirinenc 84,90,91 xeringa 41,85
cobertenc 82,91,91 ivernenc 122 Pirineu 84
cobrir 82 lladre 118 podenc 84
coté 82 llosa 83 poIl 84 French (OId and Modem)
cotonenca 82,91,92 Ilosanca 83, 131 pollanc 57, 84, 87, 130, 131
Livissa 82 magenc 83, 122 pollancre 84, 132 Adelange 99
eivissenc 40, 82, 90, 91, 123 magenco 83, 91, 91, 92 poltre 85 -ain 99
-enc 81, 87, 102, 119, 122, 126, 127 maig 83 pot 85 amelanche 134
-enca lOI, 113, 114, 116, 119, 122, 125 mallenga 83 potatge 85 -an 99
-enco 102, 118, 118 mallerenga 70,83 potinga 58, 85, 158, 159, 160, 171 and 99
-engo 102, 118 mandoci 49 potingue 58, 85, 158, 159, 171 -anges 99
escorranc 82, 129 marallenga 9, 83, 121 potranca 85 -ant 99
escémmer 82 marenc 122 potranco 85 -ard 100, 126
esquellerinc 87 merenga 83, 121 potranga 85 avalanche 134
estiu 82 merla 83 pudinga 58,85 Avexencus 115
estiuenc 82 merllenga 83 quadincos 83, 93, 102 Avrenc 99
estivenc 91 mestall 83 ralinga 59, 85 Avrent 99
falla 82 mestallenc 83,90,91 [ realenc 85, 122 Bermerain 99
fallanca 82, 130, 130 moixiganga 48, 84 realench 85, 93 bes- 21
fam 82 morir 84 realenchum 92 beslonc 21, 171
famenc 121 mort 84 reial 85 beslongue 21
famolenc 40, 82, 90, 90, 91 morLenca 84, 90, 92 reialenc 59, 85, 89, 91 bord 22
fandango 6, 35, 82, 152 mostrenc 122 reyalench 85, 93 brelan 20, 100
fava 82 muntanyenc 122 ribera 85 brelenc 20, 100
favanco 82, 130 Nadal 84 riberenc 85, 90, 91 burel 23
ferrenc 36 nadalenc 84, 91, 91 ringo-rango 60 buriau 23
flamenc 82 negre 84 Rodbertencos 85 calangue 134
Flix 83 negrenc 84, 90, 91, 121, 122, 122 Rodbertengos 85, 93, 102, 108 calanque 134
flixanca 83, 130, 150 negrosenc 84 Rodebaldencos 85, 93, 95, 108, 118, 118, carlingue 27, 69, 74, 82, 171
floronc 83 Nicaragua 84 122 chambrelenc 100
forâ 83 nicaragûenc 84,90,91 rogenc 122 Colard 100
fora 83 nostre 118 Sant Antoni 85 communard 100
foranc 83, 129, 131, 138 oncle 118 santantonienc 85,90,91 cormoran 100
foranca 83 onclu 118 siringa 41,85 Denis 100
forenc 114 ordialenc 91,91,91 sorra 85 Denisard 100
fotre 83 ordialencas 84, 92 sorrenc 85, 90, 91 -ent 99
fred 83 palanca 53 tinc 120 fressange 100
fredolec 83 pallanga 84 vadelincos 81 gravanche 134
fredolenc 38, 83, 90, 90, 91, 121, 122 pallaranga 84 verd 85 grave 134

224 225
 grève 134 Alazencs 115 ~ ioi, 118 Moimreng 102
hareng 94, 100 albene 113, 119 -encs 98, 102, 107, 108 montanhenc99, 113, 114
Hodant 99 Alzaramenc 117 -ens 98, 108 Musanca 133
Jacquard 100 apouticaire 85 -enx 98, 102 Narixens 98
Jacques 100 Arborencs 98 Espelungo 141 Navarrencs 115
lavanche 134 arnaudenc 304 estibenc 137 penh 120
Lomincus 115 Audressein 98 estivenc 99, 105, 162 Pernancus 133
lonc 21 Aulancus 133 falbenc 99 petite 350
losanga 100 aurienc 113 Famalencs 98 pitangue 134
losange 70, 76 avignonnenc 99 fava 134 plumbenc 99
mareng 100 Badencus 112 favanco 134 podenc 57
mayô 161 badens 112 ferrenc99, 113, 119 ponh 120
meringue 46, 77, 83 Badens 98 Flnmarens 98 Posancas 133
merlan 100 Badenx 98, 112, 122 flamenc 37, 118 Pousanques 133
merlenc 100 Barbarencs 19 floronc 37 pouting~~~ 85
mésange 83, 100 Barbarens 98 flouroun 37 poutingo 85
montagnard 100 barranc 134, 138 fora 114 probenc 113, 114
Nicolas 100 Barsenens 99 forenc 114 prop 114
On 99 belanco 134 fougasso 165 raimondenc 104
paillard 100 blângo 140 Francheleins 99 ramenc 99, 118
païsenc 100 blanquige 165 gangôt 140 renc 102, 119, 120
paysan 100 blavenc99 gazenc83 renga 102
pétard 100 Blennenca Ils Glairans 99 rogenc 99
Philippard 100 Bragaranca 133 guilhalmenc 104 salanc 134
Philippe 100 breissenc 99 hâudo 340 Salanco 134
Pierrard 100 Busancas 133 lgounenc 117 Senairenc 117
Pierre-100 Butlairenco 102, 138 invernenc 105, 118 senh 120
placard 100 cabosso 165 iverndnc 99 Serincus 315
pleurard 100 calanc 134 ivernon 161 tenc 120
pleurer 100 camarlenc 138 invernotge 165 tenh 120
poudingue 58 candâ 140 joanenc 99, 162 Thoulourenc IlS
puddingue 85 caorcenc 114 lachenc 99 Toerencs 115
ralingue 59, 85, 171 Caors 114 Laujardenc 117 valanco 134
Sauxillanges 99 caorsenc 99 Laurencs 98 Vallenca 115
teisserene 100 cautèro 140 lavanca 133, 134 venc 120
tissier 100 chalossen 99 lenco 140 vermellenc 19, 21
tisserand 100 Charens Ils lenh 120 vinenc 99
Torencus 115 charmens 99 Lidomargueng 302
Urerenchi IlS Clarencs 98 Lissanca 133
varangue 65 crampi 140 Loairenc 118 Italian
ventresche 165 datenco 117 lonc 102
Daudens 99 longa 102 aiaccincu 114
denh 320 magenc 118 Albarengo 96
Provençal diablenc 99 maianen 99 Alberto 97
drudige 165 Malarencs 98 albigno 113, 119
abadenc 112 -eke 101 manh 120 Alfredo 97
adelenc 118 -enh 120 melanco 134 alpigno 120
Adelins 99 -ans 98 Mellanca 133 Altanca 133
aerenc 99 -ein 98 merlenguino 83 annincu 117
Agamancus 133 -cins 98 merlus 165 anninka 114
Aicfredenco 302, 118 -enc 101, 102, 103, 104, 312, 113, 114, mesengo 83 Anselmo 97
alanenca 115 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 126 miroulengo 83 Aranco 133
Alnrencs 98 -enca 101, 103, 114, 116, 119 niitadenc 105 Arbengo 96
226 227
Arfingo 96 Gotingo 96 preignaudenk Il? Sardianian
Arnaldo 97 Gualteringo 97 primarenc 98
Baranca 133 guardingo 98 prupianincu 114, 117 bosinku 114, 115
batenghi 98 -igno 120 Ramberti 97 Busanca 134
batinghi 98 -inco Ils ramengo 98 kalanka 134, 138
benenca 115 -inga 102 rarningo 97, 98, 118 Iurisinku 114
flernalda 97 -ingo 97, 116, 117 Remorfengo 96 mandûgu 49
Bernardi 97 invernengh 98, 118 Rolandinga 97, 102 Marranca 134
Bernardo 97 Justinga 97 Rolando 97 puthancaru 134
Berto ~ Justingo 95, 96 rossigno 120 silibba 15
Bevinco 115 justus 96 Rumianca 133 silimba 15
Bodincus 115 lavanca 42, 133 Saninco 115 simbula 15
Bognanco 133 lingua 97 scala 97 simula 15
Bogua 133 Iujengh 98 Scalenghe 97 sorsinku 114, 115
Boniface 97 maggengh 98, 118 Schieranco 133 ube 15
Bonifacinga 97 maggioringo 98, 104, 182 - scialengo 98 umbe 15
Boranga 133, 140 mano 96 solenc 98, 119
borango 138 Marcellengo 96 solingo 97, 98, 104
Botincus 115 marenc 97,98 Spatinga 97 Latin
botincus 115 marenca 98, 118, 119 spedalingo 97,98
bruneng 104 marenga 98, 118, 119 staengh 98 ABUAS 98
brunengh 98 Martinenga 97 statinincu 117 ~~tOE 168
bruno 104 Martinengo 96 stringa 34, 171 -Accu 164, 168
bugianco 133 marzengh 98 tegno 120 ~ 165
Bûranco 133 masanco 133 tengo 120 ~ 164, 168
busanc 133 masnengo 98, 105 valanga 42, 133 -AECIJ 75
Buttanengo 96 minoringo 98, 104, 182 Valinco 115 -AGINE 164
buttanghera 133 Molinengo 96, 97 vegno 120 -AGo 120, 167
Calanca 133 molino 96, 97 vengo 120 ALBINEUS 120
calanca 133, 138 montaIt 96 verdigno 120 ALBuS 120
camarlingo 82 Montalenghe 96 vernengo 97 -ALE 84
carrancu 133 Mucengo 96 Vilenca 115 ALTA 140
casalenghi 98 narice 71 Visenengo 96 -AMEN 167
casalingo 97, 98, 105 Noranco 133 Waldeningo 96 -AMINE 168
casarenc 98 nuncincu 114 Witeningo 96 AMITA 106
casarengh 105 Obeningus 96 -ANCuLU 84, 132, 149
Castellingo 97 Ossalengo 96 I ANGUINEUS 120
castello 97 ostenc 98 Rheto-Romance ANGUIS 120
ceccagine 120 pagliuolo 133 -ANICU 99
dimenticaggine 120 pajolanca 133 Boscnanca 134, 137 ARBOR 98
-enc 117 Pazzoranco 133 Calzeranc 134 -ASCU 165
-enca 119 Petringa 97 forangola 134, 140 -ASCULU 165
-engo 96, 97, 97, 116, 117, 119 Petringo 96 giraunk 134 ASPARAGUS 62, 151
-eut 165 Pizzanco 133 Mulananc 134 -ASTER 135
evarnô 161 pocianga 133 Muttancs 134 -ATICU 165
ferrigno 113, 119, 120 pogginchi 117 pillilaunka 134 -ATU 168
fornenchi IlS pogginco 114 Schalanc 134 -ATuS 165
gardinku 114 poIla 133 valanc 134, 138 AUREUS 113
Gargarengo 97 pollanco 133 Vischnanca 134
vi~naunka 134 AVIOLUS 17
AVOLUS 17
gargaria 97 pomontinco 114 AVUNCULU 118
Garibaldi 97 pozza 133
gialligno 120 pozzanghera 133 AVUNCULUS
AVUS 119
119
Gossolengo 96 pozzangolo 133, 140 BANCU 140

228
229
 BARBA 106 HORDEUM 84 -ow~ 161, 168 VALERIANICA 20, 108
BARBARUS 19, 98 -IBILE 168 -OTICU 165 VALERIUS 20
BRINCARE 140 -Xciii 164 j PABuLARI 53 VALERIUS 68
BURDUS 22 -ICULLI 165, 168 PABuLUM 53 VENIO 120
CAESAR 104 -mus 7 PAGENSE 100 VIA 29
CALARE 82 -IGINE 164 PANTICE 59 VIRILIA 21
CALDARIA 140 -IGNuS 113, 119, 120 PENDERE 47 VITINEUS 120
CAMERA 25, 140 -1Go 120, 167 PETRIJS 96, 97, 108 VTTIS 120
CAMPANA 140 IMAGINE 165 PIGNUS 120 VInA 36
CANCER 27 -IMEN 167 PILONICUS 57 VOCIFERARIUS 65
CANIS 26 -IMINE 168 ~ 43
CANONICU 69 -INEUS 120, 126 PLORARE 43
CANTARE 140 -TNQUU5 113, 114, 117, 118, 119 pOpuLos 57, 84
CAPuT 165 -INu 168 POTINCUS 58 ermanic ~anguages
CARBUNCIJLU 173 -ISCULU 165 PROBARDUS 100
CARBUNCULuS 27 -ITICu 165 PROBuS 100 Oui and New English
CARCANNuM 27 -n-ru 165 PROPTNQUUS 113 -burger 111, 146
CARDINEUS 120 -nu 168 PUGNUS 120 ~flg 96
CARDO 120 -ius 7 REGALENGU 59 -ish 149
CARRANCULU 27, 132 JODAEU 125 REGNUM 119, 120 baby 167
CAUIUS 24 .IUSTUS 95, 97 REVENDICA 108 baconburger 146
CERA 120 JUVENCUS 7,42,93, 119 ROMA 60 beer 21
CERINEUS 120 LAC 120 ROMANOS 60 brandish 149
CHRISTANU 75 LACTINEUS 120 RONCARE 141 cartload 27
CLARENTIUS 98 LAPIS 42 SAurUS LONGUS 62, 108 cheeseburger 146
CLAUDIGO 120 LATRO 118 SANGUINEUS 120 chewing gum 31, 171
CLUNIS 43 tAURENTHJS 98 SANGUIS 120 chief engineer 33
CON 29 LEO 100 SANGUISUGA 79 ding-a-Iing 63
CUMPANEU 29 LEONARDUS 100 SEPTIMU 61, 132 falling 96
CUMPANICUM 29 LETUS 42 SIGNUM 120 fart 53
DIGNUS 120 LTGNUM 120 SPELUNCA 141 fctish 149
ECULU 168 LINGUA 140 STRAMEN 120 Ford 38
EO 120 LINTIGO 120 STRAMINEuS 120 garnish 149
-Eru 168 LONGA 102 sua67 geongll9
-EUS 7,113 LONGINQUUS 113 SUBITANEUS 36 girlish 149
FAGUINEUS 120 LONGUS 2!, 102 SOCINUM 120 hamburger III
FAGUS 120 LUCERNA 150 SOCINEUS 120 hillbilly 20
FAMULUS 98 LUPUS 137 5YRINGA 7, 9, 41, 67, 79, 85 Jacky 167
FATUM 35 MAGNARDUS 100 TENEO 120 Johnson 94
FERROGINE 165 MAGNUS 100 TEXERE 100 milquetoasi52
FLAMMA 37 MAGNUS 120 TIGNUM 120 pressgang 79
FLAVARDUS 100 MANDUCARE 49 TRABICA 63 pudding-stone 58, 85
FLAVuS 100 MARCELLUS 96 TRANCA 141 rock string 60, 171
FOCACIA 165 MARTINUS 96,97 -OCEA 164, 165 sling 34, 75, 171
FONTE 140 MERULA 100, 165 -UCULU 165 soda 62
FORANEUS 37, 151 MIXCERE 83 -OGINE 164 soyburger 146
FORARE 83 MIXTUS 83 -0Go 167 womanish 149
FOSSA 69 MONSTRUM 50 -uLu 132, 165
FRAUDULENTUS 124 *MORANICU 77 -OMEN 167 Old and New High German
FULTGINE 39, 165, 173 MORUM 77 -OMINE 168
FUNARIU 151 *NAR1GA 71,78 URSUS 96 Adalhart 100
FOR 37 NONNU 9 -USCULU 165 adaling 118
FURUNCULUS 7,37, 132 NOSTRU 118 -cru 168 Adalung 161
230 231
 Alun8 94 -ioga 101 aber 99 Hrôths 85, 108
-ang- 136 -ingen 94 I Adalingas 99 -iggs 94, 96, 106
arm 96 jung 119 flerhtmâring 99 -ings 96, 102
arminc 104 *jungaz 119 brettling 100 -ingôs 76, 93, 94, 96, 98—9, 101—2, 106,
arming 96, 162 Juthungi 161 friskinga 100 108—11, 116—8, 126
Arning 94 kamarling 118 haring 94, 100 *Lagharjis 70
Arnold 94 kot 103 brin8 60, 102 Laubihardus 117
flamba 106 Ledaring 118 hringa 102 Malaharjis 98
Beinhart 100 mùeding 162 Hrôthberht 85 *Rodebaldingâs 85, 108
Berting 116 muster 51 Hugo Il? Rodebaldo 85, 108
*bjljz 73 109 perg 103 Hâding 99 Rêdiberhts 108
blank 140 Râdbaldo 108 kamarling 25, 82, 93, 100 Rîkisindis 98
Bochingen 94 râlîk 59 lausinga 100 Sihiharjis 117
bret 20 Reginhart 100 maring 100 skilliggs 106—7
bretling 20 Reutlingen 94 meisa 83 Sun- 109
Brett 20 sammeln 161 *meisinga 9, 83, 100 *suningas 79
brûn 104 Saramlung 161 merewioingas 94 Tervingi 107
brûninc 104 sarling 96 Wading 99 triu 107
BOsch 94 saro 96 Wat 83, 102
flùsching 94 Sigmaringen 94 tWatïngôs 83, 102
bûweling 96 Snellunc 161 Gothic
bûwen 96 Steding 104
cheisuring 104 Straubing 94 Adalingôs 99 Langobardic
Cintila 106 *striggs 34 Aikhardus 102 Albhari 96
CintiHûn 106 Tervingi 94 Aldiriks 98 Amalongus 161
Eberhart 100 Trutungi 161 Alfa 96 Angulf 103
edilinc 104 Tûbingen 101 Alharjis 98 Arbo 96
Egicûn 106 Turo 65 Alisihrabns 117 Bernhard 97
eininc 104 -ung- 161 Alvar 73, 108 Bifancoli 103
Ergolding 94 Vautiçanos 106 tAlvaringôs 73, 93 Bifang 103
frauja 76, 109 Vemerling 104 athals 99 Bullongus 161
*frawa_ 76, 109 Vlaeming 118 Berhts 85 Curtanculfi 103
Freising 94 Vogt 94 *Bilingôs 73 Elbungus 161
frisk 38 Vôgting 94 Bustaringôs 74 Gauzelingos 96
frisking 38, 105 Vutiza 106 Buta 102 Harding 115
Froua 106 Wamba 106 Butariks 102 Hrômwulf 96
Froilân 106 Wittiza 106 b&s 99 hûsinga 105
Fruela 106 Wonreding 94 Bôtil 96 -ingos 96
FrtiIiIing 105 zeichnen 161 Duda 99 Môzzo 96
gatuling 106 Zeichnung 161 Eikharjis 102 Rambert 97
*gaut 109 eiks 102 Roland 97
Gerhart 100 Framaharjis 98 Spatto 97
Greotungi 94 Dutch Frankila 99 Waldhari 97
Greuthungi 161 *Frithus 102 Wîso 96
Hamburger 111, 146 flaming ~ gadiliggs 106, 107
-hart 100 Vlissingen 53, 171 *gardingôs 39,76
hart 100 gardingus 39, 93, 106, 107, III OId Norse
hoffen 161 gards 39, 76, 111 hilfningr 105
Hoffnung 161 Frankish Giadaharjis 99 kerling 27
Hornunc 161 -ing 100 Greotungi 107 sumrungr 105
inc 103 -ing- 99, 107 grioz 107 vetrungr 105
-in8- 93, 96, 101, 103—4, 106—16, 118—9, -inga 96 Hrodebertingôs 108
122, 125, 142, 160, 162 -ingas 96, 99. 107 Hrothberhtingôs 85, 102
232 233
Icelandic Non-Indoeuropean Languages Arabic Mapuche
birtingr 104 mapicûlla 149
bjartr 104 Basque bondolca 49
einhleypingr 104 -ango 134 gandur 39
einhleypr 104 -anK- 161 Quechua
*kuningaz 107 besanga 134 china 31, 170
penningr 107 beso 134 American Indian Languages pichana 56
sexaeringr 104 gorri 45, 134, 161
sexaerr 104 gorringo 39, 134, 161 Araucanian
ynglingr 107 hilanko 134 puruncu 163, 170 African Languages
luzanga 134
luze 134 Congolese
Other Indo-European marriagorringo 45 Nahuatl
-ng- 45, 49, 64, 134 ndunga 163
PIE -nko 134 molonqui 163 sâ 163
*ancati 135 potxingo 134, 161 ohm 164 sanga 163
*keruos 27 potxongo 134, 161 picihigtie 56
~korios 69 potzo 161 -(flic 147
*_flko~ 119, 135 putzo 134 tlalhi 164 Kimbundu
uson-qo-m 119 putzu 134, 161 tzipith 32 ka- 74
tyew-nko 119 sauta 134 ndengue 74, 80
salitanko 134
sarda 134
Armenian sardanga 134
unkan 119 sarde 134
sare 134
tipula 64
Celtic tipulin 64, 173
txardango 134
eburos 34, 137 txilo 58
ievanc 119 txipi 32
oac 119 tzorongo 67
treb 64 xalinko 161
xarenko 134
xerrinko 161
Lithuanian xurrupa 134
Iaukiniflk-as 119 xurrupanko 134
laukinis 119 zali 161
zerri 161
zilanga 58, 134
Ligurian zilo 134
cal- 134 zintzihik 10, 13, 28
laba 133—4 zoro 161
~ 117 zoronga67, 171
-incu- 113—8, 126, 135 zorongo 161
rnel- 134 zubi 161
zuranga 134
zuri 134, 161
Avestan zuringo 134, 161
spaka- 119
span 119

234 235