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JEEXXX10.1177/1053825914531920Journal of Experiential EducationYoung et al.

Article
Journal of Experiential Education
2015, Vol. 38(2) 175­–188
Identity in Flux: Negotiating © The Authors 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/1053825914531920
Abroad jee.sagepub.com

Jennifer T. Young1, Rajeswari Natrajan-Tyagi2,

and Jason J. Platt3

Abstract
Study abroad is one aspect of global movement that connects individuals of diverse
backgrounds. Individuals studying abroad are proffered to negotiate self-identity
when they confront novelty and new contexts. This study chose to use the qualitative
method of phenomenological interviews to examine how individuals experience
themselves and others when abroad. Specifically, the study focused on modifications
of self-identity via self-images. The results presented emotions, cognitions, and
behaviors experienced by individuals during global encounters. The study indicates
that individuals negotiate identity while studying abroad and modify self-images
associated with personal identity (unique character traits) rather than social identity
(shared traits with ingroup). The authors propose that identity among global citizens
is an ongoing process that is context dependent and less stable than previously
regarded.

Keywords
identity negotiation, study abroad, globalization, global identity

We live in a period of time where our global village is filled with more opportunities
for its diverse inhabitants to interact with one another both in person and via virtual
reality than any time in history. Enhanced telecommunication services, air travel, and
social media outlets have increased the amount of contact individuals have with

1California State University, Long Beach, USA

2Alliant International University, Irvine, CA, USA
3Alliant International University, Mexico City, Mexico

Corresponding Author:
Jennifer T. Young, Psychologist, Counseling and Psychological Services, California State University, 1250
Bellflower Blvd., BH-226, Long Beach, CA 90840, USA.
Email: Jennifer.young@csulb.edu.

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176 Journal of Experiential Education 38(2)

diverse others and has transformed the individual’s context to a global context
(Hermans & Dimaggio, 2007). The frequency of offshoring and outsourcing business
practices to contractors in foreign countries has highlighted the importance of intercul-
tural competence in employees so that they are equipped to work with diverse cultures
with varying values and belief systems. As such, cultural competence has shifted from
an emphasis on multicultural competence, which focuses on knowledge, skills, and
attitudes when interacting with diverse groups (Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992), to
intercultural competence, which is defined as a comprehension of cultural differences
and similarities evoking a deeper sense of self-awareness and cultural awareness
(Chen & Starosta, 2000). Consequently, educational institutions are uncovering ways
to better equip their students to become global citizens by promoting study abroad and
other intercultural exchange (King & Magolda, 2005; Miller, Todahl, Platt, Lambert-
Shute, & Eppler, 2010; Platt, 2012; Suarez-Orozco & Qin-Hillard, 2004), which can
increase intercultural competence (Rundstrom, 2005, Woolf, 2007). Global, or world,
citizens, are broadly defined as individuals traversing international borders who make
connections with those of differing backgrounds and worldviews (Adams & Carfagna,
2006) who then think of their relationships to self, others, and the world in a new way
(Karlberg, 2008). Study abroad and international education are one of many ways in
which diverse cultures of people are brought together globally, which facilitates added
complexity to the experience of one’s identity (Sheppard, 2004). As a result, individu-
als are now straddling multiple cultures, giving a sense of “living-in-between cultures”
(Bhatia & Ram, 2004, p. 237).
Several years ago, the Lincoln Commission declared the goal of sending one mil-
lion American students abroad by 2016 to 2017 (Commission on the Abraham Lincoln
Study Abroad Fellowship Program, 2005). In 2011, the number of students studying
abroad in the United States was approximately 270,604, tripling from two decades ago
(Institute of International Education, 2011) with a 150% increase in the past decade
(Gardner & Witherell, 2007). According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization Institute for Statistics (UNESCO), 3.6 million students
were enrolled in various types of abroad programs in 2010 worldwide, reflecting a
78% increase in the last decade (UNESCO, 2012). Not all students interested in study
abroad have access to do so due to financial restriction, availability of relevant or
transferable courses abroad, time constraints for graduation, among other factors.
Nonetheless, the rate of students visiting countries outside of their homeland world-
wide continues to steadily increase. Thus, attention to the impact of sojourns abroad
on student identity should be considered.
Although study abroad is one of many aspects of global movement, it is a poten-
tially powerful one (Dolby, 2004). Research on study abroad depicts positive gains,
such as increased self-awareness, deeper interest in the well-being of others, an under-
standing of multinational issues (Kuh, 1995, as cited in Spiering & Erickson, 2006, p.
315), enlivened search for identity (Falk & Kanach, 2000), transformation in sense of
self, deeper experience of their own culture, enriched faith in their own capabilities,
and an increase in communication self-efficacy (Milstein, 2005). However, studies on
culture shock, re-entry shock, and cross-cultural adaptation report that some students

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Young et al. 177

experience psychological distress when studying abroad, which can last long after
their return (Ward & Kennedy, 1993). Those experiencing multiple re-entry, whether
in the form of transnational migration or multiple sojourns, report experiencing a com-
pounded sense of confusion with their place in the world. Personal identity, interper-
sonal relationships, and societal norms for these individuals are heavily affected
(Onwumechili, Nwosu, Jacksinn, & James-Hughes, 2003). Mental health profession-
als and educators, particularly in international education, can benefit from a deeper
understanding of the impact of study abroad on self-identity. To gain a better under-
standing of the impact on identity, the researchers examined how individuals negoti-
ated self-images amid novelty and global encounters with “the others” in their host
country.
Most models that explore the concept of identity were developed in a context that
predates modern globalization. Psychologists have yet to understand the consequences
that globalization will have on self-identity. Historically, self-identity has been an elu-
sive term in psychology. Identity is defined as one’s subjective view of one’s authentic,
or ideal, self (Rogers, 1980). The self has also been discussed as the conscious “I” that
produces multiple identities (May, 1953). Psychology literature is replete with defini-
tions of identity based on developmental theories. Identity has been defined as self-
image (Onorato & Turner, 2004) and self-concepts—a set of characteristics that remain
stable over time (Bailey, 2003). In Turner’s (1984) self-categorization theory (SCT), a
distinction is drawn between personal identity (unique character traits) and social
identity (shared traits with ingroup).
Identity is also viewed as a goal and state to be achieved. Erik Erikson addressed
identity achievement as one stage of psychosocial development occurring in adoles-
cence. Erikson thought that individuals completed tasks, or worked through certain
conflicts with one’s environment, to achieve a solid sense of self. Those who did not
successfully complete tasks were thought to move through life with a diffuse sense of
self (Erikson, 1968). Marcia (1966) expanded on Erikson’s work on identity achieve-
ment by focusing on ego identity development which was then adapted by Phinney
(1992) who evolved the ego identity model to create an ethnic identity model. Both
Phinney and Marcia’s models value the conflict that results when an individual auton-
omously explores their self and departs from the self as acquired through the lens of
their caretakers. This conflict, known as identity crises, leads to four outcomes:
Foreclosed, Diffuse, Moratorium, and Achieved, which delineate the level of autono-
mous exploration with which an individual engages before accepting their identity
(Marcia, 1966; Phinney & Ong, 2007). However, in our global village, the achieve-
ment of identity is ever elusive. Individuals and groups are no longer located in a sin-
gular homogeneous culture that contrasts itself from other cultures, but instead, they
are becoming increasingly integrated (Hermans & Dimaggio, 2007). As such, indi-
viduals now greet contrasting views, values, and belief systems more frequently,
increasing a sense of uncertainty (Hermans & Dimaggio, 2007). In addition, more
opportunities to negotiate identity and reflect on one’s place in the world are also pres-
ent (Karlberg, 2008). Identity is negotiable whenever one is faced with a new context,
making identity “multiple, contradictory, positional, contextual, partial, intersecting,

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178 Journal of Experiential Education 38(2)

continual [and] hybridized” (Jewett, 2010, p. 636). According to Dolby (2004), when
faced with adapting to a new context, individuals not only deepen their understanding
of the “other” but equally deepen their understanding of oneself. Living abroad allows
interviewees to experience themselves differently in new contexts.
Linguistic scholars have explained identity negotiation in terms of “positioning
theory,” that is, viewing identity as discourses taking place between individuals
(Blackledge & Pavlenko, 2001, p. 249). In each interaction, each person is taking a
position while simultaneously reacting to the other person’s position. Intercultural
communication is viewed as an interactional process where communicators compete
for social positions (Swann & Bosson, 2008). Existing literature on identity negotia-
tion proposes that acquisition of identity occurs through social interactions. Individuals
entering into new contexts, whether it is a new group or a new environment, grapple
with feelings of insecurity and vulnerability as they figure out how to be in the new
context (Swann, Milton, & Polzer, 2000; Ting-Toomey, 1999). According to intercul-
tural communications scholar, Ting-Toomey (1999), identity negotiation occurs when
one’s secure image of themselves is threatened when faced with difference or unfamil-
iar contexts. Identity negotiation is a transaction where individuals “attempt to evoke,
assert, define, modify, or challenge, and/or support their own and others’ desired self-
images” (Ting-Toomey 1999, p. 40). When negotiating identity, individuals will (a)
bring their self-image or perception of themselves, (b) acquire their identity via social
interactions, and (c) feel secure when engaging with supportive people in a familiar
environment (Ting-Toomey, 1999). When feeling threatened, insecure, or vulnerable
from engaging with dissimilar others, individuals decide to either assert or redefine
existing self-images (Swann et al., 2000; Ting-Toomey, 1999). Identity negotiation
can thus lead to shifts or changes in self-identity.
Without better understanding of the process of identity negotiation, educators,
mental health professionals, and global citizens risk being ill prepared for shifts in
self-identity that accompany study abroad, or other international journeys. This article
endeavors to study individuals’ sense of self-identity and process of identity negotia-
tion post study abroad. The research questions were as follows:

Research Question 1: How does study abroad change the interviewees’ experience
of himself or herself?
Research Question 2: How do the interviewees negotiate identity when entering
new contexts while studying abroad?

Method
At the beginning of the fall semester in 2008, invitations to participate in this study
were sent to returning study abroad students at a 4-year university and a 2-year com-
munity college in Southern California. Students recently returning from short-term
study abroad programs were invited to participate in the study. Countries visited were
China, Italy, Korea, Spain, Taiwan, and the United Kingdom. Durations of programs
ranged between 4 and 8 weeks.

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Young et al. 179

Five students elected to participate in the study. Two of the interviewees were men
and three were women. Ages ranged from 18 to 44 years. Interviewees identified as
Caucasian (3), Indian (1), and Asian (1). All interviewees identified as undergraduate
students. Three students studied in the United Kingdom and indicated previous inter-
national travel experience limited to family vacations ranging from 1 to 3 weeks. Two
students indicated no previous international travel experience. None of the interview-
ees have lived abroad prior to their study abroad experience. Interviews averaged 1 hr
in duration. All interviews were conducted within 1 month of interviewees’ return to
the United States. All interviews were video and audio recorded and transcribed with
interviewees’ informed consent.
Saturation was reached by the fifth interview; therefore, no further interviews were
conducted. The interview questions include but are not limited to (a) What stood out
to you the most in your entire study abroad experience? (b) What makes that experi-
ence/event significant? (c) How did that experience/event change your experience of
yourself?
A content analysis was performed on interview data. Peer debriefing was used to
establish the credibility of qualitative data (Creswell, 2013). Two types of peer debrief-
ing were used (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2008). The first type of debrief focused on creat-
ing intercoder reliability. The first and second authors, along with a third colleague who
was uninvolved with the study but familiar with qualitative methods, independently
reviewed and coded the qualitative data. The three scholars reviewed the interview tran-
scripts for emerging themes. Points of differences in the coding and interpretations were
discussed and a consensus was reached before continuation of coding.
Emerging themes were drawn from the qualitative data and were named using the
language of the interviewees (indigenous typologies). Authors also reviewed identity
negotiation literature to help structure and code emerging themes. Turner’s (1984)
SCT theory of identity was used to structure identity negotiation outcomes. Subthemes
were named: Supporting Identity, Adapting Identity, and Modifying Identity.
The second type of debrief focused on establishing credibility by consulting with a
knowledgeable peer. Thus, the third author was contacted to review the whole study
and provide feedback to help resolve methodological issues and explore aspects of the
study that may have remained unnoticed (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2008).

Results
The main category was titled Identity Negotiation during Study Abroad. Under this
category, two themes emerged: Reactions to Context and Negotiation Outcomes. Each
theme has several subthemes. Pseudonyms have been used to protect the anonymity of
the interviewees.

Reaction to Context
Interviewees shared their reactions to cultural differences within their new contexts by
recounting conversations, events, and observations of their host culture. Interviewees

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180 Journal of Experiential Education 38(2)

spoke of experiencing positive feelings and described that their host culture was “cool”
and “friendly.” All interviewees agreed that their experience studying abroad brought
about lasting personal and academic benefits. The most significant encounters in their
new contexts were associated with difficult emotions which were accompanied by
cognitions, or thoughts, that led to their behaviors.

Emotions. All interviewees indicated interactions with locals in their host country

wherein strong emotional reactions were experienced. Encounters where interviewees
experienced feelings of anger, annoyance, and vulnerability were significant as they
took the most time to recount during the interviews.

Anger.  “I was so pissed!”. During the first 2 weeks of being abroad in the United
Kingdom, Ana witnessed a British female adolescent attack a female peer in Ana’s
group by pulling the woman’s hair while a British male yelled to the group, “Yeah
that’s right, this is our country!” Ana’s voice was raised during the interview as she
stated “I was so pissed, I was livid . . . if she got this American by [my] hair, she would
not be standing right now!” Ana stated that she “closed off” to socializing with the
British after the incident. She said, “If [the British] don’t accept me, I’m not going to
accept [the British].” Ana’s mood was affected as she ruminated about the incident
stating that she would have acted more aggressively had the incident taken place in
the United States. Ana withdrew from her peers and stated she felt “resentful” toward
locals. Ana’s feelings and behaviors were tainted by the incident and she developed a
negative attitude toward the British that blanketed her overall study abroad experience.

Annoyance.  “After 15 min of being so annoyed . . .”. While on the subway with
friends in the United Kingdom, Jin spoke of feeling “annoyed” when “harassed” by an
older British male. Jin reported that the man was “obnoxious” and repeatedly asked Jin
and his friends if they knew of Dirty Harry. When Jin responded that they did not know
Dirty Harry, the man cried out “freakin’ Yanks!” Jin felt “shocked” and “confused”
about why the local was interrogating Jin and his friends about Dirty Harry.

We were like, “whoa buddy calm down. Who’s Dirty Harry? Why can’t you just tell us
who he is?” . . . And finally, after like, 15 minutes of being so annoyed, he’s finally like
“yeah, Dirty Harry is . . . Clint Eastwood.”

Vulnerability.  “I felt stupid.” All interviewees shared experiences where they felt
vulnerable while living abroad. For example, all interviewees who studied in the
United Kingdom indicated feeling “stupid,” “awkward,” or “ignorant.”

Jin: I feel kind of ignorant in a way . . . [The British] are way more aware of the
world and not as ignorant, I would say, as us [Americans]. Yeah, they know
what’s going on and actually care about what’s going on . . ..
Terrance: When I was [in the United Kingdom], I felt stupid, ignorant, . . . less
worldly . . .

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Young et al. 181

Ana: . . . It’s their demeanor, [the British] had a harsher mentality as far as intelligence
. . . most of the Brits don’t yell and scream. They just hit you with the intellect . . .
Cindy: In a lot of places you’re the only Asian . . . you feel kind of awkward . . .

Cognitions and behaviors.  All interviewees’ shared their thoughts and behaviors result-
ing from interactions with locals in their host country. All interviewees engaged in
self-reflection to deepen their understanding of exchanges with locals. It appeared that
their cognitions often informed behaviors. The behaviors that emerged from the data
were coded as follows: Observe, Rationalize, and Avoid.

Observe.  “Professors are buying students beers . . . and just chill.” Interviewees
who observed simply noticed interactions or events in their new context and made
judgments based on their own values and belief systems. Cindy reported observing
more frequent public displays of affection and support of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisex-
ual, transgender, queer) relationships while in the United Kingdom. Cindy also shared
feeling “awkward” that professors socialize with students at the pub. “I mean, profes-
sors are buying students beers . . ..” These observations led to self-reflection of her
values and biases and desired self-image. Cindy stated, “[The British] were just more
open to these kinds of things . . . I’m not used to seeing that . . . maybe I just need to
get out of the [United States] more.”

Rationalize.  “Maybe he just had a bad day.” Interviewees rationalized encounters

with locals from host country that were unpleasant. For example, during a weekend
trip to Paris, France, Terrance described an exchange with a Parisian taxi driver who
yelled at him “no Americans!” and drove off when Terrance attempted to use his ser-
vice. Terrance was “taken back by it” and rationalized the driver’s behavior. Terrance
stated “it was at two in the morning. I’m sure he’s had plenty of Americans who got
drunk and threw up on his seats but I was just like wow . . ..”
Rationalizing was also used when Ana began to socialize with her peers again after
a period of isolation post altercation with the British adolescents. Ana stated that she
“debriefed” with her peers, helping Ana build a new perspective of the incident and
enabled her to eventually “let go.”

I had to talk it out a lot . . . cussing, saying the same thing over and over for days . . . and
then at some point in my mind um I actually say . . . that one person does not dictate what
everybody feels, and everybody is different . . .. Then it just dissipated, I let it go.

Annoyed with the man on the train inquiring about Dirty Harry, Jin made sense of
the interaction by rationalizing the man’s behavior as a representation and a reminder
of normal human flaws.
He stated,

Well it just made me realize that people are mean everywhere . . . we met a lot of nice
people . . . but not everyone is amazing . . . not everyone is nice and friendly all the time.

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182 Journal of Experiential Education 38(2)

Interviewees visiting the United Kingdom used rationalizing when they spoke of
feeling “stupid” and “ignorant” for their apparent lack of “world knowledge” when
comparing themselves with the British. Jin rationalized that U.K.’s efficient public
transportation system allowed people time on their commute to follow up on news
whereas in California, people were always driving and had less time to keep up with
current events. Terrance stated that the English news media broadcasted global current
events, in contrast with American news media which focused mostly on domestic
events. Jin, Ana, and Terrance all indicated reassessing their values and decided to put
more effort to learn more about the world by following global news or studying world
history.

Avoidance.  “I had to walk away.” In his exchange with the man asking about Dirty
Harry, Jin felt annoyed and avoided further engagement with the man by leaving the
train. “I was just so annoyed I had to walk away.” Cindy avoided feeling “awkward”
socializing with professors by avoiding invitations to the pub. “I tended to avoid those
environments if I could.”

Negotiation Outcomes
Supporting identity
“I’m just more closed off.” Interviewees appeared to support their identity by
upholding their original self-image when it related to social identity (shared traits with
ingroup). Despite experiencing cultural differences positively, interviewees supported
their original self-images when concerned about others’ perceptions. For instance,
Cindy described the British as “very hospitable” and “more open compared to Ameri-
cans.” She appreciated that professors and students had a “casual” and more “personal
relationship” in the United Kingdom and stated it was “pretty cool,” but still upheld
her original self-image as “conservative” and someone who “respects authority.” She
explained,

I actually don’t feel too comfortable addressing people of authority or people older than
me by their first names because I feel like I’m being disrespectful. I’d say this is probably
due to a strong influence from my parents and the [Asian] tradition of respect and social
etiquette . . . I’m just more closed off I guess.

“Part of my confidence comes from how I look.” Terrance admired women in the

United Kingdom stating that they were more “comfortable with their body shape”
and possessed healthier body image than women in California. He stated that British
women “didn’t try to hide their weight at all” and did not “tie their confidence with
how they looked.” Despite his admiration, Terrance upheld his original self-image as
someone who could not accept himself if he had a larger body shape. He stated,

Part of my confidence comes from how I look and I don’t think I can accept their carefree
thought of like, you know, I look how I look, you know . . .

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Young et al. 183

Interviewees supported existing self-images if modifying meant risking acceptance

in social groups. More specifically, Cindy’s adherence to maintaining interpersonal
boundaries with members of authority and Terrance’s unwavering value of his outer
appearance suggest that these messages were learned to be appropriate for social
acceptance and changing these values may risk rejection from social groups. Thus,
interviewees continued to support their existing self-images despite expressed admira-
tion or positive sentiments toward the difference.

Adapting Identity
“We felt like locals by the time we left.”  Two interviewees temporarily modified self-
images and behaviors while abroad to adapt to the new context and reverted to their
original self-images on returning home to the United States. For example, Lisa shared
that she experienced herself as “open” and “affectionate” while in Spain, which con-
trasted from her pre-abroad self-image as “open but more reserved.” Lisa described
Spaniards as affectionate stating that they “kiss, kiss and hug” when greeting each
other. She experimented with her self-image by being more affectionate with others;
however, after returning to the United States, Lisa felt that she was not “bold” enough
to continue being affectionate. Lisa was conscious that her family and friends in the
United States may feel “awkward.”

Modifying identity.  All interviewees reported some change in self-image before and after
studying abroad. All interviewees modified identity when it was related to personal
identity (unique character traits) rather than social identity (shared traits with ingroup).

“I want to know more.”  All interviewees studying in the United Kingdom felt that
the British were much more aware of global issues and described them as “witty” and
“smarter” than Americans.

Jin: I constantly thought about it . . . when I go back [to the United States], I’m
going to start listening to the news more and going to start reading more and I’m
going to start relaxing more instead of sitting around the house and watching TV
. . . I feel like learning more, I want to learn more, I want to know more . . .
what’s going on in the world . . . be more informed.
Terrance: I felt ignorant . . . I want to pick up the paper or read a book while I’m on
BART . . . not listen to some stupid radio show . . . [I felt] less worldly . . . I want
to [learn] another language.
Ana: . . . it got me a heck of a lot more interested in history again . . . I always knew
history is important. I’ve just moved it way up on my ranking because of this
experience.
Cindy: [Study abroad] helped me be more open minded . . . you think you know
everything until you go out there.

“I have something to work with still so I should work with it.” Ana described her
self-image as a “tomboy,” stating that she often dressed in “baseball caps” and

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184 Journal of Experiential Education 38(2)

unfeminine clothing. However, while visiting Italy, Ana found herself desiring to mod-
ify her self-image when observing Italian women “taking more care of themselves.”
She felt inspired to modify her existing self-image from a “tomboy to [sic] a woman
who puts more effort into her appearance.” When she returned to the United States,
Ana adjusted her wardrobe so that it was “cute and flattering.” She stated, “I have
something to work with still so I should work with it.”

“I feel like a tiny, tiny part of me is Spanish.”  Lisa described herself being immersed
in Spanish culture “living with a Spanish family, attending a Spanish school, going to
Spanish parties . . . all of this made me realize that we are all the same.” Lisa grew in
her desire to learn about culture and people and decided to change her major from Art
History to Anthropology or Cultural studies. Lisa also indicated that she would like to
travel to South America and continue improving her Spanish language skills. The shift
in her self-image was demonstrated when she stated, “I feel like I have a connection
with the culture . . . I feel like a tiny, tiny part of me is Spanish.”

Discussion
Some key findings of this study regarding identity negotiation were demonstrated by
interviewees’ shared experiences of emotional discomfort and cognitive processes
when interacting with locals abroad. The data showed that interviewees experienced
anger, annoyance, and/or vulnerability and processed emotions by rationalizing,
observing, or avoiding. All interviewees used observing and rationalizing to under-
stand their experiences in host cultures. Interviewees felt a level of vulnerability when
confronting differences regardless of whether they decided to support or modify self-
images. Those who chose to support existing self-images used rationalizing, observ-
ing, and avoiding. Temporary modifications to self-image were made by using
rationalizing and observing. No difficult emotions were reported when making tempo-
rary modifications. Those who chose to modify self-images primarily used rational-
izing and observing and reported experiencing anger, annoyance, and vulnerability.
Interviewees who described experiencing a sense of vulnerability after an encounter
with the host culture highlighted the differences between them and “other.” All inter-
viewees modified at least one aspect of their self-image while abroad.
The results of the study are aligned with theories of Identity Negotiation. More
specifically, Ting-Toomey (1999) suggested that dealing with feelings of emotional
vulnerability or experiencing emotional discomfort when facing dissimilar others is
what facilitates growth as people “listen with greater thoughtfulness and see things
through fresh lenses” (p. 8). In this study, interviewees’ reported feeling “ignorant,”
“stupid,” and “less worldly” and indicated feeling vulnerable and/or uncomfortable.
Struggling with discomfort propagated the interviewees’ decision to support or modify
self-images, or identity. This finding supports Ting-Toomey’s suggestions that the
struggle between identity security (feeling supported and respected) and identity vul-
nerability (feeling threatened) in new contexts allows individuals to embrace new
frameworks of self-identity (Ting-Toomey, 1999).

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Young et al. 185

A unique finding in the data was that identity modifications to self-images were
made only if they did not threaten interviewees’ social identity. For example, Terrance
did not change his value of physical appearance despite stating that he admired British
women for being comfortable with their body types. Having a different body type
could be viewed as a threat to social acceptance and self-confidence. Similarly, Cindy
felt that her Asian identity made her more conservative and thus she did not challenge
herself to socialize casually with her professors in the United Kingdom despite appre-
ciating the lack of formality between professors and students. Modifications were
made when it involved personal identity only. Social identity theorists would explain
this by emphasizing the importance of group identification (Swann, Gomez, Seyle,
Morales, & Huici, 2009) and fears of being ostracized by one’s ingroup(s). For
instance, identity theorists postulate that individuals tend to discard parts of them-
selves deemed unacceptable by parents and/or dominant society (Erikson, 1968;
Marcia, 1966; Myers et al., 1991). As such, differing from the dominant group can be
perceived as threatening. The fear of not belonging or separating from social group
can deter individuals from adjusting values and experimenting with self-identity. This
can explain why interviewees did not modify self-images when social identity was
threatened.

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

Interviews were limited to the experiences of those who studied abroad in Spain and
the United Kingdom. Another limitation is that four of five interviewees studied
abroad in the United Kingdom and one studied abroad in Spain. Future qualitative
studies should carefully consider their recruitment. Recruiting interviewees living
abroad in the same country is suggested to increase homogeneity. However, recruiting
a sample from diverse countries can also serve to increase validity of emerging themes.
Future research in this area can also include interviewees who study abroad in a vari-
ety of countries and from different continents. Finally, the length of time spent abroad
was relatively short. The average time spent studying abroad was 5 weeks. It is pre-
sumed that spending a full semester or a full year abroad could alter interviewees’
experiences. Recruiting interviewees who have studied abroad in full semester or full
year programs may provide richer data to understand any modifications in self-image
while abroad. Long-term follow-up interviews (i.e., 1 year post re-entry into the home
country) is suggested to note any changes on reintegration into their home culture.

Conclusion
This study concurs with suggestions that a new way of conceptualizing identity and
identity development is indicated (Dolby, 2004; Heppner, 2006). Global citizenry is on
the rise, and individuals find themselves simultaneously immersed in multiple cultures
and juggling a self-identity that is in flux. The authors suggest that identity for global
citizens is in a constant state of flux. Rather than being stable, identity is a continual
process of integrating new experiences and molding values, roles, and self-images

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186 Journal of Experiential Education 38(2)

based on context. Further research in this area is recommended to understand the

implications of working with exchange students who embody an identity in flux.
Clinicians and educators are cautioned to avoid simplifying exchange students with
identities in flux as being identity diffused or in identity crisis. Pathological general-
izations can be harmful and counterproductive. Instead, clinicians and educators are
encouraged to adopt a disposition of curiosity and view each individual as a unique
blend of his or her diverse contexts and global encounters.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.

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Author Biographies
Jennifer T. Young, PsyD, is a psychologist at Counseling and Psychological Services at
California State University, Long Beach.
Rajeswari Natrajan-Tyagi, PhD, is the program director and associate professor in the Couples
and Family Therapy Program for the California School of Professional Psychology, Alliant
International University, Irvine.
Jason J. Platt, PhD, is the program director of the International Counseling Psychology
Program and the California School of Professional Psychology Spanish Language, Class, and
Culture Immersion Program for the California School of Professional Psychology, Alliant
International University, Mexico City.

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