Professional Documents
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It is difficult for us today to comprehend how educated doctors, charged with the duty
of healing, might be driven instead to willingly kill and torture other human beings. The
Governments at the time hadnǯt thought to write laws about them . Tests so brutal that:
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evaluate their actions it is imperative to look beyond the evil consequences of their
experiments. One must delve into the complex web of incentives and circumstantial
evidence that may have motivated the doctors to carry out these despicable acts who in
some cases were restrained from pursuing even more ambitious experiments.
In the first half of this essay I will address the historical context in pre-war Nazi
Germany and explore how emerging theories of social Darwinism gradually meshed
with the Nazi ideology and its medical imagery. In the second half, I will evaluate what I
consider to have been the most significant motivations within a framework of conscious
distinction: internal motives being the rationale that doctors may have us ed to justify
their actions: external motives being the combination of environmental and
German physicians. Michael Kater argues that the doctors were predisposed in earlier
years toward intolerance of socialcultural minorities, especially Jews. ¬ This may have
been amplified by the overrepresentation of Jews within the medical profession. Kater
states that all were, or became, stern nationalists, who railed against the shameful
theories. I feel that this unfortunate first step was critical in the formation of the more
extreme dogmatic views asserted later. These prejudices were juxtaposed to the twisted
Nazi social Darwinian view of total control of the evolutionary process. It is conceivable
that this omnipotent vision of total control over human life appealed to the doctorsǯ
egos, causing some to affiliate with the Nazi party at an early stage.
Furthermore, scientific publications of the time stated with scientific authority that the
Nordic people were genetically superior to other races; notably the Jews who presented
a threat to Nordic racial purity. Alongside the eugenic rhetoric, Hitler himself was
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lauded to as the ǮǥxÝc ÝccÝ c
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through peppering propaganda with medical imagery; personifying the Jewish race as a
with an SS Doctor:
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These metaphors illustrate the underlying racist medical image of the Jews being ǮÝ c
of the Nordic race, and ǮÝ c being the killing of all Jews. I speculate that had
this pseudo-medical prejudice not become entwined within the scientific community,
the German doctors would have lacked their scientific rationale which justified their
actions.
In evaluating the doctorsǯ internal motivations, I will categorise using the Nozikian
categories of moral Ǯ and Ǯ. I assert that the Ǯ motivation was propelled by
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the self-interest of the relatively mediocre doctors, whereas the less common Ǯ
Moral push is embodied in the physiciansǯ careerism: the desire to please their
superiors, to gain surgical experience, to use their results to publish research and gain
recognition from peers, which lead to lucrative professorship titles. These are the selfish
opportunists, characterised by lack of talent and reckless ambition, thus more willing to
take ethical short cuts in return for recognition within the scientific community. It
may even be possible to posit a negative correlation between competence and political
doctor, giving him the ultimatum to either be killed or help prepare research for
publication under Mengeleǯs name. u I believe that these doctors were able to bury their
sense of guilt and freely succumb to their selfish impulses, rationalising that their
subjects were no more than subhuman parasites all of whom would die regardless. Dr.
Dering, an SS Doctor was asked his motivation by an inmate during one experiment, to
majority of this research was useless due to the corruption of the inductive method. An
example of one such pseudo-scientist was Dr. Hurt, a professor of anatomy, who wrote
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preconceived.
The second category: pull motives, were founded upon the dogmatic view that one
German soldierǯs life was infinitely more valuable relative to any camp inmates. This
rarer second category of doctors, motivated by the moral pull of their fellow
provide research data, which would be of use to the German Military since animal
experimentation was known to be a poor substitute for tests on humans. Dr. Gerard
Rose, who was a distinguished scientist, exemplifies this category well: while initially
changed his mind and used human subjects to test a new typhus vaccine.
Bridging both categories of push and pull was the impulse of scientific curiosity, which,
once the initial experiments had been carried out and ethical codes of conduct broken,
may have further spurred the doctors to conduct increasingly more extreme tests. One
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who worked with Mengele, was asked what motivated him. He admitted that: $ c
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Regarding the external motivations, Ernst B., also spoke of the Ǯë Ý%cÝ
psychic doubling and the inmate Ǯvolunteersǯ lacking of economic or intrinsic value.
factor. Normal human behaviour generally lies between the two extremes of being
involved versus being detached. However, the very nature of scientific study involves
Parsons and Fox assert that the profession self-selects applicants who have a pre-
disposition for detached concern and that acquiring greater detachment is one of the
primary problems for the medical student during his first two years. u Repeatedly
when on trial, doctors emphasised the rationality of their actions. I would infer that this
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empathy for the human subjects at the time and hence why none of those on trial
begged for forgiveness from the judges.u To aid the detachment process, all action and
language was saturated with technical jargon: for example, referring to the human
prisoners as Ǯ
to be photographed and catalogued. uu
Secondly, the emphasis of the routine of selections and habituation of roles led t he
physicians to seek meaning from improving the efficiency of their daily tasks,
irrespective of the nature of those tasks.u One doctor said it was possible to keep the
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If a doctorǯs full focus was taken up by the whirlwind of routine and technicalities, less
time would be available for self-reflection and ethical concerns may have not been given
the full attention they warranted. Doctors would convince themselves that they were
their efficiency of daily jobs, as opposed to seeing the bigger picture of the nature of
their task.
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Thirdly, I concur with Robert Lifton, who theorises that the Nazi doctors subconsciously
created a second Ǯë Ý%c, thus avoiding guilt in their former self using a ǮÝ
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. u He uses Dr. Mengele as an example, stating that his prior self could be
readily absorbed by his Auschwitz self, whereas a doctor such as Rose would appear
more divided because of the conflict between his inner selves. It is as if doctors were
faced with a choice on arriving in Auschwitz: either to create a tough and cruel self and
become functional and efficient in their work within the Auschwitz atmosphere; or to
remain involved and weak, losing all functionality within the system.
Finally, I believe that the lack of monetary value assigned to the abundant supply of
human guinea pigs to have been an important factor. As one survivor noted:
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are undervalued or free tend to be over-consumed. I speculate that the fact that they
came also at no cost to the doctors profoundly exacerbated the extent and sheer volume
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even a small fee to perform their research, I believe this would have dramatically
While it may be possible to understand the doctors motivations and attribute elements
to their being victims of a the Nazi doctrine, this in no way morally excuses the doctors
actions of killing in cold blood and treating other humans purely as a means to a
scientific end. This frightening chapter of medical history serves as a lingering reminder
of the dangers of pure utilitarian rationale and the paramount importance of strong
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Bloom, Samuel W., $ c2cc7
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, (Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, Vol. 346, Medicine and Society (Mar., 1963), pp. 77-87)
Boozer, Jack S., '
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, (Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science, Vol. 450, Reflections on the Holocaust: Historical, Philosophical, and
Educational Dimensions (Jul., 1980), pp. 83-97)
Gerhard Baader, Susan E. Lederer, Morris Low, Florian Schmaltz, Alexander V. Schwerin, 2Ý cÝc
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Politics and Science in Wartime: Comparative International Perspectives on the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute
(2005), pp. 205-231)
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, Edited by George J
Annas, Michael A. Grodin, (Oxford University Press 1992)
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