THE ROLE OF THE

HIGH CROSS IN EARLY CHRISTIAN IRELAND: 8TH TO 11TH CENTURIES

by

Jill S. Quattlebaum

Bachelor of Arts Winthrop College, 1991

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

in the Department of Anthropology

University of South Carolina

1993

~~l£3&L_

Department of Anthropology Director of Thesis

V!/""",a01id~

Department of Anthropology 3rd Reader

Dean of the Graduate School

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

Introduction

1 Historical Background of Early Christian Ireland Politics and society

Contact with Britain and the continent Viking Raids

10th to 12th centuries

2 The Church in Early Christian Ireland Pagan Ireland

Early Emissaries and Subsequent Saints The Early Church and Irish Monasticism Monastic sites in the Irish Landscape

3 High Crosses Defined Description of High Crosses Origins of the High Cross Prototypes to the Stone Cross The Viking Factor

Chronology

Chronological Classes of High Crosses Scriptural High Crosses: Monasterboice,

Clonmacnois and Kells Monasterboice Clonmacnois

Kells

page iii
1
6
7
10
12
15
20
20
21
26
31
38
38
41
47
52
53
55
58
59
62
64 4 The Function of the High Cross in the Landscape 74

Geography of Medieval Ireland 75

Using Landscape to Project Ideology 76

A Picture Equals a Thousand Words: High

Crosses in the Irish Landscape 79

Charlemagne, Louis the pious and The Image 82

Siting of Crosses 84

A Response to Viking Raids? 87

5 Conclusions 91

Notes

Abbreviations

Bibliography

ii

94

96

96

Illustrations

1-Ireland: provinces and counties, p. 5.

2-Form of the Irish High Cross, p. 39.

3-Entrance stone at Newgrange, Co. Meath, p. 44.

4-Muiredach's Cross, Monasterboice, Co. Louth, west face.

Crucifixion scene in center of ring, p. 69.

5-oetail of Muiredach's Cross, east face, p. 70.

6-Upper portion, east face of Muiredach's Cross, p. 71.

7-Cross of Scriptures, Clonmacnois, Co. Offaly, west face, p. 71.

8-Cross of Saints Patrick and Columba, Kells, Co. Meath, east face, p. 72.

9-Unfinished Cross, Kells, west face, p. 73.

All of the photographs were taken by the author.

iii

Introduction

The archaeology of Ireland reaches as far back as eight thousand years ago and has revealed a history as intricate and compelling as the beautiful artwork produced by her people. And while archaeology has illuminated Ireland's cultural past as far back as its earliest settlers, this thesis is concerned with a later period during which Ireland became an economic power of note and, more importantly, a cultural beacon in the darkness which covered Western Europe. The period to which I am referring is the fifth through the twelfth centuries also known as the Early Christian Period.

The historical record of Ireland begins with the arrival of Christianity, but we must not embrace the written record too tightly. The written history of any country is neither complete nor entirely accurate. However, it would be foolish to look at the archaeological evidence without any thought for the written record when such exists. Historical and archaeological evidence should be used in tandem; the one picking up where the other leaves off. The archaeological study of Early Christian Ireland has yielded a wealth of material in the form of artifacts as well as information. The study of the artwork on High crosses has been especially thorough. However, there has been little work done on the role of the High cross in the early Christian landscape and

1

the relationship of the stone crosses to the Viking raids on Ireland. High crosses were a regular feature of the monastic landscape from the eighth century onwards and although the typical High cross was no longer built after about the twelfth century, many of them continue to stand throughout the country.

Although Ireland is on the geographic edge of Europe, it

has never been isolated.

The East coast of Ireland formed

part of the "Atlantic Ends of Europe," which has been defined as a Bronze Age province of the western islands and peninsulas that served as natural stops for ships from Spain and Portugal to Brittany, Cornwall and Ireland, and the coast of Norway (Scherman 1981). Spain, with her close contacts in North Africa, Greece and the Near East, acted as a funnel for technical and artistic development from the "cradle of civilization" to the ends of Europe (Scherman 1981:20). Thus, it seems only natural that Christianity would find its way to Ireland as it spread throughout the rest of Europe. The fact that it arrived so peacefully was unusual but not too surprising considering the philosophical similarities between it and early Celtic religious beliefs.

The beautiful artwork that followed in the wake of Christianity's arrival is likewise not too surprising as the artwork that already existed there was more than impressive. What is interesting and somewhat surprising is the relatively sudden appearance of carved stone crosses in the early ninth century displaying figurative decoration and serving as visual storytellers and teachers of faithfulness and piousness. The

2

assumption by most scholars of early Irish art is that these crosses, called High crosses for they sometimes tower to 23 feet, were preceded by wooden examples which were covered with decorated metal or terra cotta panels. certain stylistic attributes and historic references are the evidence for this assumption. The questions that I will be addressing in this thesis are 1) what initiated the change to stone in the building of the High crosses; 2) what role did the High cross serve in the landscape, in terms of its function within the monastic and lay community; and 3) what is the relationship between the appearance of the crosses and the Viking (Norse)

raids?

I am particularly interested in how a society's

material culture changes in reaction to the invasion of another culture, and how a culture uses its landscape to project ideas.

Before continuing, it must be noted that the term 'pagan' as it is used within this paper does not intentionally carry with it the negative connotations that the term often holds. I believe it is preferable over the term 'pre-Christian' which, although used by many archaeologists, has an imperialistic tone especially as it is used in some of the earlier historical works. For the Irish, there was not a single name for their belief that has come down to us, nor were their beliefs incorporated into a single system.

This work will cover the eighth to the eleventh centuries which is the period during which most of the High crosses were built. Any discussion on the artwork of the monuments will focus on the purpose of the art within the monastic and lay

3

community and not on stylistic matters.

Due to the rather

large number of High crosses known in Ireland, I will focus on one particular class of crosses known as Scriptural crosses, specifically those located at Monasterboice, Kells and Clonmacnois while keeping open the option of referring to other examples. wi thin the last decade several excellent books on High crosses have been published that have multiple photographs and illustrations as well as some very interesting theories behind the cross' very existence in this form in Ireland. Notably I would like to mention Peter Harbison's (1992) monumental work (pun intended) which covers in excruciating detail nearly every aspect of High cross studies.

For a subject about which I knew little upon beginning and about which I believed little research had been done, the study of High crosses in Ireland has been remarkably prodigious especially in regard to the decorative aspects and their origins. Thankfully, I chose an approach which had only been given a lingering glance and a tentative explanation. In regards to the dating of the crosses, having made only one short tr ip to Ireland and because of my ignorance of the stylistic elements which constitute much of the basis for such pronouncements, I bow to my betters and will accept their work.

4

BcrQ~'" betwee-n Northern Ireland and the ReputlllC of Ireland

I-Ireland: prOVinces and counties (Edwards 1990:2)

Chapter 1

Historical Background of Early Christian Ireland:

Pagans to christians

Prior to the arrival of Christianity in the fifth century

and for several centuries afterwards, Irish settlement was

essentially rural with no centralized authority.

Until the

development of the viking trading ports of the ninth and tenth

century, there were no towns in the usual sense of the word.

Due to Ireland's geomorphology and the abundant water supply

(which does not necessitate concentrated settlement near water

sources), farmsteads were scattered and isolated and usually

walled with the provincial boundaries intensely guarded

(Edwards 1990; Scherman 1981). Other settlements were small

and "non-nucleated" (Edwards 1990:6). Christian monasteries

developed during the sixth and seventh centuries, around them

gathered students, farmers and craftsmen.

But while they

served as intellectual centers, they were by no means towns.

since the Irish did not mint coins until after the settlement

of the Norse, the earlier economy was based on the barter

system with the basic unit of value, the set, being half the

value of a "milch cow" (a small heifer) (Binchy 1959: 121) .

Weal th was figured in cattle for there was no individual

ownership of land (Dillon and Chadwick 1967).

6

Politics and society

Much of the information about the secular institutions of Ireland comes from the ancient law-tracts, annals and genealogies. The law-tracts of Ireland date from as early as the seventh century. There was an elaborate system of laws dealing with wrongdoers as well as a system of rights and compensation for the wronged party. Ireland was divided into a number of petty kingdoms each owing its allegiance to an over-king. Large gatherings occurred during the year in which

economic, political place (Henry 1967) .

and religious transactions would take The tuath was the basic unit of territory

and political administration and while it means 'tribe or people', it is used also for the territory they inhabit (Dillon and Chadwick 1967). Each tuath or tribal territory was ruled by a king (ri) who was descended from ancestral deities. Irish society was "strongly stratified and based on kinship; and regional kings, god-descended, were magically linked with the welfare of their people and their crops and livestock" (Evans 1966:31). The ard-ri (over-king) only ruled

within the bounds of their own group of tuaths.

There were

five such territories each ruled by an over-king: Connacht, Leinster, Munster, Ulster and Meath (Scherman 1981) [see map p. 5J. The position of over-king was honorary and basically meant that lesser kings paid tribute by supplying him troops at certain times each year and entertaining him on his annual tour of the territory (Scherman 1981). A king's primary duty lay in conducting political and economic dealings with neighboring kingdoms.

7

While the tuath was the basic political unit of early

medieval Ireland, the fine (or free kindred), a joint family

group, was the basic social unit (Simms 1986).

The fine

constituted the legal family and consisted of four or five

generations of brothers, uncles, sons and cousins.

Land

within the tuath was owned jointly by the group, and all

members of the fine shared in any inheritance and liability

(Dillon and Chadwick 1967).

The Brehon Laws, written down

during the seventh and eighth centuries, divide the free

population into three classes:

the king (ri), the nobles

(airig), and the freemen (grad fene); and the unfree were also

subdivided into three classes:

tenants-at-will (bothaig or

fuidri), serfs (senchleithe) who were bound to the land, and

slaves (moga) (Simms 1986).

According to Simms (1986) the

population consisted of about half a million people during the

early medieval period.

Kings were chosen from the ruling dynasty within a

province but could theoretically come from anywhere within the

fine. This method of king selection created dissension that

resulted in an almost constant state of war as other members

of the fine constantly tried to attain the succession.

Despite the fact that the wars rarely amounted to more than a skirmish, over by sunset, the Irish polity was in a condition of continuous unease and the lives of rulers and their eligible successors were alarmingly short. Therefore there could be no stability: no matter how well-intentioned, strong and clever a king might be, he could die the next day, and the inevitable debilitating struggle would be on again. The most ominous aspect of the weakness of the political system was that dynastic cousins who had been eliminated tended to call in outside help to unseat their favored relatives. This was an irresistible temptation to neighboring

8

rulers, who saw a chance to enlarge their territories; and it would later prove a windfall to hostile invading forces from outside the island (Scherman 1981:213).

The nobles below the king were the warrior-class and

patrons of the men of art (Dillon and Chadwick 1967). The

free-men, although often bound to a nobleman by clientship,

were the farmers and paid taxes to the king (Dillon and

Chadwick 1967). The free-men divided the joint inheritance of

the fine into separate holdings and built dispersed farmsteads

which suited their cattle-raising economy (Simms 1986). The

learned class which were regarded as a sub-class of nobles

were called the oes dana and included judges, leeches

(doctors), joiners, metalworkers, and, most importantly of

all, the poets (fili). The fili appear to have inherited much

of the prestige formerly accorded to the druids of pagan times

(Dillon and Chadwick 1967). The duties of the fili included,

of course, praising his patron, but also entailed the

preservation of his patron's genealogy. It was expected that

he be learned in history and literature, and "to be a master

of the craft of poetry" (Dillon and Chadwick 1967: 96). Slaves

did not figure much in the overall population and probably

lived in small settlements within easy reach of their master

(Simms 1986).

In the early medieval period, Irish political history

seems to have centered around "the antagonism of the kingdoms

of Connacht and Ulster" (Henry 1967:2). Connacht would later

lose its importance.

The kings of Cashel held partial sway

over Munster; while the two families of the Northern and

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Southern Ui Neill "shared control of the country farther north and in turn supplied candidates for the high kingship" (Henry 1967:2). Although the ard-ri (over-king) of northern and central Ireland was called the 'king of Tara,' the royal residence on the Hill of Tara (Co. Meath) was almost completely unused in later times. The Ui Neill, descendants of Niall Noigiallach, were the ruling dynasty of northern and central Ireland from the fifth century onwards. Niall was succeeded by his son, Laeghaire (A.D. 427-462) who reigned at Tara in Patrick's time, and is the first Irish king whose dates are considered to be secure (Dillon and Chadwick 1967).

From the ninth century onwards, several kings tried to establish themselves as high-king over Ireland. Brian Boru in 1002 was finally successful, "and from then until the Norman invasion, the Kingship of Ireland, as least as an idea, may be said to have prevailed" (Dillon and Chadwick 1967:98). Prior to the tenth century, there was no high-king of all Ireland. This title was invented by medieval historians for the not surprising purpose of "establishing a precedent for the claims of Brian Boru and his successors" (Scherman 1981:212).

contact with Britain and the continent

Unlike Britain, Ireland never came under Roman control; the impact of Rome on Ireland seems slight when looked at

archaeologically.

Contemporary documents suggest trade and

contact. This contact, proven by the discovery of Roman and British brooches, coins and plates, cannot be explained as a result of purely peaceful commerce. Raiders from Ireland are

10

mentioned by several Roman writers such as Tacitus, and Irish literature indicates that plunder and slaves were sought across the sea (De Paor 1958). Some of the first century objects associated with burials suggest the presence of refugees from Britain who retreated to Ireland soon after the Roman invasion in A.D. 43 (Edwards 1990). Contact between the isles increased from the third century onwards. In the early fifth century, Rome withdrew her legions and left Britain to defend her own borders (Scherman 1981). This had a devastating effect as Britain's neighbors were far too strong for her to maintain a defense. "Irish raiders, together with others from Scotland and the Continent, contributed to and took advantage of the gradual weakening of the province" (Edwards 1990:4). The Irish sometimes stayed in Britain and set up a series of settlements along the west coast. These settlements maintained contacts with Ireland and probably aided in the import of many aspects of Roman culture, such as metalwork techniques, across the Irish sea in the immediate post-Roman period (Edwards 1990).

Ireland, despite the decision by Gnaeus Julius Agricola, governor of Britain, in A.D. 82 to take the island, "had somehow remained inviolate, untouched except peripherally either by Rome or the Barbarian invasions" (Scherman 1981:78). For unknown reasons Agricola's plan was never enacted, and in A. D. 84 he was recalled by Rome to strengthen the German frontiers (Scherman 1981). Ireland would not remain untouched, however, by Christian missionaries who began arriving most probably in the early fifth century bringing

11

Ii teracy and a tradition of asceticism. Therefore, lithe story

of Early Christian Ireland is the story of the gradual

absorption of Mediterranean culture by an unsubdued Celtic

community, who yielded, not to Roman arms, but to Roman

letters and religion" (De Paor 1958:25).

viking Raids

The wind is wild tonight.

It tosses the sea's white hair. What harm ... lt is calm seas

bring the sharp warriors from the North. (9th century, Anonymous)

In A. D. 795 a Viking ship landed on Recheainn Island

which layoff the northeast coast (probably Rathlin Island,

Co. Antrim) and plundered and set fire to the Columban

monastery there.

Two years prior, Vikings had raided the

northeast coast of England and destroyed the monastery at

Lindisfarne (Scherman 1981).

"From there they had sailed

north to the islands of Shetland and Orkney, thence around the

tip of Scotland to the Atlantic coast, to hit Iona, which they

plundered for the first time in 795" (Scherman 1981:213-214).

Thus began the Viking raids which continued in waves until the

battle at Clontarf in 1014 in which the Irish under the

leadership of Brian Boru defeated the Norse and their Irish

allies.

The Vikings (also referred to as the Norse) were bands of

tradesmen and raiders who began moving outward from

Scandinavia in the late eighth century.

Those attacking

Ireland were predominately from the western coastal regions of

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Norway (Edwards 1990:172). Their maritime technology was highly advanced and provided them with the capability of long distance and speed. Groups of them began settling in England and the scottish Isles and from there they made raids to Ireland and the continent. Their sporadic raids continued in Ireland even after they attempted permanent settlement in the mid-ninth century in towns with trade and their own way of life. The Irish written records portray the Vikings as "cruel destroyers of monasteries and general disturbers of the peace" (Harbison 1976:77). However, as we have seen, the Irish were just as destructive in their own dealings with each other; peace was rarely the order of the day. The Vikings made many contributions to Irish life; they laid the foundations of many of the towns, such as Dublin, Wexford, Waterford, Cork and Limerick, and they established permanent markets making Dublin into probably the "most important trading center in the whole of north-western Europe at the time" (Harbison 1976:77).

The first period of raids were directed almost exclusively on the monasteries especially those near the coast. These communi ties were easy to approach, and the raiders could loot and burn and slip away quickly. "At first the terrorized Irish regarded the visitations not so much as a national disaster than as an unavoidable local curse, like a plague" (Scherman 1981:214). "The monasteries were the depositories of many valuable treasures, and being comparatively without defence, offered a strong temptation to such lawless plunderers" (Heron 1898:294).

The term lawless should be explained more fully here. 13

The Irish were by no means innocent of plundering monastic

communities.

However, Irish law, even before it existed in

written form, provided for redress of grievances and reparation for damages by the guilty parties. Irish kings had not been strong enough to cause serious damage to the monasteries who often fought back against them and even, on occasion, retaliated. The kings were also held back by "Christian fastidiousness: they would not touch the bones of a saint, and the possibility of religious penalties deterred them from the worst atrocities" (Scherman 1981: 215) . The Vikings were not held by this same set of laws which undoubtedly is one reason why they were looked on with such hatred. It has also been suggested that hostility was directed at the monasteries as a way of striking back at Christianity itself (Heron 1898). The Vikings were pagan and had been the object of an often ruthless and violent attempt by the forces of Charlemagne to compel Saxons in Europe to accept Christianity. As compelling as this idea may be, it is likely that the Norse were interested more in the availability of large amounts of portable wealth than by any desire for vengeance.

Whatever their reasons, after 830 the attacks increased in violence and number and had a devastating effect on the country, throwing it into chaos. The invaders reached further inland and began taking prisoners for ransom and slaves. The attacks were still concentrated on the monasteries with their large amounts of wealth and people. The Irish kings remained too divided to mount any worthwhile defense. In 841 the first

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Norse settlements, including Dublin, were built along the coasts. By the mid-ninth century the Irish kings began to fight back. In 853, Olaf the White came to rule over the

Norse in Dublin and the worst of the raids was over.

From

about 874 to 917 there was a period known as the Forty Year Recess during which there was some respite from the battles. This period was considered by the chroniclers as a time of restored peace (Henry 1967:11). During this time more Norse settlements were built and there were business and trade dealings and alliances as well as cultural interchanges and intermarriages between Norse and Irish. During the tenth century, raids increased in Ireland as the Vikings were increasingly repelled by the English and French. Ireland's political situation of divided kingships and alliances made it easier for the Norse and later, the Danes who invaded and plundered the province of Munster, to make quick raids inland. However, it was this same political situation which made it impossible for the Norse to conquer the island. They would have had to take each tuath separately since overrunning one king's terr i tory did not mean the surrounding territories would listen to them. There were no fixed institutions of administration such as existed in England which made that country somewhat easier for a conqueror to control (Binchy 1959).

10th-12th centuries

In the mid-tenth century, Brian and his brother, Mathgamain, descendants of the Dal Cais clan from eastern Co. 15

Clare, had emerged as capable guerilla leaders against the "intolerable regime of the Norse invaders of Munster" (Scherman 1981:218). The province, weakened by dynastic feuds, was easy prey for the Norse, and a lack of central leadership was an open door for strong leaders such as Brian and his brother (Scherman 1981). The brothers gained in popularity with their kin and allover the province of Munster. The Dal Cais was one of several minor kingdoms. However, its position was strategic since "it controlled the great waterway of the Shannon and its lakes" (Scherman 1981:218).

Mathgamain succeeded to the throne of Munster in 963 and the two brothers won a decisive battle against the Norse four years later. After Mathgamain's murder in 976, Brian succeeded him and ruled Munster for 30 years "during which time he consolidated his strength, subdued his enemies, and made strong inroads on the territory of the Ui Neill, whose king, Malachy II, claimed the highkingship of all Ireland" (Scherman 1981:218). Brian came to be called Brian Boru, or

Boromha (meaning "tribute of cows") when he gave his poet and scribe, Mac Liag, the whole of his tribute on one occasion. Malachy and Brian met in 997 and agreed that Brian would be king of the southern half of Ireland and Malachy of the northern. Malachy's increasing weakness made it possible for Brian to break the agreement and in 1002 he declared himself king of all Ireland (Scherman 1981). "Within the framework of custom [Brian] forged a new and vital force: for the first time Ireland had a king who transcended the constricting

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boundaries of the tuath and the clan" (Scherman 1981:219). From this position Brian (and thus, Ireland) was better able to deal with any foreigner than when the power lay in the hands of multiple feuding kings. Scherman (1981:219) accurately states that "Brian was the first king who gave Ireland something like a national consciousness" although his rule did not end the petty wars between the clans. Brian was a patron of the arts and an ecclesiastical reformer. "He realized the inspiriting effect of a lively culture; as a politician he understood the value of a peaceful and unified Church" (Scherman 1981:220). Brian was instrumental in getting Armagh established as the administrative center of the Irish Church. He was concerned about ecclesiastical unification and the advantages of such to his centralized secular authority (Scherman 1981). The actual reform did not occur in his lifetime, but the Church did revive under his rule and the arts flourished predominately because of the order that prevailed.

On April 23, 1014, Good Friday, the battle between the Norse and their Irish allies and the forces of King Brian took place at Clontarf some two miles north of Dublin. The battle was long and bloody, lasting a full day. The forces of Brian were the victors but a Viking managed to find the aging king in a tent at the edge of the battlefield and killed him. This battle was not the decisive Irish-Norse battle, but just one of many conflicts between the dynasties in their struggle for the sovereignty of Ireland (Harbison et al. 1978; Scherman 1981). The Viking invasions acted, in the words of Harbison

17

et al. (1978: 39), as a "jolt" bringing Ireland "out of its

centuries-old political isolation." The Norse had not been a

power in Ireland for some time before Clontarf. They had not

wanted to conquer the country but to profit from it.

They had been exaggeratedly feared on account of their uncontrolled savagery and their superefficient weapons. The Norsemen's most effective invasion of Ireland was the peaceful and lasting infiltration of economic and cultural progress. Most important of all the Norse contributions, economically, was the development of secular towns, bringing to Ireland at last the incalculable benefit of centers for trading, business and government administration. Dublin, the chief Norse city in Ireland, became one of the most vital of the Scandinavian trade centers. Before Russia was opened up to Western commerce, the Continent's furs came from Iceland and Greenland, and the premier Irish port, with its fine harbor strategically placed on the Irish Sea, convenient to Scandinavia, England and the Continent, became the focal point of this lucrative trade. It was, of course, a Norse monopoly:

Dublin was a Norse, not an Irish, city. But the Irish could not help benefiting from the flow of money, new ideas and new commercial contacts (Scherman 1981:223).

Regardless of Ireland's emergence into semi-national

unity as a result of the Norse invasion, she was still held

within the bounds of feuding dynasties. Ireland possessed a

very developed sense of cultural unity, but like the rest of

Europe, had not yet grasped the idea of the state or

nationality.

Local loyalties were more important than the nascent national unity, the sovereignty of a strong king was bitterly contested by the scions of the old houses, who set their presumptive family rights above communal safety (Scherman 1981:224).

The last high king of independent Ireland and also her

strongest was Rory O'Connor, son of Turlough O'Connor. He

made actual progress toward the concentration of authority

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(Scherman 1981). Diarmait Mac Murrough was king of Leinster

when Rory O'Connor became high-king of Ireland. His support

of O'Connor's rival had secured the enmity of the high-king.

He was expelled from his own throne and sought help from

England in 1166 in the form of King Henry II. Henry was more

interested in how he could divert the control of the lucrative

fur trade from the Scandinavian port of Dublin to the English

port of Bristol (Scherman 1981). with this in mind and using

the reform of the Irish Church as an excuse, Henry had

appealed to Pope Adrian IV for sanctioning an invasion of

Ireland 12 years prior to Diarmait's request. He received the

Pope's sanction in 1154 to inaugurate reforms in the Irish

Church. However, at the time he was not prepared to carry out

such an invasion.

Diarmait's appeal provided a convenient

opportunity (Scherman 1981). In 1170 an Anglo-Norman force of

about 3000 men landed in Waterford catching the Irish quite

unawares. The Irish were not to be conquered.

They waged a constant and effective guerilla warfare, attacking the enemy from behind, decimating his flanks, destroying his outposts, retaking villages, negating his conquests. The swift Norman successes netted, in this initial invasion, secure ascendancy only over the thirtymile area surrounding Dublin. It would take four agonizing centuries, baneful to both nations, before Ireland would become a colony of England; and the hate would never die (Scherman 1981:235).

19