Moving From Welfare To Work: The Role of Transport

MOVING FROM WELFARE TO WORK
THE ROLE OF TRANSPORT
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Contents
01 Foreword
02 Executive Summary
05 1. Introduction
05 1.1 Aims and objectives for Phase II

06 1.2 Methodology
09 2. Policy Context in the UK, USA and France
09 2.1 Policy context in the UK (England)

10 2.2 Policy context in the USA
14 3. Typology of Case Studies
16 3.1 Summary of UK case studies

16 3.1.1 Braunstone Bus
17 3.1.2 Wirral Joblink
18 3.1.3 St Helens Route 111
18 3.1.4 Shropshire Wheels to Work (W2W)
19 3.1.5 Halton Neighbourhood Travel Team
20 3.2 Summary of US case studies
20 3.2.1 San Diego County
21 3.2.2 Contra Costa County
21 3.2.3 Yolo County
22 3.2.4 San Mateo County
22 3.2.5 Santa Cruz County
23 3.3 Summary of French case studies
23 3.3.1 Abeilles Transport A la Demande (ATAD)
23 3.3.2 RATP – Colmb’Bus, PtitBus & Bus du Port
24 3.3.3 AIL 46 – Auto Insertion Lotoise
24 3.3.4 CIDF-BAIE / Léo Lagrange Nancy
27 4. Discussion of Key Findings
26 4.1 Efficiency
26 4.1.1 Cost per passenger trip
27 4.1.2 Cost of service compared to other modes
27 4.2 Effectiveness
27 4.2.1 Car purchase loans
28 4.2.2 Assisted driving lesson schemes
28 4.2.3 Vehicle loan schemes
28 4.2.4 Demand responsive versus fixed route schemes
29 4.3 Savings to overall government expenditure
30 4.4 Wider Benefits to Quality of Life
30 4.5 Suitability for different types of location
32 5. Conclusions
34 References
36 Acknowledgements
Foreword
In 2004 the FIA Foundation published a report examining the policy approaches of the seven largest econo-
mies in the world to transport and social exclusion.
This follow up report focuses on three of those countries, the USA, France and the United Kingdom, and ex-
amines in detail a number of transport schemes primarily designed to assist socially excluded individuals and
communities to obtain and maintain employment.
The report is ultimately interested in one question: what works?
The report finds that targeted, flexible, demand responsive public and community transport schemes do work
in helping people to gain and retain employment – at a cost. But sustained political support is essential if these
closely targeted and highly subsidised schemes are to be given the opportunity to succeed over the longer
term.
Fixed route public transport schemes seem to be least effective in increasing access to employment for so-
cially excluded communities, but do provide essential wider benefits including access to a range of services
and a better overall quality of life for the people who rely on them.
Loans for cars, powered two wheelers and driving lessons can, when appropriate, be the most cost effective
way to improve access to work. In case studies in the United States, workers with access to a car commuted
faster and were more likely to stay in their job.
This report is intended to inform policymakers about the role that different types of transport provision can play
in improving employability and reducing social inequalities. But the findings on car use in this report also raise
interesting dilemmas for policymakers that go beyond the relatively narrow issues of access to employment.
The stated objective of transport policies in many countries is for car restraint, to reduce traffic congestion and
CO2 emissions and to improve local air quality and the human environment.
The poorest and most excluded in society tend to be most adversely affected by the negative environmental
and social impacts of the car, but often also have a pressing need to drive a car of their own. For some it can
be the best or only means of escape from communities, inner city, suburban and rural, where poverty of op-
portunity strangles ambition.
The wider issues raised by this report demonstrate the need for an open, honest and imaginative debate on
how our future mobility can best serve society as a whole. Should we design a fair and transparent pricing
regime that promotes inclusion at the same time as it values and rations road space? Could a new model of
local, demand responsive, community transport really compete with the car for public affection? In societies
where most have a car, and will continue to do so, how can we ensure access to mobility, and the employment
and social opportunities that stem from that mobility, for those who never will?
David Ward
Director General
FIA Foundation
Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport |

Executive This report summarises the findings of the second phase of a study of
transport and social exclusion in the G7 countries, commissioned by the
summary FIA Foundation. Phase 1 involved the preparation of seven nation spe-
cific papers on transport and social exclusion in general. This second
phase focused on the contribution of transport projects to welfare to work
in three of the G7 countries, the UK, France and the USA. This final sum-
mary report draws on three detailed national reports, which are available
on the FIA Foundation website.
The main objective of this phase was to carry out a comparative cost
effectiveness analysis of up to fifteen different subsidised transport ini-
tiatives which aim to improve access to employment and encourage job
retention in the three countries. A range of different types of initiatives
were investigated in each country, including fixed route bus services,
demand responsive services, vehicle loan schemes, financial loans and
travel training initiatives.
For each of the initiatives, an initial review was made of the location,
local employment situation, local transport availability and policy initia-
tives. Second, the objectives, operation and eligibility criteria were ex-
amined before a detailed analysis of funding sources, revenue and costs.
In most cases, a user survey was carried out, to assess levels of take up
or patronage for employment purposes, the impacts of the initiative (such
as on changes in employment status and income). Where possible, an
evaluation was then made of impacts on government expenditure (wel-
fare benefit savings, subsidy levels). Finally, some observations were
made as to wider benefits and long term outcomes.
The key findings of the study were as follows:
Efficiency
• Where comparisons could be made, the fixed route services were the
most efficient in terms of costs per passenger trip. The demand re-
sponsive services were less cost efficient, reflecting the fact that they
were often tailored to meeting particular needs or included services
not provided by the fixed route (such as staff in addition the driver).
• The fixed route services were also the most cost efficient compared
to other modes (taxi, demand responsive services) and other subsi-
dised fixed bus routes in the same area.
Effectiveness
• Analysis of car purchase loan schemes in the US revealed dramatic
impacts in terms of improving employment prospects, although being
in work was often a pre-requisite for the allocation of a loan. Benefits
included faster commuting times, the ability to work longer hours and
increased earnings. However, these schemes rely on recipients be-
ing able to drive and making regular repayments.
• Assisted driving lesson schemes appeared to be equally successful
at improving employment prospects, but over a longer period and
qualitative assessments of the vehicle loan schemes highlighted their
positive contribution to recipients being able to take up a job and
therefore improve their earning and promotion prospects over the
longer term.
| Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

• The effectiveness of the demand responsive services depended on
the level of investment made, their quality and the existence of ad-
ditional features (e.g. extra staff on vehicles). Fixed route services
performed the least well in terms of job access. But most were also
meeting other trip needs, such as education, training, shopping,
health and leisure.
Savings to government expenditure

• Car purchase, vehicle loan and assisted driving lesson schemes
have the best potential to save government expenditure in the me-
dium term, but are not appropriate in all cases; those with the most
severe problems are unlikely to be able to benefit (such as those
with particular disabilities, drug or alcohol problems or poor spatial
awareness.)
• Calculations of savings can vary according to what costs are taken
into account and the methodology used. At the most conservative
estimate, however, the cost of proving the service can be compared
to that of providing unemployment benefit. The real costs for govern-
ment of a person remaining out of work are usually higher – including
benefits relating to housing and local taxes. These savings are rarely
captured by analyses made of job access schemes.
• The level of government savings over time also depends on whether
the schemes are designed to assist individuals for a time-limited peri-
od. If a particular scheme is filling a gap in provision and participants
have no prospect of using an alternative way to make their journey
to work in the future, then there is a danger that either the scheme
remains restricted to a few participants in perpetuity or requires in-
creasing levels of funding to increase its capacity.
• Some schemes will never be able to demonstrate expenditure sav-
ings in the medium term. Here wider quality of life benefits such as
the value to individuals in the longer term of accessing training or ad-
ditional social benefits may need to be taken into account.
Wide benefits to quality of life

• The research showed that all the case studies were able to secure
some wider benefits. For example, improvement in school attend-
ance, as well as better access to shopping, health and leisure facili-
ties.
• Often transport initiatives are only part of a package of measures
to promote inclusion. It is therefore difficult to point to the specific
elements which have an impact on a particular aspect of the overall
integration process.
• Making the journey to work faster and easier frees up the time avail-
able for other valuable activities, such as education, training and
spending more time with families.

Suitability for different types of location
In line with the appropriate targeting of these types of service generally,
the research found that:
• Fixed route services are best suited to urban or suburban locations

where there are large concentrations of potential passengers.
• Demand responsive services were appropriate for filling in the gaps
of conventional public transport networks and particularly those not
suited to radial routes
• All routes (whether fixed route or demand responsive) need to be
planned and adapted with employment locations in mind and the lo-
cation of future employment growth.
• Vehicle loans and assistance with driving lessons were particularly
effective in rural area, where distances were greater and employment
locations more dispersed.
• In all type of location, psychological barriers need to be taken into
account. Travelling outside a “familiar territory” can present very real
fears to those at risk of exclusion.

1. Introduction This report sets out the findings of the second phase of a study of trans-
port and social exclusion in the G7 countries, commissioned by the FIA
Foundation. The Phase I study involved the preparation of seven nation
specific papers, which were presented by their authors at a seminar in
London on 3rd and 4th April 2003. Both the nation specific papers and a
summary of the key findings of this first stage study can be found on the
FIA Foundation website1.
It was evident from the phase I study that currently the UK, France and
the USA had the most to offer in terms of furthering our understanding
of the transport and accessibility needs of socially excluded people and
translating this knowledge into practical initiatives to address the prob-
lems that have been identified. In the case of the US and France, the
policy emphasis has been primarily on providing access to employment
as part of a wider welfare agenda. This has a strong resonance with the
emerging UK transport and social exclusion delivery agenda, as identified
by the 2003 SEU report Making the Connections2 . For this reason, it was
decided that the Phase II study should concentrate on undertaking further
research in these three countries, with a particular focus on evaluating
the contribution of transport projects to welfare to work.
This report is designed to provide a summary and over-arching analysis

of the evaluations that were undertaken for the fourteen case studies
across all three countries3 . It first sets out the aims and objectives of the
Phase II study and the methodology used. It then presents the policy
context in the three countries, in terms of promoting access to work and
the links made between transport, employment and welfare policies. The
third section provides an overview of the fourteen case studies analysed
as part of the study (five per country). Inferences drawn from a compari-
son of the case studies are then presented in the fourth section. The fifth
and final section sets out a number of recommendations arising from the
study for relevant international, national and local actors.
1.1 Aims and objectives for Phase II

The main aim of this Phase II study was to carry out a comparative cost
effectiveness analysis of fourteen4 different subsidised transport initia-
tives, which aim to improve access to employment and encourage job
retention in the three countries. The research carried out in Phase 1 had
already provided much of the contextual information required for Phase
II, including:
• How access to work problems are identified and codified in the US,
France and the UK;
• The policy and legislative frameworks for addressing these problems
in each country;
• The types of initiatives that are being put in place to meet the key
objectives of these policies
However, in order to fully understand the costs and benefits of the initia-
tives that were examined, some additional background information was
gathered early in the research. This covered issues such as:
• the welfare agenda and benefits system,

• the delivery framework for welfare to work programmes,
• specific national and local funding programmes targeting job ac-
cess,
• the public transport network in the areas served by the initiatives

Having identified the key contextual differences and similarities which
may have influenced the way the different chosen case study initiatives
have developed and implemented in the national context, the assess-
ment of each of the initiatives aimed to address the following issues, as
far as possible given the available data in each country:
1. The costs per user of each of the initiatives;

2. The contribution of the initiatives to enabling the transition from wel-
fare to work, on the basis of job take up and retention;
3. The impacts (financial and social) on the individuals who access and
retain jobs with the help of the initiatives;
4. A comparison of the costs of the initiatives against the potential sav-
ings in state expenditure, increased job take up and changes in in-
come;
5. A qualitative examination of the wider quality of life benefits for the
individuals concerned, as well as the impacts on the area in which
they live (e.g. local economy, environment etc.)
1.2 Methodology
Case studies demonstrating a range of approaches were examined in
each country; fourteen case studies in total. The case studies were se-
lected according to their perceived contribution to improving access to
employment, including the processes of seeking opportunities, job take-
up and, where possible, retention. A range of different types of initia-
tives was investigated in each country, including fixed route bus services,
demand responsive services, vehicle loan schemes and travel training
initiatives. (Further details of each of the case studies can be found in
Section 3).
The US study predominantly focused on initiatives that aim to improve

public transport services or access to car ownership. All five case studies
are from California, which has been amongst the most progressive states
in the job access area and predominantly build on extensive research
carried out as part of an earlier study by Cervero, completed in 20025.
The French study looked at examples of fixed route improvements, a

demand responsive service, a car loan scheme as well as initiatives that
aim to work with some of the most excluded to help them prepare for driv-
ing school.
The UK study examined a new community initiated fixed route service,

two flexible minibus services, a moped loan initiative for young people
and a personalised travel planning method.
For each of the fourteen projects, data relating to the following factors
was sought:
• Initiative location and background

• Local policy objectives
• Local transport available (e.g. extent of public transport network, lev-
els of car ownership)
• Local employment situation
• Initiative objectives, operation and user eligibility criteria
• Initiative funding sources, revenue and costs
• The capacity of the initiative and levels of take up or patronage for
employment purposes
• Impacts on users (change in employment status, income etc.)

• Impacts on government expenditure (welfare benefit payments sav-
ings, subsidy levels)
• Wider benefits and long term outcomes
In most cases, it was possible to obtain data relating to all of the above
factors. However, there were a number of challenges in carrying out the
cost effectiveness analysis at the heart of the study. These were as fol-
lows:
1. Small initiatives
Some of the initiatives under review were of a pilot nature and were rela-
tively small. In many cases, transport was an “add on” to their normal
activities. The data for these schemes also tended to be more qualitative
in terms of the impacts on users, particularly as the total number of us-
ers was relatively small. In addition, as schemes run by associations or
charities, the running costs were often higher due to ad hoc way in which
the initiative had developed. This made any cost comparisons more dif-
ficult.
2. Comparing the costs with alternatives
Wherever possible, a cost per passenger trip was calculated and any rev-
enue deducted in order to calculate a “subsidy cost per passenger trip”.
This cost was then compared with that of realistic alternative transport
services in the same geographical area. In the case of the US studies
focusing on fixed route or shuttle services, this included other bus serv-
ices (or the area network average), dial-a-ride services, taxis or mileage
reimbursement.
In the UK, such comparisons were harder to find. In particular, the de-
regulated status of bus services outside London made it very difficult to
obtain detailed patronage and cost data, due to competitive confidential-
ity. As a substitute proxy measure of the cost effectiveness, the related
costs of providing a taxi services (these often offering the only viable al-
ternative means of travel in many instances) and/or the subsidy levels for
other publicly funded bus services in the same area were sought.
In France, a comparison of fixed route or demand responsive services

with taxis proved to be problematic. Due to the different approach to poli-
cies addressing social exclusion, most of the services in question were
either ‘open to all’ or open to all in receipt of benefits due to their low
incomes. Offering to pay the taxi fares in this case is currently not a valid
policy option. For those schemes where a per passenger trip cost was
not feasible (car loan, moped loan, assisted driving lessons or personal-
ised travel plans) a total per participant cost or monthly cost per partici-
pant cost was calculated. This could then be compared with the most
probable alternative if the initiative did not exist.
3. Evaluating impacts on users - Difficulties in data

collection and of attribution
Wherever feasible, additional surveys were carried out of users of the

initiatives. For the US case studies, existing data was re-examined. This
originated either from surveys carried out in 2002 as part of the earlier
Californian study or from internal monitoring carried out by the initiative6.
In the cases of three of the studies (San Diego, San Mateo & Yolo Coun-
ties) more recent survey data was also examined.

In France, data from on-going customer satisfaction surveys carried out
on the fixed route bus services were examined where this was available.
However, making the direct link between the impact of some of the small-
er initiatives (car loan, assisted driving lessons) and any employment or
training outcomes was much more difficult, as they were often targeting
those with a complex mix of barriers to social inclusion and employment,
of which transport was only one. As a result, any positive impacts were
unlikely to be realised in the short-term and the transport contribution is
difficult to isolate.
In the UK, in all but one of the case studies, user surveys specifically
designed to inform the study were carried out. These had the advantage
that questions could be included on whether a new job had been started
since the services commenced and to what extent the journey to work
would be feasible if the service in question did not exist. Nevertheless,
the number of respondents who answered positively to these questions
was often too small to be able to offer any statistical significance and/or
to robustly attribute causation to the new service.
4. Longer term benefits
One of the key objectives of the study was to examine the longer-term
and cumulative economic and social benefits of the initiatives over time.
To some extent, this was possible for some of the US case studies, where
the analysis could build on the work and data collection already carried
out for the 2002 study. In addition, the initiatives in question were estab-
lished for longer that those in France or the UK. Examining the longer
term benefits of the French and UK studies was hampered by the fact that
the majority of case studies had only been set up two or three years ago.
Nevertheless, some inferences as to the future benefits of the schemes,
for example due to improving school and college attendance and there-
fore potential educational attainment could be made.
Despite the analytical difficulties associated with this methodological ap-

proach, however, through its practical application it has been possible to
offer some useful insights on the relative cost effectiveness of the four-
teen case study initiatives in terms of their efficiency in term of costs
per passenger trip or per passenger kilometre; effectiveness in terms of
job uptake and retention; cost savings to government expenditure; wider
quality of life benefits to individuals and suitability for different location
types (see Section 4).

2. Policy 2.1 Policy context in the UK (England7)
Context in the Over the last four to five years, there has been growing awareness in the
UK of the links between transport and social exclusion, in the context of
UK, USA and increasing levels of car dependence, at the expense of those who rely on
other modes in the UK. In the period 1999-2001, 63% of all trips were
France made by car, compared to 6% by bus, but one in four households still did
not have access to a car. Even for households without a car, 17% of all
trips were made by this mode in 1999-2001, compared to 51% on foot
and 20% by public transport8.
In many areas, the last decade has witnessed a decline in public trans-
port services, with lower frequency and reliability levels. Private opera-
tors currently provided over 80% of bus services in England outside of
London9. Since the introduction of a deregulated market in local public
transport in 1986, many services that are not commercially viable have
been simply cut and fare levels have been increasing at a greater rate
than motoring costs10. These factors have been compounded by the cre-
ation of many entry-level jobs in suburban locations, which are not well-
served by public transport or involving working hours that make access
difficult by any other means than a car11.
Recent UK government research has highlighted the fact that transport

problems are often a major barrier to accessing work; 13% of people in
one study said that they have not applied for a particular job in the last 12
months due to transport problems12. Tackling problems with accessing
job opportunities has, therefore, become an increasingly important policy
objective in moving people from welfare into work, particularly in those
areas where unemployment rates are above the national average (cur-
rent just below 5%13).
In 2003, the UK Government’s Social Exclusion Unit published a report

focusing on transport. Making the Connections14 , states the Govern-
ment’s commitment to addressing the transport barriers that prevent peo-
ple accessing job opportunities. The approach adopted by the Govern-
ment is based on the premise that wherever possible, those who are able
to work should be enabled to do so. The SEU report outlines a several
stage process:
• First to identify those seeking work and the areas in which they live;
• Second to identify job opportunities within a reasonable distance of
those seeking work;
• Third to analyse gaps in accessibility to those opportunities;
• Fourth, to work in consultation with relevant stakeholders and deliv-
ery agencies (such as the employment and benefit services, ‘Jobcen-
tre Plus’) as well as potential employers to develop interventions that
best fill the accessibility “gap”.
In addition to the emphasis put on making the transition from welfare into
work, recent policy making has been largely driven by an accessibility
planning approach for improving access to employment. The recently,
published draft ‘Guidance on Accessibility Planning in Local Transport
Plans’15 sets out how English local authorities, in partnership with other
agencies should systematically assess whether workplaces, shopping fa-
cilities, local health, education and other services are accessible to their
communities and then work together to develop solutions where particu-
lar unmet needs are identified.

This process will be carried out as part of the delivery of the Local Trans-
port Plans, which local authorities are required to submit to the Depart-
ment for Transport in 2006 for the period 2006/7-2010/11.
Pending the systematic adoption of accessibility planning, there have al-

ready been a number of policy and practical initiatives to improve job
access. At a national level, these mostly target individuals and include a
scheme to reimburse the costs of travelling to interviews, the creation of
fund available to those advising job seekers to assist with other transport
related expenses and the extension of public transport concessionary
fares to some job seekers and new workers. As in the US, those in receipt
of unemployment benefits (Jobseekers Allowance) are obliged to prove
that they are actively seeking work. Moreover, government programmes,
such as the “New Deal”, which are compulsory for some groups of un-
employed people, aim to assist the transition back into work, through a
combination of personal supervision, basic skills courses, subsidised em-
ployment places, full time training or further education16.
In addition to these nationwide schemes, a range of different national

funding programmes, which are designed to support the regeneration
of deprived neighbourhoods. Funding from all these programmes has
contributed to supporting a number of initiatives aimed at improving the
mobility of deprived communities. Improving access to work and training
opportunities has been an important focus of these initiatives, linking with
the UK government’s emphasis on welfare to work strategies.
In addition, to these regeneration programmes, three types of transport

schemes are currently funded by the UK government, to enable English
local authorities and public transport executives (PTEs) to support the
introduction and running of bus routes, which would not be commercially
profitable: the Rural Bus Subsidy Grant (RBSG), Rural Bus Challenge
(RBC) and Urban Bus Challenge.
2.2 Policy context in the USA

The United States has the longest history of specific transport initiatives
targeting job access. However, this is against a background of generally
lower levels of public transport provision and a more pronounced trend
towards dispersed job locations than in Europe. The high levels of car
dependency are illustrated by data from the US Census Bureau (2000):
approximately 130,000,000 people commute to work by car, (almost 50%
of the population), with public transport only used about 5% of the time17.
A parallel phenomenon is the increase in the number of jobs in the sub-
urbs. Some 70% of all metropolitan job growth in the US between 1980
and 1990 took place outside central cities, with the majority of new manu-
facturing and trade sector jobs being created in the suburbs18. However,
significant proportions of families living below the poverty level still live in
central city areas, therefore there is a spatial mismatch between the loca-
tion of many entry-level jobs and where many of those on low incomes
live19.
Reverse-commuting programs, seeking to connect the inner-city poor to

suburban employment opportunities first arose as a policy concern in the
wake of urban riots in the late 1960s. Various reverse-commute demon-
stration bus services were introduced with the support of federal grants,
however because of disappointing uptake, policy support for these pro-
grams waned. Interest in specialized transportation to meet the job-access
needs of the poor was reawakened by 1996 “workfare” federal legislation
that introduced work incentives and set limits on welfare dependence.
10 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

The US federal government’s Personal Responsibility and Work Oppor-
tunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) established a work-based
system of temporary public assistance. TANF (Temporary Aid for Needy
Families) grants made available under PRWORA required that those re-
ceiving public assistance achieve self-sufficiency, placing a 60-month
limit on public assistance. Under PRWORA, state governments and their
county subdivisions shouldered the responsibility of mounting programs,
including those related to transportation which assists needy families in
making successful welfare-to-work transitions. States use the $16.5 bil-
lion per year in TANF block grants to provide cash assistance, childcare,
training, and other welfare-to-work services to welfare recipients and low-
income working families. Included in this “other” category is transporta-
tion. TANF grants can be used to establish new transportation services
or to expand existing ones, however there are restrictions on how these
dollars can be spent. For example, TANF monies cannot be used for new
construction or to subsidize existing transit operating costs.
Two other federal initiatives provide additional funds to states and coun-
ty governments for promoting welfare-to-work. The U.S. Department of
Labor provided Welfare-to-Work (WtW) grants supplement states’ TANF
grants to serve the “hardest-to-employment”. WtW grants are competitive,
with preference given to innovative welfare-to-work approaches, includ-
ing those related to job access. Under the Federal Transit Administration
(FTA) of the U.S. Department of Transportation, a $150 million competi-
tive grant program was also established to promote mobility initiatives
that assist with welfare-to-work, called JARC (Job Access and Reverse
Commute). JARC grants are limited to transportation capital investments
and operating expenses as opposed to planning or project administra-
tion. Funds can go to: shuttles to mainline transit; public transit service
expansions, vanpools and paratransit; employer-provided transportation;
guaranteed rides home; and automobile purchases and insurance. The
programme aims to supplement TANF and WtW, but significantly, is not
restricted to assisting welfare recipients, thus making it possible for those
who are not longer eligible for TANF to benefit.
2.3 Policy context in France

In France the local transport situation differs from the UK and the US.
The share of journeys made by public transport is generally higher20 and
in recent years, a number of urban areas have expanded their networks
by introducing new tram systems21. Funding arrangements also differ.
French public transport has long enjoyed higher levels of subsidy. For
example, figures for the late 1990s indicate that 48% of bus operating
costs comes from public subsidies or grants in France, compared to 32
% in the UK22. A significant part of these public subsidies, funding urban
public transport networks, originate from employers contributions, in the
form of a transport tax (versement de transport). The rate varies accord-
ing to the population of the urban area, but averages at about 1% of the
net salary of each employee and amounts to approximately half of all
public transport authorities income, excluding loans23.
As in the UK and the US, France is also witnessing a growth in car usage.
Some 70% of all commuting trips are made by car and most households
own a car (82%)24. Recent research has also demonstrated that commut-
ing journeys are getting longer; for example those living in urban areas
travelled on average 13.3km in 1999, 1 km more than in 199025. This
reflects the growing number of households living in urban areas and their
suburbs, with the location of an increasing number of workplaces moving
to the edge of cities, often not served by public transport and therefore
Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 11

not accessible for those without a car26. The importance of the car for
accessing work is illustrated by the findings of research carried out in
deprived urban areas identified for particular state assistance. All other
things being equal, having a driving license reduced the average time
of being out of work by 23%, owning a car reduced the average time by
20%27.
To date, initiatives which specifically address the mobility needs of job

seekers or low income workers have been either very local or focused on
fare reductions for existing public transport services. Examples of local
initiatives include the setting up of car loan scheme, particularly targeted
at job seekers in a rural area, a moped hire and training scheme for those
who cannot afford to have driving lessons or own a car and a demand
responsive bus service linking nearby neighbourhoods with the airport
and surrounding employers at Roissy28.
Nationwide initiatives include extending public transport tariff reductions

to job seekers and recipients of minimum income supplements (RMI).
For example. in 2003, the total amount of subsidy for public transport tariff
reductions in Ile-de-France was €314 million Euros. The vast majority
of this sum was allocated for reductions for young people and students
(61.5%), followed by the elderly and disabled (22.0%). Only 12.9% is
allocated for fare reductions for those on low incomes29. 12.9% was allo-
cated for reductions for those on low incomes (recipients of the minimum
income supplement, RMI). In addition, local employment offices (ANPE)
have some funds available to reimburse the costs of travel to interviews,
of commuting to a job a long way from home or even the costs of moving
home to be able to take up a job.
In 2001, a new funding programme was launched by the French Minis-

try for Infrastructure, Transport, Housing, Tourism and the Sea to tackle
transport and social exclusion in urban areas. “Mobilité urbaine pour tous”
(Urban mobility for all) aims to support innovative transport schemes that
link those living in deprived urban areas with the rest of the city. It is
planned to help finance the running costs of 60 projects between 2002
and 200530. 16 projects were chosen in 2002, including demand respon-
sive services, services during atypical hours (at night or weekends), car-
pooling centres, car sharing and moped sharing schemes.
In addition to this specific funding programme, a number of transport

initiatives aimed at assisting those at risk of social exclusion have been
established by ‘social integration associations’. In France, the govern-
ment agencies responsible for unemployment and social exclusion del-
egate the task of reintegrating those who are experiencing the greatest
problems (new immigrants, lone parent families, poverty, alcohol or drugs
problems etc.) to these associations. In most cases, they either find train-
ing courses or act as intermediate employers for “odd jobs”. A variety of
different schemes have begun to emerge in the last three to four years,
as the associations have sought to deal with the problem of job or training
places being available, but their clients are not able to access them due
to either lack of transport services or difficulties with coping with normal
public transport services.
With the number of unemployed in France rising to 4 million, the Ministry

for Employment, Work and Social Cohesion has recently published a ‘So-
cial Cohesion Plan’31. This sets out a number of initiatives and new fund-
ing arrangements under three main pillars: Employment, Housing and
Equality of Opportunity. In the area of employment, the Plan represents
a move towards more focussed efforts to help unemployed individuals re-

turn to work through the allocation of personal advisors, training, appren-
ticeship and subsidised work schemes. In addition, more funding is prom-
ised to interim and intermediate employment associations, to assist them
to enable more unemployed people to reach the goal of work or training.
No specific mention is made in the plan of transport related initiatives.
However, the emphasis on using welfare benefits as a lever towards en-
couraging those currently without jobs back into the labour market and
on the need for more individual assistance suggests that transport issues
may become more significant in the future.

3. Typology of A total of fourteen case studies were selected on the basis of their in-
novation or typical characteristics for the service type in question. Whilst
Case Studies most were chosen in part due to their perceived effectiveness, some were
chosen to illustrate some of the particular challenges posed by develop-
ing and implementing job access transport schemes.
The case studies for each of the three countries are described briefly in
the sections below32.
The following table provides an overview of the case study characteristics

in terms of service type, location, the organisation responsible, objec-
tives, funding sources, user charges, as well as indicating whether the
services is open to all or is subject to a referral process.
USA
San Diego Contra Costa Yolo County San Mateo Santa Cruz ATAD – Abeilles
County County County County Transport à la
demande
Service Type FR DRT & L FR L DRT & L DRT

Bus services Child transport Bus Service Car purchase Programme Demand respon-
service and door loans including door to sive bus service
to door shuttles: door shuttle and
Car purchase car pool financial
loans incentives
Loan for car
purchase
Location Type Urban/ Suburban Suburban Rural Suburban Suburban / semi- Suburban
rural
Responsible organisation County / San Contra Costa Yolo County San Mateo Santa Cruz Abeilles Aide et
Diego Transit County Employ- DESS / Yolobus / County Dept County Human Entraide (social
ment & Human Ramsey Band of Social Services Resources integration or-
Services Dept Wintun Indians Agency ganisation)
and Metropolitan
Transportation
Commission
Objectives Make it easier Meet mobil- Link low income Meet mobil- Meet transport Assist the reinte-
for CalWORKS ity needs of workers and ity needs of Cal- need of Cal- gration of their
clients to get to CalWORKS cli- visitors to Cache WORKS clients WORKS clients, clients into society
jobs ents in most cost Creek Casino when PT not an esp. those with by reducing mobil-
effective way option children ity barriers
Funding Sources JARC WtW Grant & Initially JARC, San Mateo Coun- JARC Ministries of So-
JARC (Child) now Yolo County, ty, private lenders Private founda- cial Affairs; Urban
JARC (KEYS) Ramsey Band of and McKnight tions Policy grant; Ile
Wintun Indians & Foundation Santa Cruz de France Re-
fare revenue County gion; Department
Essonne, Munici-
palities; Private
foundations
User charges Yes – fares None (Car Loan Yes - $1.50 one Loan repayments Loan repayments €5 annual fee
repayments) way otherwise no
$60 monthly pass
Open Yes No Yes No No No

access
Referral (Client criteria) No CalWORKS No – but route Resident of Coun- CalWORKS Abeilles Aide et
Clients only planned with Cal- ty for 3 months +; clients + other Entraide clients
WORKS clients parent;working or criteria for shuttle (referred from
in mind in training; ability service govt social serv-
to make monthly ices department)
repayments

Key:

FR - Fixed Route bus service,
DRT - Demand responsive bus service,
VL - Vehicle loan,
L - Loan (Financial to buy vehicle),
C - Cognitive / training
Figure 1: Case Study Overview Table
FRANCE UK
RATP - AIL 46 – Auto CIDF-BAIE/ Léo Braunstone Wirral St Helens Route Shropshire Halton Neigh-
Columb’Bus Insertion Lotoise Lagrange Nancy Bus Joblink 111 Wheels to Work bour- hood
PtitBus, Bus du Travel Team
Port
FR & DRT VL C FR FR & DRT Bus FR VL & C C
3 fixed route Car, van, moped Assisted driving Bus services services Bus services Moped loan & Personalised
bus services; 1 and bicycle loan lesson scheme driving lesson journey plans
partly demand subsidies
responsive
Urban Rural Suburban / Urban Urban Urban/ Suburban Urban Rural Urban
RATP – Public Auto Insertion Women rights Braunstone Merseytravel Merseytravel; Community Halton Borough
transport op- Lotoise 46 (non- association / Community As- (Public transport Parr SRB Part- Council of Shrop- Council
erator for Paris profit association) Office for support sociation authority) nership shire
region into work and Leo
Lagrange Fed-
eration (social
centre)
Introduce new Hire vehicles to Assist women Link Braunstone Provide bus Meet the trans- Provide moped Help improve
services better socially deprived take driving with employment services espe- port needs of the loans to young access to
adapted to the groups for social lessons at a education, shop- cially adapted Parr community people to help employment and
needs of socially or professional reduced cost and ping and leisure to early and late (linked to tackling them access training opportu-
deprived com- integration pur- increase their so- facilities shirt working high unemploy- work and training nities for Halton
munities poses cial / professional plus access to ment) opportunities residents through
opportunities new employment a personal advice
areas. service
Ile-de-France Re- Department Lot; CIDF-BAIE/ Léo New Deal for Urban Bus SRB (Parr Part- Countryside SRB, Neighbour-
gion; municipali- Ministry Social Lagrange; Min- Communities Challenge; SRB, nership); Agency, Shrop- hood Renewal
ties; STIF; other Affairs; Munici- istry of Social Af- Urban Bus Chal- Merseytravel, Merseytravel shire County Fund; Halton Bor-
public bodies incl palities; Agricul- fairs, Department lenge ERDF Council; District ough Council
RATP and Minis- ture development of Meurthe et Wirral Action and Town Coun-
try of Transport fund; private Moselle; Lorraine Team for Jobs cils
foundations Region, munici-
palities; private
foundations
Same fare tariff Annual subscrip- €23 monthly Fares set by BCA 50p one way fare Average fare 60p £10 per month Free
as for all Paris tion and daily hire subsciption (reductions for for mopeds; 50%
transport services charge, + deposit some users) of driving lesson
- if client can cost
afford it
Yes Semi open – but No Yes Yes Yes No Yes
targeted towards
people with low
incomes
No Referrals from Women only and No Referrals also No Referrals from Referrals from
social services, signed up with made by Wirral Connexions JobcentrePlus;
youth services national employ- JobcentrePlus (youth services); training agencies;
ment agency and JobcentrePlus; schools and col-
on low incomes training agencies leges.
and colleges.
Low income
criteria and have
to be in work
or work based
training.

3.1 Summary of UK Case Studies
The five UK case studies were as follows:
3.1.1 Braunstone Bus
Situated on the edge of the East Midlands city of Leicester, Braunstone is

a deprived community in two halves with higher than average unemploy-
ment levels and lower educational achievement. Two new bus routes
started operations in January 2003. Their development was the result
of a long process of consultation and negotiation on behalf of the Braun-
stone Community Association. The BCA had been formed to adminis-
ter the Braunstone New Deal for Communities programme which aims,
amongst other things to improve employment, enterprise and education
opportunities for the area. The two routes were specifically designed to
fulfil the previously unmet transport needs of Braunstone residents. The
301 route links Braunstone with two retail parks on the edge of the city, a
number of school and colleges and a local hospital; the 317 route links to
the city centre, university and rail station. The two routes are contracted
to two different operators on a fixed cost basis, with fares set by the BCA
and any revenue used to lengthen the funding the time that funding is
available. New Deal for Communities funding through the BCA supports
the management of the services and fare reductions for Braunstone resi-
dents (2003 & 2004), whilst Urban Bus Challenge funding supports the
bus operations.
Although primarily designed to meet the needs of Braunstone residents,

both bus services are part of the normal bus network in Leicester and
have also been developed with the view to maximising their income from
passengers outside the area.
The case study examined the costs of both managing and operating the
services (from January 2003 until March 2004). A on-bus survey was
carried out in September 2004, both to investigate passenger satisfac-
tion, journey purpose and where applicable details of any employment or
training accessed using the bus.
3.1.2 Wirral Joblink
Wirral is a peninsula on the River Mersey in the North West of England.

Once famous for its shipbuilding and other industry, the area now has high
levels of unemployment with associated deprivation. The Wirral Joblink
services (5 routes in all) are part of a number of Joblink services in the
Merseyside area. All are designed to enable better access to employment
opportunities; particularly those located outside the reach of normal pub-
lic transport services or in new development areas. However the services
are also available for journey purposes other than work or training.
Joblink combines a fixed route bus service (morning and evenings) with
a demand responsive service in the middle of the day. Managed by the
public transport executive for Merseyside, Merseytravel, Joblink aims to
meet the needs of those travelling to major employment sites (industrial
and business parks) with a timetable appropriate to shift start and finish
times. In the case of the Wirral services, two out of the five link with major
employment sites over the border in Wales.
Merseytravel works with local Jobcentre Plus staff (government employ-

ment agency) to promote the service and for referrals for the demand
responsive element.

Sunderland
Hartlepool
ISLE OF MAN* Figure 2: Map of England and Wales showing Leicester and Shropshire
Middlesbrough
Blackpool York
Blackburn Burnley Bradford
Key:
Leeds
Wheels to Work
Kingston
Shropshire
Liverpool
Braunstone Bus Manchester
Leicester
Sheffield
Stoke-on-Trent
Derby Nottingham
WA L E S
Wolverhampton
Leicester
Birmingham
Coventry
E N G
Northampton
L A
Bedford
Cambridge
Swansea
Oxford
Cardiff
Bristol
LONDON
The services are funded through a combination of Urban Bus Challenge,

UK government regeneration funding (SRB) and EU regional policy
grants (ERDF).
Research for the case study examined both detailed patronage and cost
data (2003-4), but also explored reasons for non-take up of the services.
A survey was carried out of users of the fixed route element of three of the
services to find out the workplace locations, satisfaction ratings and the
impact the services had made on job take up.

3.1.3 St Helens Route 111
St Helens, also situated in Merseyside, is well known as a centre of glass

making, although the numbers employed by this industry have decreased
dramatically over the last 20 years. In the same period, the other main
Newc
industry, coal mining, has died out completely, resulting in some areas in up
the east of the town built primarily to house miners and their families suf-
fering from high levels of unemployment. The two areas (or wards) worst
affected are those served by the Route 111 bus – Parr & Hardshaw and
Sutton.
The route was developed by a local partnership, set up to administer Sin-

gle Regeneration Budget monies in 1998. The Parr Partnership worked
with Merseytravel to design a new route, after a consultation process with
residents. The route links Parr (on the eastern edge of St Helens) with a
ISLE OF MAN*
range of different employment, education, shopping, health and leisure
facilities, including St Helens General Hospital, a large supermarket and
six schools. The route also connects to two suburban rail stations.
The case study focused on carrying out an on-bus survey to assess the
extent to which Route 111 was having an impact on linking the residents
of Parr and Sutton with jobs. In addition, it investigated whether there
was an unmet need for new services or adapted ones due to new busi-
ness and industrial developments to the south and east of St Helens.
Figure 3: Map of Merseyside, showing St Helens, Wirral and Halton
Key:
Wirral
Joblink Blackpool
Blackburn Burnley Brad
St Helens
Route 111
Halton Southport
NTT
Liverpool Birkenhead
St. Helens
Hoylake
Widnes
Manchester
Runcorn
Neston
3.1.4 Shropshire Wheels to Work (W2W) Stoke-on-Trent

Shropshire is one of the largest counties in England, bordering Wales
to the west, Cheshire and Staffordshire to the northeast, Worcestershire Derb
and Herefordshire to the south and the industrial heartland of the West
WA L E S
Midlands (Wolverhampton, Birmingham) to the east. It is a largely ru-
ral county, with few towns of any size, particularly in the south. Wheels
to Work (W2W) was originally established in 1995 in South Shropshire

Wolverhampton
and North Hertfordshire. In 1999, the project was extended to cover the
whole of Shropshire, supported by the newly created government body,
the Countryside Agency, Shropshire County Council, South Shropshire
District Council and the Training and Enterprise Council, with new funding
provided by the other District and Borough Councils in the county. This
funding package only provided for basic operational costs of the project
officer and thus further funding was obtained from the National Lottery
Charities Board (now the Community Fund) in 1999.
The project originally aimed to loan mopeds, primarily to young people

(16 – 25), to help them access employment and training opportunities.
In addition, W2W offers subsidised driving lessons. To be eligible for
either element, potential participants must either have an offer of full time
training or employment, or be currently employed and require assistance
to help retain their current post. The vast majority of participants are
referred to Wheels to Work from agencies such as Jobcentre Plus, the
careers & training advice service for young people, Connexions and other
training agencies.
The case study focused on looking at two costing scenarios for the
scheme: one developed as part of a business plan, the other the “real”
costs of running the moped loan element of W2W for the financial year
2003-4. In addition, qualitative evidence of the impacts of the scheme on
participants was examined and the costs of providing alternatives calcu-
lated.
3.1.5 Halton Neighbourhood Travel Team
The Borough of Halton, including the two towns of Runcorn and Widnes,
spans the River Mersey and is the location for the only road bridge and
a rail bridge crossing. Runcorn was the focus of a significant amount of
new residential building in the late 1960s and 1970s, known as the “New
Town”. The area, whilst still the location for a number of industries, was
dominated by chemical plants, notably ICI. Like many other Merseyside
towns, much of the traditional industries have either disappeared or de-
clined over the last 20 years and efforts are focused on bringing in new
industries with new types of jobs.
The Halton Neighbourhood Travel Team was established in 2002, in re-

sponse to findings of a comprehensive study carried out in 2000 commis-
sioned by Halton Borough Council and Halton Partnership into links to
employment. The study identified the need for improved bus services to
employment sites and for those serving residents with disabilities, but also
for personal advice on travel issues. The Team is funded by a combina-
tion of the national Neighbourhood Renewal Fund, Single Regeneration
Budget, and Halton Borough Council. It aims to provide a personalised
journey planning service, to identify unmet travel demand with a view to
developing new bus services and to provide travel information packs to
prospective college students (further and higher education).
The case study focused on the personalised journey planning service and
in particular those plans developed for work or training related needs. It
analysed the database of enquiries from January 2003 – July 2004, as
well as the overall costs of the service for 2003-04. A telephone survey
was carried out of approximately a third of all those who had made a re-
quest for personalised journey plan in the first six months of 2004. This
included questions on use of the plans, satisfaction with the service and
the extent to which it had contributed to job take up.

3.2 Summary of US case studies
3.2.1 San Diego County
San Diego County is located in the far southeast of California on the

coast of the Pacific and bordering Mexico to the south. Whilst attracting
significant number of new residents each year, the area has a strong local
economy. However, there are still significant numbers of people in receipt
of state welfare benefits (CalWORKS clients). California’s program for
complying with the Federal TANF requirements and promoting welfare-
to-work transitions is CalWORKs, short for California Work Opportunity
Responsibility to Kids. Two studies, one in 1999 and 2003 were carried
out to investigate the needs of CalWORKS clients trying to access em-
ployment, the latter including GIS mapping of clients homes and loca-
tions with high concentrations of employment opportunities. As a result of
these studies, five new fixed route bus routes have been developed which
link clusters of low income households with entry level or low skilled jobs.
Two of the routes receive JARC funding and are competitively tendered.
The remaining three routes are totally locally supported and are run like
any other public bus service in the area by San Diego Transit.
In addition to the bus routes, San Diego County has introduced a number
of other services to promote welfare-to-work. These include a dial-a-ride
service, an emergency ride home taxi voucher scheme and a small low
interest loan scheme for car purchase.
OREGON
The case study provides an extensive analysis of patronage trends for
IDAHO
the five bus routes and compares the cost effectiveness of each route
with other transport modes, such as dial-a-ride and taxi over the period
2001-2003. It also looks at data compiled as part of a user questionnaire
in March 2004 to investigate journey characteristics, users car availability
and household income, as well as user perceptions of the services.
Figure 4: Map of California showing locations of case studies
Yolo County
Contra Costa County NEVADA
Santa Mateo County UT
Santa Cruz County
P A C I F I C CALIFORNIA
O C E A N
ARIZONA
Ch
an
ne
l
Is
la
n
d
s
75 150 125 km
San Diego
MEX.

3.2.2 Contra Costa County
Contra Costa County is a mostly suburban county in the eastern part

of the San Francisco Bay. It is one of California’s fastest growing coun-
ties in terms of population. The County has a number of CalWORKS
clients, many located in the towns of Richmond, Pittsburg, Antioch and
Concord.
A study of CalWORKS clients carried out in 2000 highlighted transport

as a problem for 75% of respondents, with 60% not owning a operable
car. In response, the Contra Costa Department of Employment and Hu-
man Services (EHS) worked with the regional transport planning agency,
the Metropolitan Transportation Committee (MTC), the Chamber of Com-
merce and other partners to design a number of tailored transport serv-
ices. Clients are referred to these services according to the outcome of a
simple decision making tree.
The three most significant services are a child transport scheme, a door-
to-door shuttle service and a car loan programme. The “Child Transpor-
tation Project” which started in 2000 provides free transport for children
of CalWORKS clients to school or childcare. It aims to help parents get
their children to school or childcare, thus freeing up time and money for
them to get to work or training. The scheme was originally funded by a
Welfare-to-Work grant, but since 2002 has been partly financed through
JARC funding. The “Rides-to-Success” shuttle service is available to
those clients with transport needs that cannot be met by normal public
transport services. Commencing in 2001, it aims to be a short term solu-
tion and can be used for interviews, training, in emergencies, for example
when a car breaks down. Finally, the KEYS car loan programme set up
in 2002 aims to provide low cost loans to those CalWORKS clients who
have sufficient incomes to pay monthly installments. The scheme in-
cludes money management and car maintenance lessons and cars can
be selected from any source chosen by the client.
The case study examines existing monitoring data for the schemes to
calculate the costs. In addition, responses to user interviews carried out
in 2002 (and 2004 for KEYS) are analysed to gain insight into the employ-
ment outcomes and other impacts of the schemes.
3.2.3 Yolo County
Yolo County is a semi-urban and rural county to the west of Sacremento,

the Californian state capital. Whilst areas of the county are the location
of successful agriculture industry, there a significant 18.4 % of the Coun-
ty’s population lives below the poverty line and half of all CalWORKS
participants live in rural locations.
The primary public transport operator, Yolobus, and the Yolo County De-
partment of Employment and Social Services (DESS) have worked to-
gether since 1996 to develop welfare to work bus routes. The most suc-
cessful to date has been Route 215, which links the town of Woodland,
where 40% of the CalWORKS clients live, with the Cache Creek Casino,
one of the county’s major employers in a rural location, on a Indian Re-
serve. The service has been successful in many ways: first, in terms of
patronage, second it has help the Casino to attract the staff it needed to
expand it’s operations, third, it has reduced fears of accidents on the road
between Woodland and the Casino by reducing the number of vehicles.
Finally, it has also linked other workers from some of the smaller towns on
the route to jobs at the casino and other social facilities.

The service is partly finances by the casino owners (the Ramsey Band of
Wintun Indians), Yolo County and a JARC grant.
The case study builds on earlier work to look at patronage trends and cost
effectiveness comparisons, both with other Yolobus services, dial-a-ride,
taxis and mileage reimbursement for private car trips. In addition, on-
board surveys were carried out in August 2003 and 2004, which enabled
a full analysis of passenger characteristics, their employment profiles and
what alternatives (if any) would be available to them if the Route 215
didn’t exist.
3.2.4 San Mateo County
San Mateo County is situated between San Francisco to the north and
Silicon Valley to the south. IT is the site of the San Francisco Interna-
tional Airport and has witnessed growth in the high-technology, light in-
dustrial and service industry sectors in the last few years. However, in
late 2004, there were 2400 CalWORKS clients and many are faced with
long journeys to work.
San Mateo County introduced a “Family Loan Program” in 1998 for low
income families and individuals (with dependent children). The system
offers loan of up to $4000 to help with job or educational related expens-
es. Loans must be repaid within 24 months and there are particular eligi-
bility requirements, including being employed for at least 20 hours a week
and being able to demonstrate the ability to make monthly repayments.
Analysis of loans made up until June 2004 showed that the majority were
for either car purchases or major repairs.
Using data supplied by San Mateo County, the case study looks in detail
at the loan client profiles and at the impacts the loans have made. These
include faster commuting times, improved punctuality and a cost com-
parison with public transport services. The data also allowed an analysis
of employment related outcomes, such as increased earnings and job
retention.
3.2.5 Santa Cruz County
Santa Cruz County is located on the coast, some 65 miles south of San
Francisco. The county is a mix of the surburban and rural, with very high
housing costs forcing most low income families to live a long way outside
the main employment focus of Santa Cruz.
This case study looks at some of the innovative programmes introduced

by the Santa Cruz Human Resources Agency (HRA) since 2001 and the
way in which they have met considerable difficulties and in some cases
have been withdrawn altogether.
The most interesting was a dial-a-ride service for CalWORKS clients and
their children, called the Connections Shuttle. This service was free if the
journey to work or training was a hour or more using public transport and
if the nearest bus stop was more than 0.5 miles away from the applicants
home, workplace, training place or childcare destination. The service also
aimed to create new jobs, by training drivers from amongst CalWORKS
clients. However, it was discontinued in 2004 due to high per trip costs
($29). This was also the case for a carpool financial incentive scheme,
which failed due a high level of non ‘bone-fide’ car poolers. However,
three schemes still run: an emergency ride home programme, low inter-
est loans for car purchases and an emergency fund for car repairs.

The costs of some of these services were analyzed and comparisons
made with alternatives, such as public transport or commercial taxi fares.
Finally, a post mortem evaluation of the factors leading to the demise of
the dial-a-ride service and problems with the other services is made.
3.3 Summary of French case studies

The French case studies were as follows:
3.3.1 Abeilles Transport A la Demande (ATAD)
ATAD is the initiative of an ‘intermediate association’, which exist through-

out France to facilitate welfare to work and social integration. Abeilles
Aide et Entraide operates in a dozen municipalities in the north eastern
fringe of Paris, within the area of the Essonne Department. These mu-
nicipalities have the lowest ratio of jobs to the active population of the
Department as a whole (between 0.1 and 0.4 compared to the average
of 0.85).
The association is funded predominantly from the relevant municipalities,

with Department and national government financing playing a role. Client
are referred to Abeilles Aide et Entraide (AAE) by government social serv-
ices. They usually are living with high levels of deprivation, isolation and
often with drug or alcohol problems, as well as being out of work. The
association’s role is provide assistance with multiple factors, including
housing, medical services and employment. It also acts as an intermedi-
ate employer by finding “odd jobs” in the local area which its clients can
do, while being directly employed by the association.
In 1998 the AAE carried out a pilot scheme to see if providing it’s own
transport service would help more of its clients to successfully find jobs
and improve their chances of reintegration. The pilot scheme has devel-
oped into a demand responsive service, which AAE clients book in per-
son or by phone and which is free of charge. The service has a complex
“roadmap” and “briefing” system for the minibus drivers, which not only
gives details of the route, but on the special characteristics and needs of
the clients.
The case study examines the take up of the service since it’s formal in-
ception in January 2002 and the costs involved for 2004. It also investi-
gated the impacts of users and plans to extend the service to neighbour-
ing areas.
3.3.2 RATP – Colmb’Bus, PtitBus & Bus du Port
The three RATP services are all located in an area known as the ‘North
Loop of the Seine’. The area is characterised by relatively high unemploy-
ment levels (3% higher than the Departmental average) and large social
housing blocks, often with poor links to the public transport network. The
area has few large employers and many jobs involve anti-social hours,
shift working and short-term contracts.
The three bus services reviewed by this case study were developed as
part of a wider strategy by RATP (the public transport authority for the
Paris region) to better adapt their services to the needs of deprived com-
munities. This involved bringing together local actors and local people
in a variety of ways, including surveys, in depth face-to-face interviews,
working groups and workshops. The consultation phase highlighted the

need for more flexible services than the usual fixed route and radial bus
services and for a demand responsive element, to help meet the needs of
those with part time, anti social or irregular working hours.
The three services established are fully integrated with the rest of the
RATP network. The Columb’Bus, which started service in 1999, links
a isolated district called Fossés Jean with the Marante (more or less an
island) via a town centre and sports facilities. The P’tit Bus de Nanterre,
created in 2000, links the Petit Nanterre neighbourhood with a major sub-
urban rail station and by extension the centre of Paris. Finally, the Bus
du Port de Gennevilliers also created in 1999, links one of the major em-
ployment sites in the area, the Autonomous Port of Paris, with residential
areas of the North Loop. The port itself and nearby businesses employs
6000 workers. The bus alternates between a fixed route service to co-
incide with shift start and finish times and a demand responsive service
during the day. All three services operate with smaller vehicles than the
normal RATP fleet, but tariffs are the same as for the rest of Paris (with
appropriate reductions for those on low incomes.)
The case study focuses on patronage and costs, as well as an analysis of

passenger satisfaction surveys.
3.3.3 AIL 46 – Auto Insertion Lotoise
AIL 46 is one of the most well established schemes reviewed as part of

this study. Based in Cahors, a largely rural area of Lot in the Mid-Pyr-
enees Region, the scheme has been running for 8 years, as a low cost
moped, bicycle and car hire service.
Lot is highly dependent on agriculture and tourism, with some subcon-

tracting businesses relating to Toulouse’s aeronautical industry. Partly
due to the fact that many workers are employed on a seasonal basis,
the average worker claiming some minimum welfare benefits earns more
than those in urban areas. However, this also means that there are many
“poor workers” who earn just above the threshold to receive assistance.
As with the ATAD scheme, AIL 46 stemmed from the founders realisa-
tion that lack of transport constitutes a barrier to the integration process
and that the financial difficulties experiences by many people in the area
mean that transport is often costing them a very high proportion of their
income. The scheme hires out cars, mopeds and bicycles for work, in-
terviews, training or exams. In addition, it has vans available that can be
hired for removals, use by other charities or for timber transport.
Clients pay an annual subscription fee and then pay per day for a hire
period of up to 2 months for a car or 3 months for a moped. The costs
of those in receipt of the minimum income benefit are paid for by the rel-
evant social services.
The case study looks at take up in 2003 and the costs of running the serv-
ice for 2004. Finally, it investigates the potential impacts of the scheme
on users and compares the costs of running the scheme with equivalent
public transport services in a rural area.
3.3.4 CIDF-BAIE / Léo Lagrange Nancy
Nancy is an urban area in north eastern France, with 103 600 inhabit-
ants in the inner city, but 410,500 in the urban area as a whole. Jobs are
highly dispersed, resulting in a high level of intersuburban commuting.

Nancy has several deprived or sensitive urban areas some of which in the
suburbs. Here poverty and unemployment rates are on average nearly
double that of Greater Nancy as a whole.
The “License to drive – license to live” project was developed as a joint

project by the Centre for Information on Women’s Rights – Office for Indi-
vidual Support into Work (CIDF-BAIE) and the Léo Lagrange Federation,
which runs a local community centre in the area of Malzéville, a deprived
area in the north east of Nancy. The project’s approach was based on
the premise that there is a profound inequality between men and women
when it comes to their mobility. In addition, the project developers had
observed that the process of helping women into work was severely ham-
pered by a lack of ability to drive, as many jobs (industrial cleaning, ware-
housing, hospitals) required travelling at non-standard commuting times
and often were located in areas with poor public transport services.
Starting in November 2003, a small group of women (14) were selected

to undergo a programme of intensive support in obtaining their driving
license. This involves lessons on the highway code, leading to a theo-
retical test in the usual way, but also a very individualised system of ac-
companied driving, assisted by volunteers to help the participants gain
confidence and the use of computer self learning. Participants contribute
€23 a month to the costs of the programme.
The case study examines the early experiences of the 14 women at each
stage of the programme in detail. It sets out the costs, comparing them
with other subsided driving lesson schemes, before analysing some of
the impacts on users of a similar scheme in Royan, where some partici-
pants have already obtained their license.

4. Discussion Full evaluation for the fourteen projects can be found in the relevant na-
tion specific report. This section compares and contrasts the key out-
of Key comes from these detailed evaluations of each type of case study (fixed
route, demand responsive bus services, vehicle loan, financial loan and
Finidings cognitive) and draws some inferences across the fourteen initiatives as
to their:
• Efficiency in term of costs per passenger trip or per passenger kilo-

metre
• Effectiveness in terms of job uptake and retention
• Cost savings to government expenditure
• Wider quality of life benefits to individuals
• Suitability for different location types
4.1 Efficiency
4.1.1 Cost per passenger trip
A cost per passenger trip was calculated wherever possible. In practice,

this included the fixed route and demand responsive services, which col-
lected the relevant patronage and cost data. It was not possible to cal-
culate a cost per passenger trip for those case studies which focused on
vehicle loans, financial loans or cognitive elements.
The most efficient services, in term of costs per passenger trip or per pas-
senger kilometre, were the fixed route bus services and in particular the
longer San Diego and Braunstone Bus routes. The Yolo County Route
215 also performed well, particularly given the relatively long trip distance.
However, these efficiencies were not just due to the route length or the
fixed route element. The potential number of passengers served by the
route appeared to play an important role: for the Route 215 this meant
large concentrations of passengers at either end of the route. In the case
of the Braunstone Bus, the aim was to capture as many passengers as
possible throughout the routes. Both these services also benefited from
being open to all, thus maximising their fare revenue from passengers
other than those on low incomes. Innovations such as Real Time Infor-
mation and Park & Ride sites also contributed to this effect.
The table below sets out the cost per passenger trip for those case stud-
ies where this was possible to calculate. The figures relate to data col-
lected either in 2003, 2004 or the financial year 2003/04.
Figure 6: Cost per passenger trip comparison table by case study
CASE STUDY / SERVICE COST PER PASSNGER TRIP

ORIGINAL EUROS33 (COST
CURRENCY COMPARATOR)
Braunstone Bus (317 & 301) £1.07 1.57€
San Diego RC Sevices $2.24 1.78€
RATP North Sevices €3.30 3.30€
Yolo County Route 215 $4.21 3.35€
Wirral Joblink £9.86 14.44€
Contra Costa Child Transportation $23.75 18.89€
Contra Costa Ride to Success $30 23.86€
Santa Cruz Shuttle $29 23.07€
ATAD - Minibus $35.90 35.90€

In comparison with the fixed route services, the demand responsive serv-
ices were less cost efficient. The least expensive was the Wirral Joblink,
which as a “hybrid” system could balance the costs of the limited demand
responsive element with its fixed route services designed to maximise
patronage at the beginning and end of the day. By their very nature all the
demand responsive services are usually operating with smaller vehicles
and lower patronage levels. Where a charge is made, the potential total
revenue is therefore less than for fixed route services. As these services
are tailored to meet particular needs, other factors often lead to a higher
cost per trip. These include extra staff other than the driver to accompany
clients and requiring a permanent back up vehicle. Both are the case for
the most expensive services, the ATAD minibus.
4.1.2 Cost of service compared to other modes
The fixed route services (Yolo County, San Diego and Braunstone Bus)
were also the most cost efficient compared to other modes in their areas
(taxi, demand responsive services) as well as compared to other subsi-
dised fixed bus routes. Comparable figures were not available for the
RATP North Loop of the Seine routes, but they performed favourably in
comparison with the average cost per passenger kilometre for the RATP
bus network as a whole.
For San Diego, the cost per passenger trip of the reverse commute serv-
ices was the same as the average cost for all other fixed route services in
the area (€1.78). The cost of a taxi journey, based on average trip length
would be €11.13 and for the area dial-a-ride services, the cost would be
€12.21. The comparison between the Yolo County Route 215 and other
services is even more stark: €3.35 versus €33.60 for a solo taxi journey
and €53.42 for a dial-a-ride trip.
The total per passenger trip cost was not available for other services in
the Leicester area. The subsidy per passenger for the Braunstone Bus
routes compared favourably with other subsidised services in the city. At
the time that the case study research was carried out, the Route 301 had
a subsidy per trip level of €0.84; Route 317 €0.63. Other routes had per
trip subsidy levels of between €0.84 and €2.86.
4.2 Effectiveness
4.2.1 Car purchase loans
Whereas the fixed route services may be the most cost-effective, the
evaluations demonstrated that they are often not the most effective in
terms of job take-up and retention. As Section 2 highlighted, the trend
in all three countries is towards increased dispersion of job locations,
particularly for those at entry level or requiring low skills, compounded by
working time patterns, which often make public transport options imprac-
tical, even where services to these dispersed locations exist.
The research carried out into the loan schemes for car purchase in San
Mateo and Contra Costa Counties demonstrates how enabling low in-
come families to buy a car can have a dramatic impact on improving em-
ployment prospects (being already in work was generally a pre-requisite
for the allocation of a loan). Faster commute times, the ability to work
longer hours and therefore increased earnings, as well as better access
to education and training were all observed.

Nevertheless, it should be remembered these schemes were operating
in the context of greater distances between homes, workplaces and per-
haps also childcare facilities than in a European setting. The schemes
also rely on recipients being able to drive and make regular monthly pay-
ments towards paying off the loan.
4.2.2 Assisted driving lesson schemes
There appears to be a similar positive impact for schemes assisting with

driving license acquisition. The time taken for these schemes to have
an effect may be much longer than for a car purchase loan, but the ini-
tial findings from the Royan scheme (quoted in the CIDF-BAIE / Léo La-
grange Nancy case study) would seem to indicate a positive correlation
between obtaining a driving license and finding a job.
Whilst car purchase loans rely on the recipient being able to drive, as-
sisted driving lesson schemes rely on the recipient having access to, if
not owning a car. In France, this is known to be easier than in the UK and
other European countries due to the relatively low car ownership taxes
and fuel prices.
4.2.3 Vehicle loan schemes
The two vehicle loan schemes reviewed (Shropshire Wheels to Work

and AIL 46) could both demonstrate positive impacts on job take up and
retention from qualitative assessments, but unfortunately data was not
available for these small-scale schemes, which could definitively point
to a link. In both cases, the schemes might often have acted as an im-
portant catalyst to finding a stable job with good earning and promotion
prospects, but the time taken for this to happen meant that attributing this
fully to the scheme would be extremely difficult.
4.2.4 Demand responsive versus fixed route schemes
Finally, the extent to which demand responsive or dial-a-ride shuttle serv-

ices could be effective in increasing job take up or retention appeared to
depend significantly on how much was invested, the quality of the serv-
ices themselves and additional features. For example, the ATAD scheme
has a high per passenger trip cost when compared with the fixed route
services (€35.90) but appears to be making a real impact in enabling
those with the most severe problems make the first steps to re-enter the
job market. This is largely due to the high level of staffing and care taken
with each individual passenger. Likewise, the Contra Costa “Child Trans-
portation Project” is tackling head-on the difficulties encountered by par-
ent welfare recipients when trying to juggle with work and childcare. The
Wirral Joblink may be the most straightforward scheme in terms of its
design, but even here, Jobcentre Plus staff are seriously considering how
they could persuade more of their clients to use to the service through
travel training or ‘taster’ sessions.
Fixed route services, whilst being the most cost efficient, are therefore
the least effective in enabling people to access new jobs or retain exist-
ing ones. It should be remembered, however, that in most cases, these
services are designed to cater for all types of journeys. So whilst directly
compared to other types of schemes, they do not perform well, they are
often effectively meeting a range of transport needs, from education and
health to shopping and leisure.

4.3 Savings to overall government expend-
iture
The high proportion of job take up or retention amongst those assisted
by car or moped loan or financial loans for car purchase would appear
to indicate that these types of schemes have the best potential to save
government expenditure in the medium term. However, this masks the
fact that these schemes are only appropriate when the recipient or client
is in a position to benefit; those with severe barriers to overcome (e.g.
drug or alcohol problems, poor spatial awareness, etc.) are very unlikely
to be able to take part successfully.
A similar observation could be made about subsidised driving lesson

schemes, although here the details of how the scheme operates can be
important. The CIDF-BAIE/Léo Lagrange Nancy and Royan initiatives
demonstrate how, what seems at first to be a very labour intensive and
expensive approach, could be the key to enabling those with some level
of educational and spatial awareness needs to become much less de-
pendent on welfare benefits in the medium to long term.
Here the costs of the scheme are generally repaid within a year of the par-
ticipant obtaining a license in terms of reduced welfare payments. Due
to lack of data and the small numbers involved, the impacts of the Shrop-
shire driving lesson scheme are less easy to assess. Nevertheless, the
fact that the local branch of the national youth advice and training agen-
cy, Connexions, has specifically set up a new driving lesson project with
W2W highlights the perceived value of the approach to help low income
young people in rural area.
The potential savings to government expenditure can be calculated in

terms of the weekly cost of proving the scheme per participant compared
to the weekly cost of providing unemployment benefits to that participant.
Calculations carried out as part of the analysis of the Wirral Joblink serv-
ice, for example, demonstrate that for the most efficient routes, there are
significant savings (£35.00 compared to £43.25 per week). This type
of analysis can go further. The Shropshire Wheels to Work case study
quotes from analysis made of a similar scheme made on the Isle of Wight.
This compares the weekly, monthly and annual cost of not just unemploy-
ment benefit (Jobseekers Allowance), but also government assistance
with other costs, such as rent and local government tax for which many of
those out of work are eligible to receive.
The level of government savings over time will also depend on whether
the schemes are designed to assist individuals for a time limited period. If
the scheme is filling a gap in provision, which means that the journey can-
not feasibly be made in another way, the question then becomes wheth-
er that service exists to assist the same group of people in perpetuity?
Moreover, if it reaches capacity in terms of the number of passengers, is
it feasible to simply expand the service to meet excess demand?
For some schemes, even this type of comparison will not demonstrate
savings in the medium term to government expenditure. In these cases, it
appears that the relevant local authorities or national governments have
taken the conscious decision not just to consider the financial benefits or
savings, but also the wider quality of life issues. This is clearly demon-
strated by the ATAD scheme.

4.4 Wider Benefits to Quality of Life
There is some evidence from the case studies that new fixed route serv-
ices can also be designed to improve educational achievement, health-
care, shopping and leisure facilities access. The strongest case for this
assertion is the Braunstone Bus initiative, where both the routes were
planned to link residents with local schools, colleges, better shopping and
health facilities. In particular, the way in which one route will directly
link many residents (and those from elsewhere in Leicester) with a new
leisure centre is a good example of the potential wider benefits of these
type of services. The findings of the on-bus survey carried out also point
to the possibility of less truancy from schools and better access to further
and higher education as a result of the new buses.
In France, the case studies highlight the way in which job access is only
part of wider effort to assist those already excluded or at risk of exclu-
sion. In many cases, this makes it very difficult to separate the various
strands of a programme and point to an element, which is most effective
at fostering the overall integration process. However, it could be argued
that for those who have multiple barriers to overcome, this combination of
measures may be the only way to ensure a lasting positive impact in the
medium to long term.
Finally, the US Contra Costa and San Mateo County studies touch on
some of the more intangible benefits of the schemes in operation. These
include the way in which children have developed friendships with those
working on the Child Transportation Project buses, which means that they
have assistance with their homework. In addition, the faster commute
times enjoyed by the recipients of the car purchase loan scheme mean
that they have more time for education and training outside of work and
presumably also more time to spend with their families at home.
4.5 Suitability for different types of location

Analysis of all the case studies underlined the different levels of suitability
of the various types of scheme for urban, suburban or rural locations. In
general, fixed route services worked best in urban or suburban locations,
where there would be large concentrations of potential passengers. The
exception to this ‘rule’ was the case of the Yolo County Route 215, which
could be termed as a rural services, but did rely on a large number of
passengers boarding the service in the town of Woodland and on serving
one main destination.
Demand responsive services appear to be best suited to filling in the gaps

in conventional public transport networks and particularly those, which
are not appropriate for traditional radial routes. The Contra Costa shuttle,
ATAD and Wirral Joblink services all link urban and suburban locations.
Similarly, the RATP Bus du Port de Gennevilliers links a suburban area
with an isolated employment location.
The Yolo County, Braunstone, Wirral and St Helens case studies all point
to the need for fixed route and demand responsive services to be planned
with employment locations in mind and with an eye on the future in terms
of future employment growth areas.

In rural areas, vehicle loan schemes and assistance with driving lessons
appear to be the best option. Rural social exclusion and communities
generally are more dispersed and the employment locations are likely to
be more varied. This makes planning a cost-efficient fixed route service
or even a demand responsive service much more difficult. Again, there
may be exceptions in areas like Yolo County where there are one or two
main employers, like the Cache Creek Casino.
In all types of location, other psychological barriers need to be taken into

account. For many at risk of becoming or already socially excluded, trav-
elling outside of the familiar territory of their local area presents very real
fears. This is often compounded by historical or geographical factors, for
example, crossing the Seine for those in the North Loop or crossing the
border to Deeside for those in the Wirral. Simply providing the transport
links between deprived communities and job opportunities in other areas
will not be a solution to job access problems as long as these anxieties
and unwillingness to travel barriers are not confronted.

5. Conclusions The research carried out as part of this project has highlighted how evalu-
ation of performance or productivity was often not a priority for the case
studies under review. Accordingly, there is little in the way of “antecedent
data” (prior to the initiation of the schemes) for either the interventions or
for control sites. Attributing changes in costs per passenger or patronage
or ridership levels to initiatives is thus problematic in the absence of data
monitoring and collection. If inroads are to be made in understanding
what types of transport initiatives are most effective in reducing social
exclusion, more resources should go to systematically collecting, moni-
toring, and evaluating impacts over time. The alternative is largely relying
on case-based qualitative assessments, which was largely the case with
this study.
With this limitation in mind and as far as it is possible to identify global

conclusions from cost-effectiveness evaluations of fourteen very different
transport initiatives across three different countries, it is possible to assert
that many of their full benefits are not being captured. This suggests that
politicians and policy-makers may be underestimating their true ‘value’,
particularly over the longer-term. For example, in nearly all UK case stud-
ies, the contribution of each initiative to job take-up and retention was
generally recognised by the employment agencies, but very few were
contributing directly to the costs of running them, the cost of which instead
fell to the transport sector. In most instances, however, the travel benefits
they derive are also too small for traditional transport cost-benefit evalu-
ations to capture, thus, they are considered economically non-viable by
the transport sector. The result is a general environment of under-funding
for transport initiatives that support the transition from welfare into work,
although this is less true of the French situation where the value of these
micro transport initiatives is more widely recognised by both the transport
and employment sectors.
Our evaluations also suggest that, currently, too little consideration atten-
tion is being given to what type of intervention might provide the best val-
ue for money and in what circumstance. For example, whilst traditional
fixed route bus services may appear to require the least subsidy, in many
instances they are not the most suitable or effective solution for securing
improved job access. Fixed route services are rarely going to be a cost-
effective solution in rural areas, due to low population densities, which
are often combined with highly dispersed employment opportunities. It is
also more difficult to assess unmet travel demand in rural areas. In this
respect, the relationships between transport cost-effectiveness and ur-
ban-regional land use characteristics are not significantly different for job
access initiatives than for normal public transport services.
The most cost-effective services are those where land use patterns are
sufficiently dense and concentrated to support fixed route bus services
during many hours of the day. In both rural and urban areas, where an
individual possesses the level of skill and personal finances to drive and
maintain a vehicle, vehicle loans and driving lessons are often the most
cost-effective option in both the immediate and over-the longer term. It
is recognised, however, that whilst this may be the best solution for in-
dividual, there are associated negative environmental and social conse-
quences for the wider community, which policy-makers and practitioners
might wish to avoid in the interests of sustainable development.
It is also worth noting a particular outcome highlighted by the more quali-

tative UK and French initiatives.

These identified that many people experiencing social exclusion are likely
to have a multitude of barriers to job take-up, the physical availability
of transport, however convenient, may be a minor consideration in their
transition from welfare into work. Equally, for some communities, particu-
larly where people have previously been employed by industries situated
very close to their homes, providing services link with job or training op-
portunities some distance away will not be sufficient to persuade them of
the feasibility of using them. In these instances, travel training, orienta-
tion and horizon building initiatives, whilst extremely time-consuming and
to micro to quantitatively evaluate, might often be of the greatest value in
terms of their effectiveness.
Finally our interactions with the case studies over the period of this re-
search have identified that significant value is often being lost, by the way
that initiatives are currently being funded. Much of the available resource
is focused on the initial set up costs of the project and many worthy ini-
tiatives have been forced to close down because they cannot find the
minimal levels of funding needed to maintain services once their initial
funding subsidies have run out. The current propensity in the UK to sub-
sidise the capital costs of transport projects is also unhelpful in supporting
projects that aim to promote social inclusion, many of which are revenue
intensive. Patterns of funding can also have a detrimental effect, for ex-
ample, initiatives that are supported through small pots of money from a
variety of different funding sources are hugely burdensome to manage in
terms of their administration. Finally, where capital funding is required,
uncertainty about sustained funding for initiatives over the long term dis-
suades investment. Low levels of capital investment could preclude these
specialised transport services from attaining a critical mass and long-term
cost-effectiveness.

References 1. http://www.fiafoundation.com
2. Social Exclusion Unit, (2003) ‘Making the Connections: Final Report
on Transport and Social Exclusion’ www.socialexclusionunit.gov.uk
3. Three separate, nation specific case study reports are also available
for downloading on the FIA Foundation website.
4. 5 each in UK and US; 4 in France
5. Cervero, R. et al (2002) ‘Reverse Commuting and Job Access in Cali-
fornia: Markets, Needs and Policy Prospects’ California Department
of Transportation, September 2002
6. ibid Cervero et al (2002)
7. Due to the devolved status of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland
with regard to transport policy, the government initiatives described
here refer to England only. However, schemes with characteristics
similar to the case studies do exist in Scotland and Wales.
8. Social Trends 34: 2004 Edition, Chapter 12 – Transport. UK Office
for National Statistics (ONS) 2004
9. Information from http://www.dft.gov.uk “Local bus services in Eng-
land: an overview”
10. Lucas, K., Grosvenor, T. & Simpson, R. ‘Transport, the Environment
and social exclusion’ Joseph Rowntree Foundation 2001. p.7 & 11
11. idem Social Exclusion Unit, (2003)
13. Figures from Office for National Statistics, published on 13 April 2005.
www.statistics.gov.uk (Labour Market)
15. UK Department for Transport (2004), Guidance on Accessibility Plan-
ning in Local Transport Plans, Draft for Consultation, 4 August 2004,
http://www.dft.gov.uk
16. http://www.newdeal.gov.uk New Deal aims to improve employment
opportunities for those on welfare benefits, through assistance with
job searching, training and work placements.
17. Kennedy, L. (2003) ‘Transport and Social Exclusion: a United States
View’ Paper presented at an Experts’ Seminar, University of West-
minster, 4 April 2003 p. 3
18. USDOT Federal Highway Administration. ‘Journey to Work Trends in
the United States and its Major Metropolitan Areas 1960 –1990’ cited
in: Cervero, R. et al (2002) ‘Reverse Commuting and Job Access in
California’ California Department of Transportation, September 2002
p. 5
19. See for example: US Census Bureau: Table GCT-P14. Income and
Poverty in 1999: 2000
20. Public transport accounts for 9% of all trips in France and 15% of all
commuting trips (1994 National Travel Survey)
21. 23 Urban areas have a new tram system or have an accepted plan
to develop one. ‘ Les chiffres de référence des transports publics’
GART 2003 http://www.gart.org
22. ‘Facts 2003’ The Confederation of Passenger Transport UK (CPT),
February 2003. http://www.cpt-uk.org
23. ‘ Les chiffres de référence des transport publics’ GART 2003, p. 7-8
24. Orfeuil, J.P. (2003) ‘Transport and Social Exclusion: a G7 compari-
son, mobility, poverty and exclusion in France’ Paper presented at an
Experts’ Seminar, University of Westminster, 4 April 2003 p.12
25. INSEE Premiere No 767 April 2001. ‘Les déplacements domicile-
travail’
26. idem Orfeuil, J.P. (2003)

27. Choffel, P. “Emploi et chômage dans les quartiers prioritaires de la

politique de la ville. Quelques repères statistiques.’ Délégation inter-

ministérielle à la ville – mission “Observation, veille scientifique, éval-
uation” December 2002, p.39. Cited in: Le Breton, E. (2004) ‘Nou-
veux problèmes de mobilité, nouveux acteurs? L’aide à la mobilté
dans le secteur de l’insertion sociale et professionnelle’ Institut pour
la Ville en Mouvement, Paris
28. Le Breton, E (2004) ‘Nouveux problèmes de mobilité, nouveux
acteurs? L’aide à la mobilté dans le secteur de l’insertion sociale et
professionnelle’ Institut pour la Ville en Mouvement, Paris
29. GMV Conseil (2003) ‘Les reductions tarifaires en Ile-de-France, rap-
port d’études pour le Stif (Syndicat des Transports d’Ile-de-France)
unpublished
30. ‘Mobilité urbaine pour tous : programme pour le développement du
service public de transport en faveur des territoires prioritaires de la
politique de la ville’. Ministère de l’équipement, du transport et du
logement - Ministère délégué à la ville. April 2002.
31. Ministère de l’emploi, du travail, et de la cohésion sociale (2004) Plan
de Cohésion Social, http://www.cohesionsociale.gouv.fr/
32. Full details of each of the case study initiatives can be found in the
nation specific reports on the FIA Foundation website.
33. 1 Euro = £0.68260; 1 Euro = $1.2573. These rates area based on the
average of monthly rates published for January 2004 – June 2005 on
the InfoEuro website: http://europa.eu.int/comm/budget/inforeuro/in-
dex.cfm?Language=en

Acknowledgements
This report is the result of research carried out by Sophie Tyler and Dr Karen Lucas, Transport Studies Group,
University of Westminster, Professor Robert Cervero and his team at University of California, Berkeley, and
Professor Jean-Pierre Orfeuil, University of Paris XII, and his team from the City on the Move Institute, Paris.
Date of Publication: October 2006

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sport and the international association of motoring organisations.
Our objectives are to promote public safety and public health, the protection and preservation of human life
and the conservation, protection and improvement of the physical and natural environment through:
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MOVING FROM WELFARE TO WORK

THE ROLE OF TRANSPORT

05 1.1 Aims and objectives for Phase II

09 2. Policy Context in the UK, USA and France

09 2.1 Policy context in the UK (England)

14 3. Typology of Case Studies

16 3.1 Summary of UK case studies

27 4. Discussion of Key Findings

The report is ultimately interested in one question: what works?

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 

The key findings of the study were as follows:

 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Savings to government expenditure

Wide benefits to quality of life

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 

• Fixed route services are best suited to urban or suburban locations

 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

This report is designed to provide a summary and over-arching analysis

1.1 Aims and objectives for Phase II

• the welfare agenda and benefits system,

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 

1. The costs per user of each of the initiatives;

The US study predominantly focused on initiatives that aim to improve

The French study looked at examples of fixed route improvements, a

The UK study examined a new community initiated fixed route service,

• Initiative location and background

 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

2. Comparing the costs with alternatives

In France, a comparison of fixed route or demand responsive services

3. Evaluating impacts on users - Difficulties in data

Wherever feasible, additional surveys were carried out of users of the

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 

4. Longer term benefits

Despite the analytical difficulties associated with this methodological ap-

 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Recent UK government research has highlighted the fact that transport

In 2003, the UK Government’s Social Exclusion Unit published a report

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 

Pending the systematic adoption of accessibility planning, there have al-

In addition to these nationwide schemes, a range of different national

In addition, to these regeneration programmes, three types of transport

2.2 Policy context in the USA

Reverse-commuting programs, seeking to connect the inner-city poor to

10 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

2.3 Policy context in France

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 11

To date, initiatives which specifically address the mobility needs of job

Nationwide initiatives include extending public transport tariff reductions

In 2001, a new funding programme was launched by the French Minis-

In addition to this specific funding programme, a number of transport

With the number of unemployed in France rising to 4 million, the Ministry

12 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport | 13

The following table provides an overview of the case study characteristics

Service Type FR DRT & L FR L DRT & L DRT

Open Yes No Yes No No No

14 | Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Figure 1: Case Study Overview Table

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3.1.1 Braunstone Bus

Situated on the edge of the East Midlands city of Leicester, Braunstone is

Although primarily designed to meet the needs of Braunstone residents,

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Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport |

| Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport |

| Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport |

| Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport

Moving from Welfare to Work: the role of transport |