No 3, September 2000 www.smithfamily.org.
au everyone’s family
Civil society and the nonprofit sector:
the role of volunteers
GIANNI ZAPPALÀ
Why the interest in
volunteers?
An increased world-wide interest in the contribution of
volunteering to social and economic well being is reflected
in the fact that the United Nations has declared 2001 the
International Year of the Volunteer. An activity is generally
classified as 'volunteering' if it is freely chosen, does not
involve remuneration, and helps or benefits strangers.
Volunteering can occur both within and outside
organisational settings. The former can be termed formal
volunteering (e.g. volunteering through a nonprofit
organisation like The Smith Family) while the latter can
be termed informal volunteering (e.g. volunteering for
neighbours or friends).
Promoting volunteering has also become part of the social
policy platforms of Australian governments at federal and
state levels. The Minister for Family and Community
Services, Senator Jocelyn Newman, for instance, recently
announced a range of programs celebrating and
strengthening the role of volunteering in local
communities as part of its Stronger Families and
Communities Strategy (FaCS 2000). Business has also
discovered the benefits of volunteering as another tool to
increase their competitive advantage as well as illustrate
their commitment to the community (Points of Light
2000).
Why has this increased interest in volunteering occurred?
The underlying interest can be traced to two key related
factors that correspond to different paradigms for
understanding voluntary activity. This Briefing Paper
summarises these two main paradigms and argues that a
synthesis is emerging.
The civil society paradigm
The first factor underlying the increased interest in
volunteering is the growth and interest in debates
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surrounding 'social capital' and 'civil society'. Social capital
usually refers to the networks and norms (especially of
trust and reciprocity) in a society or a community that
facilitate collective action (Winter 2000). Volunteering is
seen as an activity conducive to building social capital as
the reciprocity involved helps build trust, coordination and
cooperation, and it does not involve monetary exchange
(Baum et al 1999).
Civil society is generally defined as the social space
between state, market and family in modern societies (see
Figure 1) (Baubock 1996). The social space between
these three institutions is occupied by a plurality of
associational relationships that include political parties,
trade unions, clubs, nonprofits, etc. The internal goals
and rules of the various associations that make up this
space determine their location within the 'civil society
triangle'. The closer an institution is to one of the corners,
the stronger is the impact of institutional rules and norms
characteristic of that corner. Political parties, for instance,
are influenced by the state, firms by the market, and
circle of friends by family. Institutions located near the
perimeters, but roughly equidistant from the corners (e.g.
trade unions, religious organisations, neighbourhoods) are
subject to conflicting pressures (e.g. economic/political,
public/private, open/closed), and their role in society may
change according to the dominant pressure at any
particular point in time.
The closer that institutions are to the centre of the
triangle, the greater their autonomy from all three poles
and the stronger is the voluntary nature of associational
life in civil society. Voluntary activity is seen to be at the
core of civil society.
Studies of volunteering within this 'civil society paradigm'
draw on the disciplines of political science and sociology,
and are primarily interested in the links between voluntary
activity and political participation, active citizenship and
the extent of social capital (Lyons et al 1998). The
organisations of greatest interest to researchers and policy
analysts from this perspective are voluntary associations,
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Research and Advocacy Briefing Paper No 3, September 2000
 Figure 1 The Civil Society Triangle: Location of Associations
or organisations that employ no staff and that serve the
interests of their members (member-serving nonprofits)
(e.g. soccer clubs, choir societies, mutual associations).
In the context of Figure 1, the focus is on the apex of the
triangle, or how the voluntary sector may contribute to
social change and the operation of political systems.
Australian-based studies of volunteering within the civil
society paradigm are still in their infancy although three
strands seem to be emerging:
• studies that have taken the decline in the extent of
volunteering in Australia over the last decade to imply
a weakening of civil society and the levels of social
capital (Lyons & Fabiansson 1998);
• studies that have focused on the relationship between
people's 'social capital' [as measured by a range of
socioeconomic and behavioural characteristics] and
active citizenship (Hogan & Owen 2000);
• studies that have focused on whether and how
particular characteristics of volunteers (e.g.
socioeconomic status) as well as the type of
'volunteering work' they do are linked to the generation
of different levels and types of social capital (Lyons
2000:184).
The nonprofit sector paradigm
The second factor behind the increased interest in
volunteering relates to the reconfiguration of the welfare
and community sectors in Australia and elsewhere over
the last decade. The role of government in welfare and
social policy has been one of gradually pulling back from
the direct delivery of services and relying more on
nonprofit organisations, and in particular, volunteers, to
undertake this role. Conservative administrations in the
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Research and Advocacy Briefing Paper No 3, September 2000
United States and Britain in the 1980s, for instance,
reduced public welfare services in order to stimulate
volunteering (Chambre 1989). More recently, the Blair
Labour government in Britain has also placed a strong
emphasis on the role of volunteers. Its policy document,
Compact getting it right together, sets out a framework to
guide relationships between government and the
voluntary sector, highlighting the shared visions and
purpose of the two sectors (Home Office 1998).
The emphasis on volunteering by current Australian
governments of all political persuasions is continuing the
trend commenced in the early 1980s of reducing the
direct role of government in the welfare system while
relying on the nonprofit sector to play a greater role. A key
implication of this trend for organisations that operate in
the community sector is that they may need to
increasingly rely on their volunteer labour force to carry
out their activities.
Studies of volunteering within this 'nonprofit sector
paradigm' tend to draw on the disciplines of economics,
law, and management. The focus is on philanthropic
activities and nonprofit organisations1 that offer services
that might also be offered by government agencies (e.g.
health, education, or emergency relief) (Lyons et al
1998:52). In the nonprofit sector paradigm, volunteering
is interesting as an act of altruism, a gift of time rather
than money. It is important not only because it is a
1. Also referred to as public-serving nonprofits because
they are primarily established to provide services for
people who are not their members.
2. The increasing influence of market and corporate
forces on traditional nonprofits is captured by the term
'social enterprise'. This theme is the subject of a
forthcoming Briefing Paper.
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resource for the nonprofit sector but because it also
contributes to the economy. In the context of Figure 1,
the focus is on nonprofits and the lower left-hand
'market' pole of the civil society triangle.2
Most Australian research on volunteers has to date been
within this paradigm (Vellekoop-Baldock 1990; ACOSS
1996). Illustrative of its economic focus, studies have
computed estimates of the 'economic' value of
volunteering activity. Based on ABS Time Use surveys,
one such study found that the number of hours spent
on unpaid or voluntary work was almost equal to the
total hours worked in the manufacturing industry,
community services and finance and business services.
The time spent in volunteering in 1997, for instance,
was equal to 13 per cent of all paid work. Finally, it
estimated that volunteers donated about 7 per cent of
GDP in 1992 and 8 per cent of GDP in 1997 to other
households, both directly or through volunteer
organisations and groups (Ironmonger 2000).
Civil society and non-profit
sector paradigms: a
synthesis?
In practice, the assumptions about volunteers within
both paradigms are becoming difficult to distinguish. For
instance, the British Compact referred to above not only
views volunteers as playing a 'complementary' role to
government in the provision of services, but states that:
…voluntary and community activity is
fundamental to the development of a
democratic, socially inclusive society. Voluntary
and community groups, as independent, not-for-
profit organisations, bring distinctive value to
society and fulfil a role that is distinct from both
state and the market. They enable individuals to
contribute to public life and the development of
their communities by providing the opportunity
for voluntary action (Home Office 1998: pt5).
The 'service delivery' role of volunteers is therefore also
seen as an essential part of civil society and the
development of social capital. What is often the source
of contention, however, is whether decreasing the role
of government in service provision and replacing it with
voluntary work increases social capital. A key problem
with this policy position is that it regards 'communities'
as essentially autonomous entities, and assumes that
the necessary social capital will be developed by the
gradual withdrawal of government services (Cox &
Caldwell 2000).
Social capital was originally a focus of researchers
working within the 'civil society paradigm' and its
emphasis on voluntary associations. It is now, however,
just as much a part of the discourse of those who
approach volunteering from the 'nonprofit sector
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paradigm'. Increasing attention is now being paid to the
role and contribution of volunteering in the larger
public-serving nonprofits to the development of social
capital (Lyons 2000). The relationship between
volunteering and social capital is not as clear-cut in this
case as that between social capital and member-serving
voluntary associations. Public serving nonprofits are the
largest providers of community services, but many are
either dependent on government support or increasingly
operated as for-profit organisations. Lyons (2000:187)
has argued that it is likely that:
…once they [public-serving nonprofits] become
large enough to employ staff to deliver services,
their use of social capital, and thus their ability
to generate it, is diminished. However, if they try
to involve members and clients in activities
associated with the organisation, or if they make
extensive use of volunteers, then their reliance
on social capital is at least partially maintained.
Lyons also argues that public-serving nonprofits need to
make greater use of volunteers if they are to contribute
to the development of social capital. While it is likely
that nonprofit organisations play an important role in
the generation of social capital, the mechanisms
through which this occurs, and the nature and extent of
variation between different organisations is not clear.
The Smith Family volunteer
study
A feature of most nonprofit organisations (member and
public serving) is their reliance on a volunteer labour
force. This is particularly true for the public-serving
nonprofits in the community services/welfare sector. It
has been estimated that there are more volunteers in
Australian non-government welfare organisations than
there are paid workers (Vellekoop-Baldock 1990). In
1995 almost one-third of those who volunteered did so
in the welfare/community sector, topped only by
volunteers in the sport and recreation field (ABS
1996:10). Most of these volunteers are involved in the
direct provision of services, a characteristic unique to
Australian volunteerism compared to voluntary activity
in many Western European countries (Vellekoop-
Baldock 1990:48).
The Smith Family was founded by volunteers and
continues to rely on voluntary activity in its work with
disadvantaged Australians. In 1999, there were over
1500 volunteers across Australia working in a range of
activities from community services and education to
research and marketing3. They come from a range of
backgrounds and spend varying amounts of time
volunteering.
This paper highlighted two key factors behind the
increased interest in volunteering as well as changes in
the external environment that may increase the need for
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Research and Advocacy Briefing Paper No 3, September 2000
 volunteers by nonprofit organisations. In the context of
the civil society triangle in Figure 1, the pressures
emanating from the 'market' and 'state' poles of the
triangle are increasingly influencing the assumptions
underpinning the operation of many nonprofit
organisations (e.g. incentives to tender for government
contracts to provide employment services) (Gregg
2000). It is likely that these pressures may also
influence the relationship between nonprofit
organisations and their volunteers, as well as the
potential contribution of these volunteers to social
capital.
Given the changes in the external environment, The
Smith Family is adopting a more strategic approach to
the management, recruitment, training and retention of
its volunteers. To assist this process TSF commenced a
research project in late 1999 titled: Why people
volunteer and the organisational consequences: A case
study of The Smith Family. This study involved a survey
of all TSF volunteers and forthcoming publications will
report on a range of findings from this survey, including:
the relationship between volunteers and social capital,
the motivations of TSF volunteers, the relationship
between reasons for volunteering and a range of
socioeconomic characteristics.
Department of Family and Community Services (2000)
Stronger Families and Communities Strategy, Canberra:
FaCS, April.
Gregg, Samuel (2000) 'Welfare churches risk their
souls' The Australian, 15 August, p.13.
Hogan, David & David Owen (2000) 'Social capital,
active citizenship and political equality in Australia', in
Ian Winter (ed.) Social Capital and Public Policy in
Australia, Melbourne: AIFS.
Home Office (1998) Compact: getting it right together,
Compact on Relations between Government and the
Voluntary and Community Sector in England, London:
Home Office.
Ironmonger, Duncan (2000) 'Measuring volunteering in
economic terms' paper presented to the Australian
Social Science Academy Workshop, Volunteering in the
New Millennium, 10-11 February.
Lyons, Mark & Charlotte Fabiansson (1998) 'Is
volunteering declining in Australia?' Australian Journal
on Volunteering, 3(2), pp. 15-21.
Lyons, Mark (2000) 'Non-profit organisations, social
capital and social policy in Australia' in Ian Winter (ed.)
Social Capital and Public Policy in Australia,
Melbourne: AIFS.

References
Lyons, Mark, Philip Wijkstrom & Gil Clary (1998)
'Comparative studies of volunteering: What is being
studied?, Voluntary Action, 1(1), pp. 45-54.
ABS (1996) Voluntary Work Australia, June 1995,
Points of Light Foundation (2000) The Corporate
Cat.No.4441.0.
Volunteer Program as a Strategic Resource: The link
ACOSS (1996) Volunteering in Australia, ACOSS Paper grows stronger, Washington, DC: The Points of Light
No.74, April. Foundation.
Baubock, Rainer (1996) 'Social and Cultural integration Vellekoop-Baldock, Cora (1990) Volunteers in Welfare,
in a civil society' in R. Baubock, Agnes Heller, Aristide Sydney: Allen & Unwin.
R. Zolberg (eds.) The Challenge of Diversity, Aldershot:
Winter, Ian (2000) 'Towards a theorised understanding
Avebury.
of family life and social capital' Working Paper 21, April,
Baum, F., C. Modra, R. Bush, E. Cox, R. Cooke & R. Australian Institute of Family Studies.
Potter (1999) 'Volunteering and social capital: An
Adelaide study' Australian Journal on Volunteering,
4(1), pp.13-22.
Chambre, S.M (1989) 'Kindling points of light:
volunteering as public policy' Nonprofit and Voluntary
Sector Quarterly, 18(3), pp.249-68. 3. This excludes those 32,000 women who volunteer
through VIEW (Voice, Interest, Education of
Cox, Eva & Peter Caldwell (2000) 'Making policy social'
Women).
in Ian Winter (ed.) Social Capital and Public Policy in
Australia, Melbourne: AIFS.

For further information on the volunteering research project contact Dr. Gianni Zappalà, Research Coordinator,
Research & Advocacy Team, The Smith Family. Phone: (02) 9550 7153. Email: GianniZ@smithfamily.org.au
ISSN: 1444-7568
ISBN: 1 876833 06 8

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Research and Advocacy Briefing Paper No 3, September 2000 The Smith Family