Manliness and The Constitution by John M. Kang

MANLINESSANDTHECONSTITUTION
JOHNM.KANG* INTRODUCTION ............................................................261 I. THOMASHOBBES:HOWHYPERMASCULINITY NECESSITATESABSOLUTEMONARCHY ...............268 II. ROBERTFILMER:THEAUTHORITYOFTHEFATHER ANDTHEMANLYMONARCH ...............................276 III. LOCKESATTACKONPATRIARCHALISMAND ABSOLUTEMONARCHY.........................................283 IV. THEAUTHORITYOFTHEPEOPLE .........................287 A. Civility ............................................................293 1. CriticismoftheKing ..............................297 2. EnlightenmentEmbraceofCivility......302 3. NecessaryforAdjudication...................313 B. Deliberation....................................................318 V. THEAMBIVALENTPLACEOFTHEGENTLEMANIN THECONSTITUTIONALORDER..............................326 INTRODUCTION Men as a group are saddled with at least three broad, and notnecessarilybaseless,caricatures:thehypermasculinebrute, thedutifulgentleman,andtheindependentthinkerwhoishis
*AssistantProfessorofLaw,St.ThomasUniversitySchoolofLaw.Iwouldlike tothankMarkBrandon,LauraGomez,TomJoo,andLenoraLedwonforconver sation and, for comments on the Article, Keith Bybee, Nancy Ehrenreich, Jamie Fox, Lauren Gilbert, David Law, Athena Matua, and Ann McGinley. Andrea Luedecker and Adam Gersten provided research assistance. A version of this Article was presented at Lat Crit XII in Miami, the MiamiFlorida StateStetson JuniorFacultyForum,theAssociationfortheStudyofLaw,CultureandHumani tiesconferenceattheUniversityofCaliforniaatBerkeley,theConferenceofAsian PacificAmericanLawFacultyattheUniversityofDenver,andthe2008meeting inWestPalmBeachoftheSoutheasternAssociationofLawSchools. ThisArticleisforPeterH.Kang,Esq.,tirelessPublicDefenderand,inthebest sense,agentlemanoftheConstitution.
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ownman.Theseportraitsdomorethanpopulateourculture; theyinformtheSupremeCourtsconstitutionaljurisprudence. First, let us consider the image of men as hypermasculine brutes who are consumed by a propensity for atavism, vio lence, and domination.1 A characteristic of hypermasculine menisthedesiretoavengeviolentlyperceivedwrongsdoneto them,includingwrongsintheformofpublicslights.2Thisde scriptionmaycalltomindtherabidMiamiDolphinsfanwho feelscompelledtopunchtheloudmouthattheotherendofthe sportsbar whohasdishonoredthereputation ofDanMarino. Wemayalsothinkoftheenragedhusbandwhobeatshiswife for publicly humiliating him. Mindful of insults role in hy permasculinity, the Supreme Court has sought to preempt conditions where it can provoke violence. A stark example is
1.SeeMaryEllenGale,CallingintheGirlScouts:FeministLegalTheoryandPolice Misconduct,34 LOY. L.A. L. REV. 691, 746 (2001)(explainingthatthehypermascu linegenderingofpoliceworkhasledtocorruption,excessiveforce,andextreme violence);AngelaP.Harris,Gender,Violence,Race,andCriminalJustice,52STAN.L. REV. 777, 785 (2000) (describing hypermasculinity as the exaggerated exhibition ofphysicalstrengthandpersonalaggression);JamesE.Robertson,APunksSong aboutPrisonReform,24PACE L. REV. 527, 534(2004)(defininghypermasculinityas the magnification of masculinity as expressed through radical individualism, violence, and the will to dominate). My use of the term hypermasculinity meansessentiallythesamethingasmachismoasusedbyDonaldMosherand SilvanTomkins.MosherandTomkinsdefinedtheideologyofmachismoasa systemofideasformingaworldviewthatchauvinisticallyexaltsmaledominance by assuming masculinity, virility, and physicality to be the ideal essence of real men who are adversarial warriors competing for scarce resources (including womenaschattel)inadangerousworld.DonaldL.Mosher&SilvanS.Tomkins, Scripting the Macho Man: Hypermasculine Socialization and Enculturation, 25 J. SEX RES.60,64(1988)(emphasisremoved). 2.AccordingtoMosherandSirkin,amachomanmustdefendhismasculine identityfromanyassaultonhismasculinestatusorsexualpotency.Interperson ally...with men, he must display a cool and aloof selfconfidence as he is ever readytorespondtoveiledinsultsduringverbalduelingwithverbalorphysical aggressiveaction.DonaldL.Mosher&MarkSirkin,MeasuringaMachoPersonal ity Constellation, 18 J. RES. PERSONALITY 150, 150 (1984); see also Cynthia Lee, The GayPanicDefense,42U.C.DAVISL.REV.471,479(2008)(discussinghowsomemen who selfidentify as heterosexual violently attack gay men who make unwanted sexualadvancestowardthem);JamesE.Robertson,ClosingtheCircle:WhenPrior ImprisonmentOughttoMitigateCapitalMurder,11KAN. J.L. & PUB. POLY415,421 (2002) (Many male inmates respond by exaggerated displays of manhood, in which even minor slights by others become direct challenges to their masculine status.); Frank Rudy Cooper, Whos the Man?: Masculinities and Police Stops (Suffolk University Law School, Research Paper No. 0823, 2008), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1257183(arguingthatpolicefrisksmaybepromptedbya desirebypoliceofficerstoasserttheirhypermasculineidentities);infraPartI.
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thefightingwordsdoctrine,createdbytheCourtinChaplinsky v.NewHampshire.3TheCourtallowedaprohibitiononfighting words when construed as those that men of common intelli gence would understand would be words likely to cause an averageaddresseetofight.4Fightingwordscanbethreaten ing, profane or obscene revilings, especially when uttered facetoface.5Fightingwords,theCourtdeclared,shouldnot receive constitutional protection because by their very utter ance,[they]inflictinjuryortendtoinciteanimmediatebreach ofthepeace.6TheCourtelaborated:
Ithasbeenwellobservedthatsuchutterancesarenoessen tialpartofanyexpositionofideas,andareofsuchslightso cialvalueasasteptotruththatanybenefitthatmaybede rivedfromthemisclearlyoutweighedbythesocialinterest inorderandmorality.7
Noticethatthefightingwordsdoctrinetargetsmenanddraws from a gendered worldview. [M]en of common intelligence andordinarymen8arethetouchstoneand,althoughwomen theoretically can also retaliate with violence against men or women, the Chaplinsky Court never refers to the female per spective. For the Court, only men threaten the public peace with their anger and, thus, only men must not be needlessly aggravated. Against this image of hypermasculinity stands the ideal of the gentleman: civil, dutiful, gracious, and protective of the weak.9Hereisthemanwhounfailinglyabsorbsthecasualpa rade of daily slights with stoic politeness and, in his old fashionedandperhapsvaguelychauvinisticway,alwaysopens doors for women. The gentleman also differs from the hyper
3.315U.S.568(1942). 4.Id.at573. 5.Id.; see also Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 30910 (1940) (Resort to epithetsorpersonalabuseisnotinanypropersensecommunicationofinforma tionoropinionsafeguardedbytheConstitution,anditspunishmentasacriminal actwouldraisenoquestionunderthatinstrument.). 6.Chaplinsky,315U.S.at572. 7.Id. 8.Id.at573(emphasisadded). 9.See THOMAS L. SHAFFER WITH MARY M. SHAFFER, AMERICAN LAWYERS AND THEIR COMMUNITIES: ETHICS IN THE LEGAL PROFESSION 43, 86, 93 (1991) (arguing that a gentleman possesses, among other things, civility, duty, kindness, and a desiretoprotecttheweak).
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masculinebrutebybeingmindfulofhiscivicresponsibilities.10 In1996,theVirginiaMilitaryInstitute(VMI)caseaffordedthe SupremeCourtanopportunitytoponderthemeaningofbeing agentleman.11TheCourtrejectedVMIspolicyofdenyingad mission to women applicants, because the policy violated the Equal Protection Clause and, more specifically, VMIs policy stoodasanobstacletotheCourtsadvancementofgenderneu trality.12ForJusticeScalia,whodissented,theCourtsvindica tion of gender neutrality defeated a public sanctuary where young men could develop virtues as gentlemen. Justice Scalia found powerfully impressive the schools requirement that itsstudentsabidebyalistofrulesforgoodbehaviorknownas theCodeofHonor.13TheCodeinsisted,amongotherthings, thatagentleman:
Doesnotgotoaladyshouseifheisaffectedbyalcohol.He istemperateintheuseofalcohol. Does not lose his temper; nor exhibit anger, fear, hate, em barrassment,ardororhilarityinpublic. [N]everdiscussesthemeritsordemeritsofalady. Doesnotputhismannersonandoff,whetherintheclubor in a ballroom. He treats people with courtesy, no matter whattheirsocialpositionmaybe. Doesnotlickthebootsofthoseabovenorkickthefaceof thosebelowhimonthesocialladder.14
These responsibilities are surely arduous for many men, es pecially of college age, but VMI formally expected its recruits to embrace opportunities to fulfill the Codes tenets. To be a gentleman at VMI was to attain a lustrous nobility, a premise thatfindsexpressionintheCodespreface:
10.Seeid.Thereisperhapsnobetterexemplarofthesetraitsinfictionthanthe lawyer Atticus Finch. See HARPER LEE, TO KILL A MOCKINGBIRD (1960). See also SHAFFER WITH SHAFFER, supra note 9, at 43, 4546 (discussing Atticus Finch as a quintessentialgentleman). 11.UnitedStatesv.Virginia,518U.S.515(1996). 12.Seeid.at534,557. 13.Id.at60203(Scalia,J.,dissenting). 14.Id.
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Without a strict observance of the fundamental Code of Honor, no man, no matter how polished, can be consid ered a gentleman. The honor of a gentleman demands the inviolabilityofhisword,andtheincorruptibilityofhisprin ciples.Heisthedescendantoftheknight,thecrusader;heis the defender of the defenseless and the champion of jus tice...orheisnotaGentleman.15
Somewhat complementary to the image of the gentleman is theidealofmenasindependentand,especiallyinthepolitical realm, as independent thinkers.16 No judge articulated the lat ter view with more poignancy than Justice Brandeis in his fa mous concurrence in Whitney v. California.17 Conventionally laudedforitsbracingsupportoffreespeech,JusticeBrandeiss opinion is partly a discourse about male identity. He argued thatmenmustpossessastoutcouragetoexercisetheirconsti tutional rights. The Framers, Justice Brandeis asserted, be lieved liberty to be the secret of happiness and courage to be the secret of liberty.18 Unfortunately, Justice Brandeis pro videdlittledirectexplanationforthestatementsmeaning.He simplyannouncedthatcouragemustcounteractthepathology of fear because fear breeds repression...repression breeds hate...hate menaces stable government and the path of safetyliesintheopportunitytodiscussfreelysupposedgriev ances and proposed remedies.19 Courage is not exclusive to men, but its etymology in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew derives fromthewordforman,asiftobecourageousisnecessarily to be manly and vice versa.20 This correlation was not lost on Justice Brandeis. Although the Whitney case concerned Char lotte Anita Whitney, a woman, and probably a courageous
15.Id.at602. 16.SeeLeslieBender,ALawyersPrimeronFeministTheoryandTort,38J.LEGAL EDUC. 3 (1988), reprinted in FEMINIST LEGAL THEORY: FOUNDATIONS 58 (D. Kelly Weisberged.,1993)(arguingthatmendesireindependencewhereaswomende sirecommunity);RobinWest,JurisprudenceandGender,55U. CHI. L. REV.1,612 (1988)(arguingthatliberaltheoryenvisionsmenasindependentbeings). 17.274U.S.357,372(1927)(Brandeis,J.,concurring),overruledbyBrandenburg v.Ohio,395U.S.444(1969). 18.Id. at 375; see also Vincent Blasi, The First Amendment and the Ideal of Civic Courage: The Brandeis Opinion in Whitney v. California, 29 WM. & MARY L. REV. 653(1988). 19.Whitney,274U.S.at375(Brandeis,J.,concurring). 20.Seeinfranotes35657andaccompanyingtext.
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one,21JusticeBrandeissonlyreferencetowomenasagenderin Whitney hardly rendered them courageous: Men feared witches and burnt women. It is the function of speech to free men from the bondage of irrational fears.22 Justice Brandeis depicted women as passive objects of mens superstition or enlightenment;forhim,menwerethesolepoliticalactors,and thatiswhyheurgedmen,andnotwomen,tobecourageous. The American constitutional enterprise, according to Justice Brandeis,investeditshopesinmen,but,ontheotherhand,the fighting words doctrine and the Supreme Courts decision in theVMIcaseimplythatmencanpresentthreatstoit.Theten sionmaycauseustowonderhowtomakesenseofmaleiden tityintheAmericanconstitutionalorder.ThisArticleexamines thetensionbydelvingintothehistoricaloriginsofmaleiden tityanditsrelationtotheAmericanConstitution. This examination begins in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuriesofearlymodernEngland,fortheAmericancolonists would eventually have to grapple with ideas that arose from this period. Two of the most prominent conceptions of male identity in early modern England made constitutional democ racy,astheAmericansunderstoodit,philosophicallyunrealis tic. Thomas Hobbes represents one conception, and Robert Filmertheother. PartIpresentsapictureofearlymodernEnglandwherethe spectacleofmenengagedinpublicbrawlsoverissuesofhonor wascommon.Reactingtothispublicviolence,theseventeenth centuryphilosopherHobbesbemoanedthatmenshypermascu linitymadethemineligibleforthedisciplinedandmatureenter priseofselfgovernment.Onlyanabsolutemonarch,Hobbesin sisted,couldcontrolmenforpurposesofcollectivepeace. Part II shows that Filmer, another prominent seventeenth centuryEnglishphilosopher,alsobelievedthatmenweregener allyincompetentforselfgovernment.UnlikeHobbes,Filmerar guedthatmenwerepsychologicallyinfantileandthuslackedthe manlyindependenceforselfgovernment.Onlytheking,wrote Filmer, had the requisite manliness of a powerful father, and menrequiredthefathersloveandguidancewhileowinghim
21.SeegenerallyAshutoshA.Bhagwat,TheStoryofWhitneyv.California:ThePower ofIdeas,inCONSTITUTIONALLAWSTORIES407,40912(MichaelC.Dorfed.,2004). 22.Whitney,274U.S.at376(Brandeis,J.,concurring).
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completeobedience.Bythelateseventeenthcentury,however, philosopherslikeJohnLockebegantochallengeabsolutemon archy in a manner that would influence how the American coloniststhoughtaboutmaleidentityanditsrelationshipwith politicalauthority.PartIIIoutlinesthisshift. Although the American colonists were not the first to chal lenge absolute monarchy, they were the first to create a gov ernment that completely did away with a king. This radically democratic move, in turn, required the colonists to imagine conceptions of male identity that would help to underwrite their change in governance. The colonists first had to parry Hobbess and Filmers arguments for the kings authority. In stead of bestowing upon the king the mantle of indispensable refereeorlovingpatriarch,theAmericans,asillustratedinPart IV,ridiculedhimasahypermasculinebrute.Bydelegitimizing the king, the colonists cleared a philosophical path for a new governmentwhereallauthorityformallyresidedwiththepeo ple themselves. That move in turn prompted the colonists to develop an account of public virtue that expected men to be haveinamannerthatwoulddemonstratetheircompetencefor selfgovernment.AgainstHobbes,thecolonistspressedAmeri can men to embrace civility, including civility toward social inferiors,ratherthanallowingAmericanmentobedrivenbya violent hypermasculinity. Against Filmer, the colonists urged Americanmentoevincetheirmanlyindependencebydeliber ating political truths instead of deferring to social betters. For these reasons, the political imperatives of the Constitution helpedtocreateamodelofanindependentmindedAmerican gentleman. The ideal of manliness as conceived by the Foun ders, however, presently occupies an ambivalent place in our constitutionalculture.PartVreflectsonthiscondition. ThisArticleseekstoofferauniquecontributiontotheexist inglegalscholarshiponmaleidentity.Muchofthatscholarship iswrittenbyfeministprofessorswhoareprincipallyconcerned with the study of female identity, and male identity only fig uresintheanalysistotheextentitcanilluminatetheformer.23
23.SeeNancyLevit,FeminismforMen:LegalIdeologyandtheConstructionofMale ness,43UCLAL.REV.1037,1038(1996)([I]nseveralimportantrespects,apartfrom thecrucialrole ofculprit, men havebeen largelyomitted fromfeminism.).Other articleshavelookedattheconstructionofmaleidentity.SeeNancyLevit,MalePris oners:Privacy,Suffering,andthe LegalConstructionofMasculinity,inPRISON MASCU
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Suchafocusisunderstandablegiventhatfeministscholarship seekstoempowerwomenbyexposinggenderbias.24ThisArti cle focuses squarely on male identity as deserving its own analysis.Furthermore,thearticlesthatdofocusonmaleiden tity tend to dwell on issues pertaining to statutory interpreta tion or the Equal Protection Clause, such as employment dis crimination,25singlesexeducation,26andprisons.27ThisArticle exploresmaleidentityasitrelatestogeneralnotionsofpoliti calauthority,thearrangementofinstitutionalpower,andcivic ethosin short, some of the fundamental aspects of constitu tionalenterprise. I. THOMASHOBBES:HOWHYPERMASCULINITYNECESSITATES ABSOLUTEMONARCHY
The most quoted line from Thomas Hobbess lengthy book Leviathan declares that the life of man, when there is no commonpowertokeepthemallinawe,ispoor,nasty,brut ish,andshort.28Withthisweirdlybleakintroduction,Hobbes prepared the reader for perhaps the most famous argument against a limited government such as that created by the U.S.
LINITIES93102(DonSaboetal.eds.,2001)[hereinafterLevit,MalePrisoners];AnnC.
McGinley,HarassingGirlsattheHardRock:MasculinitiesinSexualizedEnvironments, 2007U. ILL. L. REV.1229[hereinafterMcGinley,Harassing];AnnC.McGinley,Mas culinitiesatWork,83OR. L. REV.359(2004)[hereinafterMcGinley,Masculinities];see also Mary Anne C. Case, Disaggregating Gender from Sex and Sexual Orientation: The EffeminateManintheLawandFeministJurisprudence,105YALEL.J.1(1995).Forother examples of scholars who have defined manhood by juxtaposing it with woman hood, see MARK E. KANN, A REPUBLIC OF MEN: THE AMERICAN FOUNDERS, GEN DEREDLANGUAGE,ANDPATRIARCHALPOLITICS1619(1998). 24.Professor Weisberg explained: Feminist legal theorists, despite differences inschoolsofthought,areunitedintheirbasicbeliefthatsocietyispatriarchal shaped by and dominated by men. Feminist jurisprudence, then, provides an analysisandcritiqueofwomenspositioninpatriarchalsocietyandexaminesthe natureandextentofwomenssubordination.D.KellyWeisberg,Introductionto FEMINISTLEGALTHEORY:FOUNDATIONS,supranote16,atxv,xvii. 25.See, e.g., McGinley, Harassing, supra note 23; McGinley, Masculinities, supra note23. 26.See,e.g.,WilliamHenryHurd,GonewiththeWind?VMIsLossandtheFuture of SingleSex Public Education, 4 DUKE J. GENDER L. & POLY 27 (1997); Jon A. So derberg,TheConstitutionalAssaultontheVirginiaMilitaryInstitute,53WASH. & LEEL.REV.429(1996). 27.See,e.g.,Levit,MalePrisoners,supranote23;Robertson,supranote1. 28.THOMAS HOBBES, LEVIATHAN: WITH SELECTED VARIANTS FROM THE LATIN EDITIONOF1668,at76(EdwinCurleyed.,Hackett1994)(1651).
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Constitution.HobbesassertedinseventeenthcenturyEngland that men were consumed by a violent hypermasculinity that was problematic to even basic efforts at societal peace.29 Note thatHobbeswasindictingmenasasex,notmenintheuni versalist sense that subsumes women.30 Men, on his account, obsessively devoted themselves to the protection of their honor,andeventhemildestsocialslightswouldsetthemoff.31 Worse,Hobbesbelievedthatformenviolencewasnotsimplya meanstoanend,butthatmenactuallyrelishedopportunitiesto inflictitanddidnotflinchfromthosemomentswhentheyhad toendureit.Belligerentandtouchy,menlackedthedispassion necessary for the pacific and disciplined business of constitu tional democracy.32 For Hobbes, the only type of government suitable for men was an absolute monarchy that was strong enoughtoclampdownontheirhypermasculinepassions.33 WhatledHobbestomakesuchgrimassessmentsaboutmenas hypermasculine?Hewasthinkingaboutmanslifeinearlymod ern England, an astonishingly violent society even by our con temporary American standards. It is telling, for example, that Lawrence Stone, a revered historian of the period, announced that early modern England was at least five times more vio lencepronethanEnglandinthelatetwentiethcentury.34Much oftheviolencewaspropelledbyadesiretopreempt oravenge assaultsononeshonor,andaglimmerofdisrespectcouldpro voke a fight.35 As Cambridge historian Mervyn James com mented, [s]illy quarrels escalated into battles in the streets.36 Further,[c]onflictswererapidlytranslatedintothelanguageof
29.Seeinfranotes8089andaccompanyingtext. 30.Hobbesmadefleetingreferencestowomen,butthesereferenceshighlighthis ascribedgenderdifferences.Hedeclaredthatmenarenaturallyfitterthanwomen foractionsoflabouranddanger,andthatthereisallowancetobemadefornatu ral timorousness, not only to women (of whom no such dangerous duty is ex pected),butalsotomenoffemininecourage.HOBBES,supranote28,at126,142. 31.Seeinfranotes8289andaccompanyingtext. 32.Seeinfranotes8089andaccompanyingtext. 33.Seeinfranotes9092andaccompanyingtext. 34.Lawrence Stone, Interpersonal Violence in English Society 13001980, in 101 PAST&PRESENT22,32(1983). 35.See MERVYN JAMES, SOCIETY, POLITICS AND CULTURE: STUDIES IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND 308 (1986); LAWRENCE STONE, THE CRISIS OF THE ARISTOC RACY:15881641,at223(1965)(arguingthatinthefifteenthandsixteenthcentury, menfoughtoverprestigeandproperty,inthatorder). 36.JAMES,supranote35,at308.
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thesword,andthiswasespeciallysowhentheyconcernedpoli ticsorreligion,topicsthatarousedpride,andhenceinvolvedis sues of honor.37 Often, the only method of expression for dissi denceappearedtobeviolentthreats,asifthesocialdemandsof tolerating anothers competing opinion weighed unbearably on ones honor.38 In this atmosphere, the gentry fought to get the bestpewinthechurch,39nobilitydueledoverwhowouldgetthe most honored seats in court,40 squires clashed over election as knights and for membership on commissions,41 and nobility foughtfortheprestigeofthemonarchsattention.42Accordingto ProfessorStone,[i]nasocietythatwasevenmoreobsessedwith statusthanwithmoney,intangiblesofthissortarousedpassions whichoftencouldonlybeappeasedinblood.43 To exacerbate matters, the local government had little suc cessinmaintainingpeace.44Witnessthefollowingcatalogueof lawlessness, made all the more appalling by having been per petrated,usuallyintheopen,bythemostprominentmembers
37.Id. 38.SeeSTONE,supranote35,at22324. 39.Seeid.at223. 40.See A.J. Fletcher, Honour, Reputation and Local Offending in Elizabethan and StuartEngland,inORDERAND DISORDERIN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND 92, 98(An thonyFletcher&JohnStevensoneds.,1985). 41.SeeSTONE,supranote35,at223. 42.Seeid.HistorianA.J.Fletcheralsoremarkedthattherewerenumerousop portunitiesforbattlesoverprecedence.Fletcher,supranote40,at97.Heoffered thiscatalogue: In Elizabethan Norfolk factional politics became so fraught that several gentlemenintriguedatcourttohavetheirnameplacedabovealocalrival atthenextrenewalofthecommissionofthepeace....Deeplyentrenched quarrelscouldsplutterintoviolencewhenthetensionsofappearancein the public arena focused mens minds on questions of preeminence. At the Norwich sessions in 1582, Sir Arthur Heveningham, faced with chargesofmisconductbyEdwardFlowerdew,burstoutintoagreatand vehement kind of railing speech against him. A brawl with their fists betweenSir Thomas Reresby andWilliam Wentworthat theRotherham quartersessionsinthe1590sturnedintoascufflewithswordsinvolving the two mens followers. Arguments over seating arrangements on the bench were not uncommon.When the Tory LordCheyne and the Whig LordWhartonappearedtogetherontheBuckinghamshirebenchin1699, Cheyneobjectedtohisrivalsittingonthechairmansrighthandandafter thebusinesstheyretiredtoduel. Id.at9798. 43.STONE,supranote35,at223. 44.See id. at 230 (Attempts by the local administration to dealwith feuds be tweennoblesandsquiresusuallyendedinfailure.).
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of the community. Thomas Hutchinson, also known as Lord Radcliffe,hadassaultedSirGermainePoole,andgettinghim downe he bit a goode part of his nose and carried yt away in his pocket.45 The 14th Lord Grey of Wilton snuck up to Sir John Fortescue and repeatedly struck him with a crabtree truncheonashelaysenselessontheground,untilthelatters servantscametotherescue.46Thenobilityalsoemployedthe servicesofretainerswhowereoftennobetterthanthugs.47For example, Henry, Earl of Lincoln always attacked with fifteen or sixteen bullies.48 A group from the Talbot and Cavendish clans ambushed and attacked with swords Sir John Stanhope and four men.49 The feud between two noble families, the Markhams and the Holles, reached a climax as both engaged their respective retainers in battle. Gervase Markham was wounded and, on the excuse that he was unfairly attacked while on the ground, planned to shoot John Holles while Holles was not looking.50 The 2nd Lord Rich sent twentyfive retainerstoattackEdwardWindhaminbroaddaylightonFleet Street, and accompanied the attack with cries of Drawe vil lens,drawe,Cuttoffhislegges,andKyllhim.51Agroup ofmenpummeledaservantoftheEarlofLeicester,presuma blyunderordersofsomenobleenemyoftheEarl.52Thomas, Lord Burgh, tried to murder a man in his bed.53 Ralph, Lord
45.Id.at225. 46.Id. at 226. Less spontaneously, scheduled duels were also a common prac tice. Historian Philip Jenkins has remarked on their prevalence even in the late seventeenthcentury: Thedefenceofhonourorselfinterestoftenimpliedaresorttoviolence,and iftheoffendingpartywasoftoohighbirthtobemerelybeatenormobbed, thenaduelcouldresult.Gentlemenworeswords,wereportrayedwiththem inpaintings,andwereexpectedtousetheminaffairsofhonour....Duels werefrequentwhenthecodeofhonourwassosensitive,andthesituation wasexacerbatedbythepoliticalbitternessofthelaterseventeenthcentury, when partisan rivalries caused many fights involving some of the greatest familiesofWales. PHILIP JENKINS, THE MAKING OF A RULING CLASS: THE GLAMORGAN GENTRY: 16401790,at200(1983). 47.SeeSTONE,supranote35,at227. 48.Id.at225. 49.Seeid.at22526. 50.Seeid.at226. 51.Id. 52.Id. 53.Seeid.
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Eure, first hired assassins to kill the Recorder of Berwick and, whenunsuccessful,hiredanexperttotrytopoisonhim.54Pro fessorStoneconcludedthat[s]toriesofthiskind,whichcould beindefinitelyrepeated,provebeyondpossibilityofdoubtthat up to the end of the sixteenth century men saw nothing dis honourable in attacking by surprise with superior forces, and nothinginhittingamanwhenhewasdown.55 Even in a court of law, hypermasculine men foreboded vio lence. There was the common habit of nobles bringing armed retainerstoquartersessionsandassizes,theequivalentofcourt proceedings,tothreatenjudgesandopposingparties.56Thesev enteenthcenturywriterJohnAubreyrecountedthat[i]nthose days...noblemen (and also great knights as the Longs) when they went to the assizes or [quarter] sessions at Salisbury, etc. hadagreatnumberofretainersfollowingthem;andtherewere (youhaveheard)feudes(i.e.quarrellsandanimosities)between great neighbours.57 The feuding noble families of the Russells andtheBerkeleysarrivedcollectivelywithfivehundredarmed men to the Worcester quarter sessions; fortunately, peace was brokeredatthecourt.58AbloodieroutcomeinvolvedLordMor leys and Lord Stranges entourages, who were brought to the Lancasterassizes.59Wonderfullytellingisanincidentinvolving Sir Edward Dymock. When the judge accused him of bringing armedmentothecourt,Dymocksneeredthathismenwerenot otherwisearmedbutwithsuchordinaryweaponsasmenusu allycarry.60TheEarlofSussextriedtoobeytherulestoleavehis retainersbehind,buthisrival,theEarlofLeicester,didnotrecip rocate.61TheformercomplainedtotheQueen.62Healsoworried a few years later that another enemy, Lord North, would bring armed men to court, in which case, he warned, I will come in suchesortasIwyllnotferepertakersageynstme.63
54.Seeid. 55.Id. 56.Seeid.at231. 57.Id. 58.Seeid. 59.Seeid. 60.Id. 61.Seeid.at232. 62.Id.at23233. 63.Id.at233.
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Hypermasculine violence was hardly the exclusive domain ofnobles.In1594,JohnDurant,atanner,andHenryElwood,a waterman, became involved in a quarrel at Cambridge.64 El wood,inhisadditionalcapacityasaconstable,hadtriedtoar restDurantsfriend,provokingDuranttocallElwoodaflapte mouthe boye.65 Elwood retorted that he was as good a man asDurantandyfthyknyfewereawayethoweshouldestsee whatIwoulddoby&bye.66Afightensuedandwitnessesre ported that all of Durants face was beblodied.67 Also con sider an episode from 1604 between a group of Cambridge gentlemen students.68 Charles Garth and George Ward pro tested that Samuel Woodley, while deputy proctor at the uni versity, had no right to confiscate their rapiers and daggers.69 Feeling slighted, Garth and Ward told the townspeople that Woodleywasbutsomecowardlyfellow&notthemannthat he was reported or taken to be, and also called Woodleys brotheracoward.70Afightensued,andGarthgreetedSamuel with a dagger, warning, Gods wounds keepe backe or I will letoutyorgutts.71Inanotherinstance,agroupofgentlemen scholars were indignant that a stable boy had carelessly blockedtheirpathwithhishorse.72Thescholars,inanactthat would bid defiance to the modern stereotype of the shy and gentleacademic,box[ed]theboysearsandbeatthehorse.73 Theboyresentedhisilltreatmentandthrewaboneatthegen tlemen scholars as he scurried away.74 One of the scholars re paid the boys insolence by stabbing the horse. In another ex ample,aCambridgeinnkeepercomplainedthatsomescholars, feeling thatthe innkeeper had insulted their honor, hadmis
64.See ALEXANDRA SHEPARD, MEANINGS OF MANHOOD IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND127(2003). 65.Id. 66.Id. 67.Id. 68.Id.at141. 69.Seeid. 70.Id.at142. 71.Id. 72.Id. 73.Id. 74.Seeid.
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used&injured[theinnkeeper]bypullinghimbythebeard& kicking&offeringtostrikeupp[his]heles.75 Hypermasculineviolencewasnotlimitedtonoblesorschol ars. William Maphew and John Trott, two Cambridge cord wainers,cametoblowsaftertheformershowedoffhisbootsto his friend at an alehouse.76 Trott found the act impudent and threwoneofthebootstotheground,therebycausingMaphew to say that the boot was as good worke as you make, and then a fight ensued.77 After the cordwainer John Dod called him a liar, the gentleman Henry Beston reminded the former thatheBestondidcomeofabetterstock&kynn,then[Dod] oranyofhiskynndid,and,forpunctuation,slappedhimon the face.78 These were hardly isolated incidents as [n]early onethirdoftheassaultcasesheardbytheCambridgeuniver sity courts cited insults as provocation, and defendants fre quentlyjustifiedviolentresponsesasunderstandableifnotap propriatereactions.79MeninearlymodernEngland,then,did notshununlawfulpublicviolenceasdishonorable;theysawit astheenactmentofanexaltedcodeofhypermasculinity. Such was life in early modern England, and it certainly pro videdamplejustificationforHobbesscuriouscommentthatthe life of man ispoor,nasty, brutish,andshort.Hobbeshad wor riedthatthemenofearlymodernEnglandwerebesetbyahy permasculinity that made constitutional democracy, let alone societalpeace,impossible.Hesetouthisargumentsbypositing a hypothetical natural condition of mankind prior to gov ernment,80 whose unsettling details were intended to exagger atethepublicviolenceinearlymodernEngland.81Inthisnatu ralcondition,oneofthechiefcausesofquarrelamongmenis glory.82 Quarrels over glory occur for trifles, as a word, a smile, a different opinion, and any other sign of undervalue, eitherdirectintheirpersons,orbyreflectionintheirkindred,
75.Id.at146. 76.Seeid.at143. 77.Id. 78.Id. 79.Id. 80.HOBBES,supranote28,at74. 81.Seeid.at7677. 82.Id.at76.
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their friends, their nation, their profession, or their name.83 Hobbesdidnotbelievethatintolerancefordifferencenecessar ilyleadstostrife.Whatleadstoitistheapparentcontemnors intolerant sign of undervaluehis show of disrespectthat stirs the contemneds intolerant resentment and sometimes rage.84 Pride, Hobbes declared, provokes a man to anger, the excess whereof is the madness called RAGE and FURY.85 To Hobbes, pride seemed the most hypersensitive passion of all, for it cannot tolerate others contradictory opinions or social slights.Unabletotolerateothersslights,itsuccumbstoexces sive desire of revenge.86 Pride can become excessive love which, when confronted with one recognized as more honor able, can become jealous rage.87 Men also fight each other, ac cording to Hobbes, for reputation.88 That is, they use vio lence to make themselves masters of other mens persons, wives, children, and cattle.89 The natural condition of man thusprovidesadditionalargument,ifmorewasnecessarydur ingtheseventeenthcentury,thatthehypermasculinityofmen preemptspossibilitiesforcollectivepeace. Hobbesaccordinglyassertedthattoestablishsocietalpeace, men must obey a king wielding absolute power over his sub jects.Hewarnedthatjustice,equity,modesty,mercy,and(in sum)doingtoothersaswewouldbedoneto[,]ofthemselves, withouttheterrorofsomepowertocausethemtobeobserved, arecontrarytoournaturalpassions,thatcarryustopartiality, pride,revenge,andthelike.90Hobbesproposedthatmenau
83.Id. 84.Id.at7576. 85.Id.at41. 86.Id. 87.Id. Hobbes stated that [h]onourable is whatsoever possession, action, or qualityisanargumentandsignofpower.Id.at53. 88.Id.at76. 89.Id. 90.Id.at106(emphasisremoved).ProfessorHarveyMansfieldwrote: Hobbes pointedly omits courage, the virtue of manliness in premodern thought, from a list of the virtues. What is manliness, essentially, for Hobbes?Itisnotavirtuebutapassion,apassionforpreeminencethathe callsvainglory,orvanity.Itisappetitebutnotforanyparticularthing, thusageneralizedappetitethatcompelsmentoaggression. HARVEY C. MANSFIELD, MANLINESS166(2006)(footnoteomitted).Theviewsum marizedhereconflateshypermasculinitywithmanliness.Bycontrast,theAmeri cancoloniststookpainstodifferentiatethem.SeeinfraPartIV.
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thorizeasinglemanasasovereignmonarchtoactontheirbe half for their collective peace and safety.91 Under this proce dure,mencannotwithdrawtheirconsentshouldtheybecome dissatisfied with the sovereign.92 That Hobbes would require all men to give up their rights to govern themselves forever reflects Hobbess dour cynicism regarding the capacity of hy permasculinementoreformtheirantisocialtendencies. Hobbesssupportforabsolutemonarchywastraditional,but hisrelianceonauthorizationwasnot.Inaworldofrigidsocial hierarchy,hewasunusualforhistimeinpositinganaccountof authorization whereby men individually elected to establish a politicalsociety,andthusweretreatedasfreeandequal.More traditionaljustificationsformonarchicalauthorityappealedto tropesofsocialdeferenceinthecontextsofaffectandreligion.93 But like Hobbess argument from authorization, these argu ments, as Part II will show, also relied indispensably on con ceptionsofmaleidentity. II. ROBERTFILMER:THEAUTHORITYOFTHEFATHERAND THEMANLYMONARCH
Hobbes argued that the kings authority was consciously crafted by men who had collectively consented to authorize a singlemanasthesovereigntorepresentthemall.ButHobbess authorizationtheorywasnottheonlyor,initstime,eventhe prevalentmeanstojustifythekingsabsolutepower.Thefa
91.Hobbeswrote: The only way to erect such a common power as may be able to defend themfromtheinvasionofforeignersandtheinjuriesofoneanother...is to confer all their power and strength upon one man, or upon one assembly of men, that may reduce all their wills, by plurality of voices, unto one will, which is as much as to say, to appoint one man or assembly of men to bear their person, and every one to own and acknowledgehimselftobeauthorofwhatsoeverhethatsobeareththeir person shall act, or cause tobe acted, in those things which concern the commonpeaceandsafety,andthereintosubmittheirwills,everyoneto hiswill,andtheirjudgments,tohisjudgment. HOBBES,supranote28,at109. 92.Id.(Thisismorethanconsent,orconcord;itisarealunityofthemall,in one and the same person, made by covenant of every man with every man, in suchmannerasifeverymanshouldsaytoeverymanIauthoriseandgiveup my rightofgoverningmyselftothisman...onthiscondition,thatthougiveupthyrightto him,andauthorizeallhisactionsinlikemanner.). 93.SeeinfraPartII.
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voredalternativewaspatriarchalism,anditsheraldedtextwas Sir Robert Filmers Patriarcha.94 The king, Filmer urged, was andshouldbetreatedasapowerfulanddivinefatherentitled toabsoluteobediencefromhissubjects.95Thesubjects,inturn, werepoliticallyhelplesschildrenwhorequiredtheguidanceof apatriarchalking.96 Patriarchalisms conception of male identity differed from thatinHobbessauthorizationtheory.Hobbessargumentsal ways derived from a nononsense desire to establish societal peace.Anomnipotentkingmightbeirresponsible,butHobbes insisted that even an irresponsible king was better than the dissolute condition of masterless men, without subjection to laws and a coercive power to tie their hands from rapine and revenge.97 Filmers thesis is not so spare in its expectations. Men,onFilmersaccount,needandcravetheloveofapower ful patriarch, and, like reverential sons, they desire to submit themselves to his commands without question. According to this logic, the kind of constitutional democracy the colonists advocated would prove unwise for at least two reasons: One, men would lack the mature competence to reason for them selvesasautonomouscitizens,andtwo,theywouldlackaking who would furnish fatherly guidance and upon whom they wouldwanttobestowlovingobedience. Filmersnormativeperspectivewasnoteccentricforitstime. PatriarchalismcametoinstitutionalrealizationinEnglandun der King James I in the late sixteenth century.98 Contra Hobbessimpersonaldictionofauthorization,KingJamesgave ustheidiomoffamilialaffect:
94.ROBERT FILMER, PATRIARCHAAND OTHER WRITINGS (JohannP.Sommerville ed.,CambridgeUniv.Press1991)(1680). 95.Id.at12(Ifwecomparethenaturaldutiesofafatherwiththoseofaking, wefindthemtobeallone,withoutanydifferenceatallbutonlyinthelatitudeor extent of them. As the father over one family, so the king, as father over many families,extendshiscaretopreserve,feed,clothe,instructanddefendthewhole commonwealth.Hiswars,hispeace,hiscourtsofjusticeandallhisactsofsover eigntytendonlytopreserveanddistributetoeverysubordinateandinferiorfa ther, and to their children, their rights and privileges, so that all the duties of a kingaresummedupinanuniversalfatherlycareofhispeople.). 96.Seeid. 97.HOBBES,supranote28,at117. 98.See GORDON J. SCHOCHET, PATRIARCHALISM IN POLITICAL THOUGHT: THE AUTHORITARIAN FAMILY AND POLITICAL SPECULATION AND ATTITUDES ESPE CIALLYINSEVENTEENTHCENTURYENGLAND86(1975).
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AgoodKing,thinkinghishighesthonourtoconsistinthedue dischargeofhiscalling,emploiethallhisstudieandpaines,to procureandmaintaine,bythemakingandexecutionofgood Lawes, the wellfare and peace of his people; and as their naturall father and kindly Master, thinketh his greatest con tentmentstandethintheirprosperitie,andhisgreatestsuretie in hauing their hearts, subiecting his owne priuate affections andappetitestothewealeandstandingofhisSubiects.99
KingJamesechoedtheseviewselsewhere:[A]stheFatherby hisfatherlydutyisboundtocareforthenourishing,education, and vertuous government of his children; even so is the king boundtocareforallhissubjects.100 Yetifthekingwasmorallyexpectedtocareforhissubjects, thesubjectsowedhimunconditionalobedience:
[I]fthechildrenmayuponanypretextthatcanbeimagined, lawfully rise up against their Father, cut him off, & choose any other whom they please in his roome; and if the body forthewealeofit,mayforanyinfirmitiethatcanbeinthe head, strike it off, then I cannot deny that the people may rebell, controll, and displace, or cut off their king at their ownepleasure,anduponrespectsmovingthem.101
Overthrowing a king, a justifiable act from our present per spective,ismadeunthinkablebyequatingitwiththetabooof patricide. Filmer also wrote that [t]he father of a family gov ernsbynootherlawthanbyhisownwill,notbythelawsor willsofhissonsorservants,andthat[t]hereisnonationthat allows children any action or remedy for being unjustly gov erned.102Accordingtopatriarchalism,ifanylegallimitswere tobesetontheking,theyweretobe,likethesociallimitson thefather,entirelyselfimposed.103Patriarchalism,atitsbase, treated status as natural and supported authority and duty without reciprocity.104 Patriarchalism thus denies masculin
99.KING JAMES, THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMESI 1819(CharlesHowardMcIl wained.,HarvardUniv.Press1918)(1616). 100.SCHOCHET,supranote98,at87. 101.Id. 102.FILMER,supranote94,at35. 103.Seeid.(ForaskinglypowerisbythelawofGod,soithathnoinferiorlaw tolimitit.). 104.SCHOCHET, supra note 98, at 83. This was all the more so because, on Fil mersaccount,thekingsauthorityasthefatherofhispeoplederivedfromGod. AlthoughHobbeshadidentifiedordinarymenasthesourcebywhichthesover
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itys constituent properties in power, strength, and independ ence to everyone save the king; as figurative children, male subjectsareinfantilizedandtheirmanhoodpreempted. The endorsements of absolute monarchy will seem odd to democratic minds, but just as Hobbess condemnation of hy permasculinityresonatedwiththosewhoboretheviolentdis ruptions of an honor culture, Filmers political position found adherents under King James in Stuart England. In contempo rary America the critique of patriarchy has converged on its disempowerment of women;105 patriarchy in the seventeenth century was also the chief justification for subordinating so ciallyinferiormen.106
eigncouldderivehisauthority,FilmerlocatedthesameinGod.SeeFILMER,supra note94,at78.KingsinseventeenthcenturyEngland,Filmerargued,couldtrace their lineage to Adam, to whom God had first bestowed the right of complete authority.Seeid.at7.Itmayseemabsurd,heconceded,tomaintainthatkings nowarethefathersoftheirpeople,sinceexperienceshowsthecontrary.Id.at10. ButFilmercontinuedtoinsistontheanalogy: Itistrue,allkingsbenotthenaturalparentsoftheirsubjects,yettheyall eitherare,oraretobereputedasthenextheirstothoseprogenitorswho were at first the natural parents of the whole people, and in their right succeed to the exercise of supreme jurisdiction. And such heirs are not onlylordsoftheirownchildren,butalsooftheirbrethren,andallothers thatweresubjecttotheirfathers. Id.at10.Inanycase,onFilmerstermspeoplecouldnotchoosetheirleadersbe causedivinesanctionunderwritestheauthorityofmaleleaders.Seeid.at1011. This was manly authority that was divinely sanctioned. Accordingly, there was noroomforconstitutionallimitsunderpatriarchalgovernment. 105.See, e.g., Mary Becker, Patriarchy and Inequality: Towards a Substantive Femi nism,1999U.CHI.LEGALF.21;NikolausBenke,WomenintheCourts:AnOldThornin MensSides,3MICH.J.GENDER&L.195(1995);BarbaraKatzRothman,DaddyPlants aSeed:PersonhoodUnderPatriarchy,47HASTINGSL.J.1241(1996);GilaStopler,Gender ConstructionandtheLimitsofLiberalEquality,15TEX.J.WOMEN&L.43(2005). 106.ProfessorSchochetexplained: Beforeamanachievedsocialstatusifheeverdidhewouldhavespent a great many years in various positions of patriarchal subordination, passing successively from the rule of his father to that of a master, an employer,alandlord,andperhapsamagistrate.Ifhewerehighenough inthesocialscaletoreceiveaformaleducation,hewasalsosubjecttothe controlofhisteacher.Theauthorityofministers,whichtouchedeveryone inthepopulation,wasafurtherpartofthissamelargerpattern.Thereis nothingparticularlystrikingaboutthesevariousformsofsubordination inthemselves.Whatissignificantisthattherelationshipstheycomprised masterandservant,teacherandstudent,employerandworker,landlord andtenant,clergymanandcongregant,andmagistrateandsubjectwere allunderstoodasidenticaltotherelationshipoffatherandchildren. SCHOCHET,supranote98,at66.
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Anumberoffactorscontributedtothewidespreadacceptance ofthissocialarrangement.Forexample,itwasonethatordered amanslifefromhisbirth.107Mostimportant,though,patriarchy was propped up by religious leaders. The article of faith, as it were, derived from the Old Testamentspecifically, the Fifth Commandment injunction to obey ones parents. The Anglican Church formulated a theory of patriarchy based on the Fifth Commandments injunction to Honour thy father and thy mother.108AspoliticaltheoristGordonSchochetwrote,There shouldbenoquestionthatEnglishmenofallbackgroundswere taught very early in their lives that they had to obey the king becauseGodordereditwhenHegavetheFifthCommandment to Moses.109 It is safe to assume that nearly everyone had learnedtheChurchscatechismandwasrequiredtorecitedur ingservicesthereligiousdutytohonourandobeytheKingand all that are put in authority under him: to submit myself to all my governors, teachers, spiritual pastors and masters: to order myselflowlyandreverentlytoallmybetters.110Consideralso theShorterCatechismoftheWestminsterAssembly:
Q[uestion]64.WhatisrequiredinthefifthCommandment? A[nswer].ThefifthCommandmentrequireththepreserving the honour, and performing the duties, belonging to every oneintheirseverallplacesandrelations,asSuperiors,Infe riors,orEquals. Q.65.WhatisforbiddeninthefifthCommandment? A.ThefifthCommandmentforbiddeththeneglectingof,or doing anything against, the honour and duty which belon gethintheirseverallplacesandrelations.111
107.Id.at73([The]individualwasconfrontedwithapatriarchallyruledfam ilyandsocietyfrombirth;untilamanbecametheheadofhisownhousehold,he wassuccessivelyinthestatusofafilialinferiortohisfather,hismaster,andhis employer....These familial experiences must have played a central role in the politicalsocializationprocessinStuartEngland....). 108.Id. 109.Id.at81. 110.Id.at78(quotingCATECHISMOFTHE CHURCHOF ENGLAND(1549),reprintedin PHILLIPSCHAFF,3AHISTORYOFTHECREEDSOFCHRISTENDOM51920(London1878)). 111.Id.at79(alterationinoriginal)(emphasisremoved)(quotingWESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, THE SHORTER CATECHISM (1644), reprinted in CATECHISMS OFTHESECONDREFORMATION2223(London1886)).
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Similarly, John Poynets Catechismus Brevis, a book prescribed by the king to be used in all schools, interpreted the Fifth Commandmentasorderingstudentstolove,feare,andrever encetheirnaturalparentsandstatedthattheCommandment byndethusalsomosthumbly,andwithmostnaturalaffection to obei the magistrate: to reverence the Minyesters of the church,oureScholemasters,withaloureelders,andbetters.112 Ananonymouscatechismfrom1614referredtothefatherand motheroftheFifthCommandmentas[o]urnaturallParentes, thefathersofourCountrie,orofourhouses,theaged,andour fathers in Christ.113 Robert Ram observed in 1655 that obedi encewasdueto1.OurnaturallParentes,FathersandMothers intheflesh.2.OurCivilParents,Magistrates,Governours,and allinAuthority.[and]3.OurspiritualParents,Pastors,Minis ters,andTeachers.114IninterpretingtheFifthCommandment, clergyman Richard Allestree clarified that there were three Parents to whom obedience was due: the civil, the spiritual, andthenatural.115Allestreecontinued:[t]heCivilParentishe whomGodhathestablishedtheSupremeMagistrate,whobya justrightpossessestheThroneofanation,andheisacom monfatherofallthosethatareunderhisauthority.116 Likewise, clergyman Humphrey Brailsford expounded the rightsofinferiorsinamannermorerevealingaboutthedepth of dependency on superiors. His interpretation of the Fifth Commandments exhortation to honor ones parents demon strateshisview:
These words, Father and Mother, include all superiours, as wellasaCivilParent(theKingandHisMagistrates,aMas ter,aMistress,oranHusband)andanEcclesiasticalParent (the Bishop and Ministers) as the natural Parent that begat andborethee:toalltheseIoweRevereanceandObediance, ServiceandMaintenance,LoveandHonour.
112.Id. at 7980 (quoting JOHN POYNET, A SHORT CATECHISM, OR PLAYNE IN STRUCTIONfol.vi.(London1553)(atranslationofCatechismusBrevis)). 113.Id. at 80 (quoting SHORT QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS, CONTAYNING THE SUMMEOFCHRISTIANRELIGIONsigs.B2B3(London1614)). 114.Id.(alterationinoriginal)(quotingROBERT RAM, THE COUNTRYMENS CATE CHISME:OR,AHELPEFORHOUSEHOLDERS39(London1655)). 115.Seeid. 116.Id.(quotingRICHARDALLESTREE,THEWHOLEDUTYOFMANLAIDDOWNIN APLAINANDFAMILIARWAY,atxxvii(London1842)(1658)).
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...And I must have from my Natural Father, Mainte nance,Education,Instruction,CorrectingandBlessing:From my King, Justice, Reforming Abuses in Religions, Encour agement to the Good, Punishment to the Bad ... From my Master (or Mistress) Instruction, Food, Correction, Wages: FrommyMinister,aGoodExampleandwholsomeAdmini strationofSpiritualThings.117
Obediencetotheking wassimply thehighest rung inaperva sivehierarchythatwasseenasnaturalanddivinelyordered.On thisview,menrequiredastrictsocialandpoliticalhierarchyso thattheycouldfindpersonstowhomtheycouldoweobedience, andfromwhomtheycouldreceiveloveanddirection. In light of Filmers statements, one may wonder how to make sense of Hobbess depiction of the life of man as poor, nasty, brutish, and short. This Articles discussion of Filmer suggeststhatastructureofpatriarchalrelationshipseffectively regulated men and preserved the semblance of peace, but Hobbeshadconjuredasceneofunrulymasculinityandsocie tal disorder. Given that Filmer and Hobbes were describing roughly the same period of early modern England, what should one make of these seemingly incongruous narratives? Onereadingisthatthefightsovermanlyhonorcoexistedun easily with patriarchys story of social cohesion.118 Another readingisthatthefights,insteadofunderminingthehierarchi cal order presupposed by patriarchy, were evidence of its ap peal, as men jockeyed violently for a higher social position. Violence in early modern England was a vital tool in mens maintenanceofhierarchyandreputation,routinelyusedtoar ticulatesubtlestatusdistinctionsbetweenmen.119Stillanother explanation is that what Hobbes solemnly delivered as socio logical truth was deliberately exaggerated to strengthen the appealofhispoliticalpropositions.120
117.Id. at 8081 (alteration in original) (quoting HUMPRHEY BRAILSFORD, THE POORMANSHELP40(London1692)). 118.See SHEPARD, supra note 64, at 151 (Patriarchal expectations of orderly comportment in men were therefore directly contravened by codes of conduct whichseemtohavegovernedmensinteractioninthestreetsandfieldsofearly modernEngland.). 119.Id.at140. 120.ConsiderhowHobbesmisrepresentedAristotlesthoughtsabouttheinher entlysocialnatureofhumanbeings.SeeDONHERZOG,HAPPYSLAVES:ACRITIQUE OFCONSENTTHEORY77(1989).
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Whatisclearisthattheaccountsofmenasinfantileandde pendent,inFilmersterms,orashypermasculineandviolent,in Hobbess,werecriticalinbolsteringthecaseforabsolutemonar chy.Yetcriticsofabsolutemonarchyexistedaswell.Evenbefore Thomas Paine compared the king to an ass,121 English advo cates for limited government made themselves heard. Writing nearly one hundred years before Paine, none was more promi nentthanJohnLocke. III. LOCKESATTACKONPATRIARCHALISMAND ABSOLUTEMONARCHY
A contemporary of Sir Robert Filmer, John Locke used his Two Treatises of Government to skewer Filmers ideas, which LockereferredtoasglibNonsenceputtogetherinwellsound ingEnglish.122Filmerhadarguedthatthekingproperlyexer cised absolute right over his subjects as a father did over his children.123ThenormativeforceofFilmersargumenthungon a particularif by our lights peculiarreading of the account of Adam in the Old Testament. It was a reading that Locke wouldnotsuffer. First, Filmer argued there was never a time when men en joyednaturalfreedom,becauseAdamwasthefirstpatriarchal king, in a long line of kings, to be granted a right by God to rule over others.124 Locke incredulously retorted, Whatever GodgavebythewordsofthisGrant[intheBookofGenesis],it was not to Adam in particular, exclusive of all other Men: whatever Dominion he had thereby, it was not a Private Do minion, but a Dominion in common with the rest of Man kind.125 The Bible, Locke explained, declared that God had given all men, not justAdam, a right of dominion.126 Mischie vously, Locke also pointed out that God had given the power ofdomaintothemonlyafterHehadcreatedEve,thussuggest
121.THOMAS PAINE, COMMON SENSE, reprinted in THOMAS PAINE, COLLECTED WRITINGS5,16(EricFonered.,1995)(1776)[hereinafterPAINECOLLECTION]. 122.JOHN LOCKE, TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT 13738 (Peter Laslett ed., CambridgeUniv.Press1988)(1691). 123.SeeFILMER,supranote94,at1012. 124.Seeid.at7. 125.JOHN LOCKE,The First Treatise on Government, in LOCKE, supra note 122, at 141,161(emphasisremoved). 126.Seeid.
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ing in a mood of protofeminism that God had given Eve an equalrighttorule.127Besides,hejeered,whywouldGodwant to reward with kingship a fool as insolent asAdam, who dis obeyedHisordersandfelltosin?128Thiswasnotatime,when AdamcouldexpectanyFavours,anygrantofPriviledges,from hisoffendedMaker.129 Next,LocketackledFilmersargumentthatAdamembodied and introduced the inviolable principle that fathers may rule theirchildren,andthat,byextension,kingsmayruletheirsub jects. For as Adam was lord of his children, Filmer had de clared,sohischildrenunderhimhadacommandandpower overtheirownchildren,butstillwithsubordinationtothefirst parent, who is lord paramount over his childrens children to allgenerations,asbeingthegrandfatherofhispeople.130Put tingasidethecuriousabsenceofanyrecognitionbyFilmerthat Adam is conventionally accepted as the father of all peoples afterhim,whatisLockesresponse?LockesuggestedthatFil merbelievedfathershavePowerovertheLivesoftheirChil dren,becausetheygivethemLifeandBeing.131Thisargument presupposesthatexposingorsellingtheirChildrenisaProof oftheirPoweroverthem.132ButLockesnappedbackthatthe DensofLionsandNurseriesofWolvesknownosuchCruelty asthis.133[D]oes[God]permitus,Lockeasked,todestroy thosehehasgivenustheChargeandCareof,andbythedic tatesofNatureandReason,aswellashisRevealdCommand, requiresustopreserve?134 AftercriticizingFilmer,Lockeofferedhisownaccountofthe origins of society. Whereas Filmer began with Gods appoint mentofAdamasthefirstkingonearth,Lockebeganhisnarra tivewithastateofnatureprecedinggovernmentwhereallmen possessedthesamerightsandobligations.135Astateofnature
127.Seeid. 128.Seeid.at172. 129.Id. 130.FILMER,supranote94,at67. 131.LOCKE,supranote125,at178(emphasisremoved). 132.Id.at180. 133.Id.at181. 134.Id. 135.JOHN LOCKE,TheSecondTreatiseofGovernment,inLOCKE, supranote122,at 265,269.
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isaStateofperfectFreedominwhichmenmayordertheir Actions,anddisposeoftheirPossessions,andPersonsasthey thinkfit...withoutaskingleave,ordependingupontheWill ofanyotherMan.136The onlymorallimitistheLawofNa ture.137 Locke explained that Reason, which is that Law, teaches all Mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his Life,Health,Liberty,orPossessions.138Thedescriptionoffered heremaybemoremysteriousthanwewouldwish,butitspo litical uses were palpable. Lockes pronouncement that men possessreasonandthat,theoretically,anyonecouldusereason tocomprehendthelawofnaturerefutedtheguardiansofabso lutemonarchylikeHobbes,whoarguedthatmenweretoohy permasculine for selfgovernment, and Filmer, who believed that men were too infantile. Furthermore, Lockes conception ofthestateofnature,byacknowledgingtheequalfreedomof all to do as they think fit, rejected the notion that any one man, including Adam, had unlimited power over another by virtue of divine right or good birth. Locke tried to fortify his accountofthelawofnaturebydubbingitameasureGodhas set to the actions of Men,139 a characterization that also func tioned as an indirect jab against Filmers relentless invocation ofdivineauthority. Alas,problemsariseinLockesstateofnature.Somemenwill fullyviolatethelawofnature140whileothersdisagreeviolently over its ambiguous meaning as applied to their cases.141 Locke lamentedthatnothingbutConfusionandDisorderwillfollow in the state of nature.142 Selflove will make Men partial to themselves and their Friends143 while Ill Nature, Passion and Revenge will carry them too far in punishing others.144 This
136.Id.(emphasisremoved). 137.Id. 138.Id.at271. 139.Id.at272. 140.Seeid.at27576,280,351. 141.Seeid.at351. 142.Id.at275. 143.Id. 144.Id.
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situation imperils person and property.145 What began as a placidstateofnaturedegeneratesintoastateofwarwheremen seek to subdue each other.146 To leave this state of war, Locke argued,menmustconsentwitheachothertoentercivilsociety, for it is only in civil society that men can establish indifferent judgeswithpowersofenforcement.147AccordingtoLocke,civil societyisformedwhenmencometogetherandagreetoabstain fromexercisingtheirindividualnaturalrightstoenforcethelaw of nature.148 After such an agreement, men may create a gov ernmentthatwillseektoprotecttheirsafetyandproperty.149 But this government is not without legal limits. Locke an nouncedthatwhenevertheLegislatorsendeavourtotakeaway, anddestroythePropertyofthePeople,ortoreducethemtoSlav ery under Arbitrary Power, they put themselves into a state of WarwiththePeople,whoarethereuponabsolvedfromanyfar ther Obedience.150 [S]uch Revolutions, Locke qualified, hap pen not upon every little mismanagement in publick affairs.151 For him, [g]reat mistakes in the ruling part, many wrong and inconvenientLaws,andalltheslipsofhumanefrailtywillbeborn bythePeople,withoutmutinyormurmur.152Revolutionisjusti fied, however, if people have some manifest evidence re garding the evil intention of their Governors.153 In these statements, Locke distinguished himself from Hobbes.154 Hobbeshadarguedthatintheabsenceofastate,thereisvio lent anarchy.155 Locke, by contrast, believed that civil society can survive the dismantling of a tyrannical state. By thus dis
145.Seeid.at35051.Lockefoldedapersonsrighttohisbodilysafetyintothe rightofproperty.HewrotethateveryManhasaPropertyinhisownPerson.This noBodyhasanyRighttobuthimself.Id.at287. 146.Seeid.at27879. 147.Seeid.at276,352. 148.Seeid.at33031. 149.Seeid.at33132. 150.Id. at 412 (emphasis removed). Professor Mansfield remarked that Locke encourages a manly vigilance in politics...that has endured to our time. MANSFIELD,supranote90,at176. 151.LOCKE,supranote135,at415(emphasisremoved). 152.Id.at415(emphasisremoved). 153.Id.at418. 154.SeeMANSFIELD,supranote90,at177(Forthesakeoffreedom[Locke]al lowedmoretomanlinessthandidHobbes:freeandmanlygotogetherlikesoul andbody,mutuallysupportiveandfitforeachother.) 155.SeeHOBBES,supranote30,at76.
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tinguishing civil society from the state, Locke added another conceptualpropagainstunlimitedmonarchy. Notwithstandingthesepositions,Lockeneveradvocatedthe abolishment of the monarchy; he only wanted restrictions on its rule.156 The general sentiments behind Lockes arguments, however,begantointensifyinAmericaandtomanifestthem selves through more democratic arrangements in government thatreliedonconceptionsofmaleidentitydifferentfromthose ofFilmerandHobbes. IV. THEAUTHORITYOFTHEPEOPLE
AsLockedemonstrated,theAmericanswerenotthefirstto criticizethekingsabsoluteauthority.Whatsetthemapartwas thattheirpoliticalvisionentirelyrejectedtheneedforanyking. Partlyforthisreason,thehistorianGordonS.Woodhascalled theAmericanRevolutionasradicalandsocialasanyrevolu tioninhistory.157 Withtheirrejectionofpatriarchy,thecolonistspreparedfor theformalempowermentofthecommonpeople.Thegreatest expression of this democratic ethos was the Declaration of In dependence.Herearetheoftquotedwords:
Weholdthesetruthstobeselfevident,thatallmenarecre atedequal,thattheyareendowedbytheirCreatorwithcer tain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,That whenever anyFormofGovernmentbecomesdestructiveoftheseends, itistheRightofthePeopletoalterortoabolishit,andtoin stitute new Government,layingitsfoundation onsuchprin ciples and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shallseemmostlikelytoeffecttheirSafetyandHappiness.158
Though familiar, the words are startling when juxtaposed against the arguments of Hobbes and Filmer. Hobbes had ar
156.LOCKE, supra note 135, at 40203. Note here that Lockes justification for writing his most famous work, The SecondTreatise of Government, is to establish the Throne of our Great Restorer, Our present King William; to make good his Title,intheConsentofthePeople.LOCKE,supranote122,at137. 157.GORDONS.WOOD,THERADICALISMOFTHEAMERICANREVOLUTION5(1992). 158.TheDeclarationofIndependencepara.2(U.S.1776).
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gued that men, being violently hypermasculine, could secure collectivepeaceonlybyconsentingwitheachothertoobeyal mostanycommandbythesovereign.AccordingtotheDecla ration,menconsentnotwitheachotherbutwiththeirpolitical leaderssuchthatwhenevergovernmentbecomesdestructive of the ends of Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness, menmayalteror...abolishit.AndwhereasHobbeswould permit resistance only when the sovereign threatened death, the Declaration states that such resistance is warranted when thegovernmentthreatensamansrighttolibertyorevenhap piness.TheDeclarationalsochallengesFilmersaccountofpo liticalauthority.AlthoughFilmerhadinvokedGodasasource ofthekingsabsoluteauthority,theDeclarationinvokesGodas the source for the peoples right to depose such authority. So too, Filmer had posited that the privileged few were selected byGodtoruleoverothers;theDeclarationproclaimsthatall men are created equal insofar as all possess rights to revolu tion. The closest English analogue to the Declaration of Inde pendence is Parliaments Declaration of Rights in 1689.159 Yet thelatterdidnotrefertothosethingsthatdefinedtheAmeri canDeclarationofIndependence:theuniversalequalityofmen andthepeoplesrightofrevolution.160 TheFederalConstitutionalsolocatesitsauthorityinthePeo ple.ItsPreamblereads:
WethePeopleoftheUnitedStates,inOrdertoformamore perfectUnion,establishJustice,insuredomesticTranquility, provideforthecommonDefence,promotethegeneralWel fare,andsecuretheBlessingsofLibertytoourselvesandour Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the UnitedStatesofAmerica.161
Thereisnomentionofkings.TheConstitutioniscreatedbythe PeopleoftheUnitedStatesandforourselvesandourPos terity.162 Likewise, the Ninth Amendment states that [t]he enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the peo
159.SeeMICHAEL P. ZUCKERT, NATURAL RIGHTSANDTHE NEW REPUBLICANISM 5,7(1994). 160.Seeid.at614. 161.U.S.CONST.pmbl. 162.Seeid.
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ple.163TheTenthAmendmentsimilarlyidentifiescertainrights owned by the people that theoretically can be used against the government:ThepowersnotdelegatedtotheUnitedStatesby theConstitution,norprohibitedbyittotheStates,arereserved totheStatesrespectively,ortothepeople.164 Animatingtheseinstitutionalcommitmentsisthephilosophy of republicanism.165 Although ambiguous, the term does find referenceintheConstitution:TheUnitedStatesshallguaran teetoeveryStateinthisUnionaRepublicanFormofGovern ment,andshallprotecteachofthemagainstInvasion.166James MadisoninsistedthatthenewAmericangovernmentmustbe strictlyrepublicanandthatnootherformwouldberecon cileable with the genius of the people of America.167 What then are the distinctive characters of the republican form? askedMadison.168Heanswered:
[W]emaydefinearepublictobe,oratleastmaybestowthat nameon,agovernmentwhichderivesallitspowersdirectly or indirectly from the great body of the people; and is ad ministeredbypersonsholdingtheirofficesduringpleasure, foralimitedperiod,orduringgoodbehaviour.Itisessential tosuchagovernment,thatitbederivedfromthegreatbody of the society, not from an inconsiderable proportion, or a favoured class of it; otherwise a handful of tyrannical no bles, exercising their oppressions by a delegation of their
163.U.S.CONST.amend.IX. 164.U.S. CONST.amend.X.NotealsothatArticleVsmechanismsforconstitu tionalamendingmaybeunderstoodasendorsingparticipationbythepeopleand theirimmediaterepresentativesinconstitutionalrevision.WAYNED.MOORE,CON STITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND POWERS OF THE PEOPLE 5 (1996). Chief Justice John Mar shallechoedthisview:ThegovernmentoftheUnion...is,emphaticallyandtruly, agovernmentofthepeople.Inform,andinsubstance,itemanatesfromthem.Its powersaregrantedbythem,andaretobeexerciseddirectlyonthem,andfortheir benefit.McCullochv.Maryland,17U.S.(4Wheat.)159,199(1819). 165.SeeCASS R. SUNSTEIN,THE PARTIAL CONSTITUTION(1993);SuzannaSherry, Responsible Republicanism: Educating for Citizenship, 62 U. CHI. L. REV. 131 (1995); Symposium, The Republican Civic Tradition, 97 YALE L.J. 1493 (1988). See generally M.N.S. SELLERS, AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM: ROMAN IDEOLOGY IN THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION (1994). Professor Laura Kalman argues that some promi nent leftwing professors have mangled republicanisms historical character in their zeal to conscript it as a philosophical banner. See LAURA KALMAN, THE STRANGECAREEROFLEGALLIBERALISM(1996). 166.U.S.CONST.art.IV,4. 167.THE FEDERALIST NO. 39, at194(JamesMadison)(GeorgeW.Carey&James McClellaneds.,2001). 168.Id.
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powers, might aspire to the rank of republicans, and claim fortheirgovernmentthehonourabletitleofrepublic.169
Madison explained that America alone had a truly republican government. Even England, with its constitution and its sepa ration of powers, was not republican in his view because its governmentwaspartlycontrolledbyahereditaryaristocracy and monarchy.170 No wonder the generally lowkey Madison declared that the colonists accomplished a revolution which hasnoparallelintheannalsofhumansociety.171 Yet, because the republicanism articulated by the Constitu tion lacked precedent, anxiety about its success abounded. AlexanderHamiltonatonceacknowledgedtheauthorityofthe people and the dangers of giving them untrammeled discre tion.Forhim,theprojectofrepublicangovernmentcouldbein terpreted as a test to determine the important question of whethersocietiesofmenarereallycapableornot,ofestablish ing good government from reflection and choice, or whether theyareforeverdestinedtodepend,fortheirpoliticalconstitu tions,onaccidentandforce.172ItisentirelypossibleforAmeri cans to make a wrong election,173 as history shows that even small republics floundered. It is impossible, Hamilton wrote, to read the history of the petty republics of Greece and Italy, without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distrac tionswithwhichtheywerecontinuallyagitated,andattherapid successionofrevolutions,bywhichtheywerekeptperpetually vibratingbetweentheextremesoftyrannyandanarchy.174 Evenifthereferencestotyrannyandanarchydonotex actly map onto what Hobbes had called, respectively, absolute
169.Id.Seealsoid.NO.49,at261(JamesMadison)([T]hepeoplearetheonlyle gitimatefountainofpower.).Ontheotherhand,theFederalistPaperswerenot infavorofdirectdemocracy.Seeid.NO. 10, at46(JamesMadison)([A]purede mocracy,bywhichImean,asocietyconsistingofasmallnumberofcitizens,who assembleandadministerthegovernmentinperson,canadmitofnocureforthe mischiefsoffaction.). 170.Id.NO.39,at194(JamesMadison). 171.Id.NO.14,at67(JamesMadison). 172.Id. NO. 1, at 1(Alexander Hamilton). John Jay offered a related invitation: When the people of America reflect, that the question now submitted to their determination,isoneofthemostimportantthathasengaged,orcanwellengage, their attention, the propriety of their taking a very comprehensive, as well as a veryserious,viewofit,mustbeevident.Id.NO.2,at5(JohnJay). 173.Id.NO.1,at1(AlexanderHamilton). 174.Id.NO.9,at37(AlexanderHamilton).
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monarchy and the state of nature, Hamilton, like Hobbes, ap pearedtorecognizethatmansinherentflawscansabotageself government.Happywillitbe,Hamiltonmused,ifourchoice shouldbedirectedbyajudiciousestimateofourtrueinterests, uninfluenced by considerations foreign to the public good.175 But,helamented,thisismoreardentlytobewishedfor,than seriouslytobeexpected.176FortheplanoftheFederalConstitu tionaffectstoomanyparticularinterests[and]innovatesupon toomanylocalinstitutions,nottoinvolveinitsdiscussionava riety of objects extraneous to its merits, and of views, passions andprejudiceslittlefavourabletothediscoveryoftruth.177 Madison also voiced these worries, especially with regard to factions. He defined a faction as a majority or minority of the whole,whoareunitedandactuatedbysomecommonimpulseof passion,orofinterest,adversetotherightsofothercitizens,orto the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.178 To extinguishthecausesoffactionswouldbeimpossible,forthela tent causes of faction are sown in the nature of man.179 First, there is mans reason, which remains fallible and which will engenderdifferentopinionsthatwillorganizethemselvesinto conflictinggroupinterests.180Second,[a]slongastheconnection subsistsbetweenhisreasonandhisselflove,hisopinionsandhis passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other; and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach them selves.181Indeed,Madisonlamentedthat[i]nallverynumerous assemblies,ofwhatevercharacterscomposed,passionneverfails to wrest the sceptre from reason.182 So inevitable is passions force that [h]ad every Athenian citizen been a Socrates, every Athenianassemblywouldstillhavebeenamob.183 Theseobservationssuggestthat,becauseofdefectsinmansna ture, republics were not guaranteed to remain stable. Paradoxi cally,theFramershadnochoicebuttoputmuchoftheirfaithin
175.Id.NO.1,at1(AlexanderHamilton). 176.Id. 177.Id. 178.Id.NO.10,at43(JamesMadison). 179.Id. 180.Id. 181.Id. 182.Id.NO.55,at288(JamesMadison). 183.Id.
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thepeople,fortheConstitutionderivedsolelyfromtheirauthor ity.Hobbesssovereignalsoderivedhiswholeauthorityfromthe people,butonceauthorizedhissovereigncouldneverbelawfully deposed or shackled with legal restrictions.184 The Constitution, on the other hand, empowered the people to change, limit, and evendissolvetheirgovernment.185 Giventhesignificanceofthesepowers,theFramersimplored mentoembarkonthedifficultbutnecessarytaskofvigilantly exercising the correct sort of public virtue. Baron de Montes quieu partly anticipated the colonists new understanding of virtue forty years before the American Revolution. Montes quieu had surmised that, although a monarchy can subsist without public virtue by its subjects, a republic would perish. There need not be much integrity for a monarchical or des poticgovernmenttomaintainorsustainitself,hedeclared.186 Rather,theforceofthelawsintheoneandtheprincesever raisedarmintheothercanruleorcontainthewhole.187Onthe otherhand,Montesquieuexplained,inapopularstate[there] must be an additional spring which is called VIRTUE.188 This hypothesisfromFrancewasalsoairedinAmerica.JohnAdams wrotethat[u]nderawellregulatedCommonwealth,thePeo plemustbewise[and]virtuousandcannotbeotherwise.189By contrast, [u]nder a Monarchy [men] may be as vicious and foolishastheyplease,nay,theycannotbutbeviciousandfool ish,asurereferencetothemindlessscufflesamongthenobil ity over matters of honor.190 Pastor Samuel McClintock recited
184.Seesupranotes9192andaccompanyingtext. 185.SeeMarkE.Brandon,FamilyattheBirthofAmericanConstitutionalOrder,77 TEX.L.REV.1195,1227(1999). 186.MONTESQUIEU, THE SPIRIT OF THE LAWS 22 (Ann M. Cohler et al. trans., CambridgeUniv.Press1989)(1748). 187.Id. 188.Id. 189.Letter from John Adams to Mercy Warren (Jan. 8, 1776), in 1 THE FOUN DERS CONSTITUTION 669,669(PhilipB.Kurland&RalphLernereds., 1987) [here inafterAdamsLetter]. 190.Id.; see also FORREST MCDONALD, NOVUS ORDO SECLORUM: THE INTELLEC TUAL ORIGINS OF THE CONSTITUTION 70 (1985) (The vitalthat is lifegiving principle of republics was public virtue.); GORDON S. WOOD, THE CREATION OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC,17761787,at68(1969)(Everystateinwhichthepeo pleparticipatedneededadegreeofvirtue;butarepublicwhichrestedsolelyon thepeopleabsolutelyrequiredit.).
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similarviewsinasermondeliveredbeforetheNewHampshire legislatureonthecommencementofthestatesnewconstitution.
Inaword,thehistoryofallnationsandages,shewsthatpub licvirtuemakesapeoplegreatandhappy,vicecontemptible and miserable....In absolute governments, the principle of honor may in some measure supply the place of virtue, and there may be the shew of public happiness and grandeur, whilethepeoplearereallyinastateofslavery;butasvirtueis thebasisofrepublics,theirexistencedependsuponit,andthe moment that the people in general lose their virtue, and be comevenalandcorrupt,theyceasetobefree.Thisshewsof whatimportanceitistopreservepublicvirtueundersucha constitutionasours,andhowmuchitbecomesallwhohave anyregardtothegoodoftheircountry....191
Here, McClintock explicitly segregated honor from virtue bychargingvirtuetodoworkforthegoodoftheircountry, whilerebuffinghonorasobsessedwithvenality. Whatdothesecallsforpublicvirtuehavetodowithmale identity and the Constitution? Public virtue made demands onmentofashiontheiridentitiesinawaythatwouldevince theircompetenceforselfgovernment.ThismeantthatAmeri canmenalsohadtorefutethecompetingdescriptionsofmale identity ascribed to them by those, like Filmer and Hobbes, who would have denounced the Constitution as unviable or dangerous.Americanssoughttoshowthattheirmenwerenei ther hypermasculine nor infantilized, both traits that made men ineligible for constitutional democracy in the eyes of HobbesandFilmer.TheAmericansthusproducedanidealof a gentleman who not only was abidingly civil in the face of insultsandinjuries,butalsoalwaysinsistedonthinkingfor himselfwithcalmdeliberation.Civilityanddeliberation,then, becametwooftheforemostpublicvirtuesforAmericanmen. A. Civility
Beyond its affiliation with a dainty etiquette, civility can be an indispensable social adhesive for a community. As hinted by its etymological presence in civilization and civil soci ety, civility is at base an ethic of cooperation, or as Stephen
191.Samuel McClintock, A Sermon on Occasion of the Commencement of the NewHampshireConstitution,in1POLITICALSERMONSOFTHEAMERICANFOUND INGERA,17301805,at789,805(EllisSandozed.,1998).
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Carterwrote,thesumofthemanysacrificeswearecalledto make for the sake of living together.192 And living together impliestheexistenceofacommunity,aconnectionmadelucid inthenowforgottenbutoncetangledsemanticoriginsofci vility and citizenship.193 Using civility to refer to the lat ter,Coverdalein1568wroteinChristsCrossthat[y]ourjoyis inheaven,whereyourconservationandcivilityis.194Referring again to citizenship, Wyclifes Acts from 1382 reads, I with moche summe gat this ciuylite.195 Similarly, civility once served as a standin for [p]olity, civil organization and gov ernment.196 Towit:In1537,StarkeyannouncedinToPolethat [i]nthejoyningofthesetwolivestogether...stondeththechief point of true christian civility.197 More generally, civility was [c]onformity to the principles of social order and behaviour befitting a citizen.198 So Spenser declared in 1596 that [t]hey should have beene reduced to perpetuall civilitie, and Milton wrotein1641thatitwasimportant[t]oinbreedandcherishina greatpeopletheseedsofvertu,andpublickcivility.199 Of course, the contemporary understanding of civility does notconflateitwithcitizenship.Evenbythe1600s,peopleused civility to mean an act or expression of politeness200 and [d]ecency and seemliness.201 As the Chicago sociologist EdwardShilsexplained,civilityaswepresentlyunderstandit isabroaderphenomenonthancitizenshipinthestate.202He positedthatcitizenshipisaphenomenonofthestate,inthatit isthecomplexofactionsofsubmissionto,criticismandactive guidanceofthegovernment.203Bethatasitmay,Shilsmadea
192.STEPHEN L. CARTER, CIVILITY: MANNERS, MORALS,ANDTHE ETIQUETTEOF DE MOCRACY11(1998);seealsoJohnM.Kang,TheUsesofInsincerity:ThomasHobbessThe oryofLawandSociety15L.&LITERATURE371(2003)(makingananalogousargument). 193.See3OXFORDENGLISHDICTIONARY256(2ded.1989). 194.Id. 195.Id. 196.Id.at257. 197.Id. 198.Id. 199.Id. 200.Id. 201.Id. 202.EDWARD SHILS, THE VIRTUE OF CIVILITY: SELECTED ESSAYS ON LIBERALISM, TRADITION,ANDCIVILSOCIETY73(StevenGrosbyed.,1997). 203.Id.ThepoliticaltheoristJudithShklarelaborated:
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suggestive comment about civilitys relation to political mem bership:

Civilityisneverthelessafunctionofasenseofmembership inanationalsocietycoterminouswiththeboundariesofthe state.Thesocietywhichistheobjectofcivilityisanational society;thestatewithinwhichitoperatesisanationalstate. Nationality and civility seemed at one time to grow apace; theywerenotidenticalbuttheywereintimatelyintertwined becausecivilitywasfocusedonthenationalsociety.204
These remarks at first seem somewhat implausible. Are we notciviltothosewhoarenonAmericans,and,whentraveling abroad,havewenotbeentreatedwithcivility,evenbypeople whohateourgovernment?Still,althoughnotthesameasciti zenshipornationalism,civilitycanserveasameanstowarda nations collective identity and social cohesion. Recall Lockes account of civil society as separate from the state. For Locke, theabsenceofthelatterneednot,asHobbesthreatened,return people to the state of nature; civil society could endure. Shils, likeLocke, declaredthat[t]heideaofcivilsocietyistheidea of society which has a life of its own, and which is separate fromthestate,andlargelyinautonomyfromit,whichliesbe yondtheboundariesofthefamilyandtheclan,andbeyondthe locality.205Oneindexofaproperlyfunctioningcivilsocietyis, forShils,awidespreadpracticeofcivility.206Forcivility,inpo liticalterms,isanattitudeofconcernforthegoodoftheentire society....It is solicitous of the wellbeing of the whole of the
Goodcitizenshipshouldnotbeconfusedwithwhatisusuallymeantby goodness....Good citizens fulfill the demands of their polity, and they arenobetterandnoworseascitizensthanthelawsthattheyframeand obey.Theysupportthepublicgoodasitisdefinedbytheirconstitution and its fundamental ethos. The good person and the good citizen could only be identical in a perfect state, and even then only if we accept the notion that civic virtue, manly rectitude as the term implies, is the best human character. With that exception the possibility of tension between personalmoralityandcitizenshipisalwayspossibleandevenlikely,and thereare,ofcourse,regimessoterriblethatgoodpeopleareboundtobe badcitizensthere,butAmericahasneverbeenquitethatbad. JudithN.Shklar,AMERICANCITIZENSHIP:THEQUESTFORINCLUSION67(1991). 204.SHILS,supranote202,at17(differentiatingnationalityfromcivilityandnot ing that [w]hen nationality becomes nationalistic, it usuallyhas becomeuncivil as well; the demand for complete national solidarity has often involved uncivil suppression). 205.Id.at32021. 206.Seeid.at32021,335.
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larger interest.207 But unlike nationalism, which places na tionalprideaboveindividualwellbeing,civilityisrespectfor thedignityandthedesirefordignityofotherpersons.208Ci vilityis,Shilsstated,conductwhichaccords,howeversuper ficially and however conventionally, esteem to others, either for particular properties or in general.209 A civility worth its nametreatsothersas,atleast,equalindignity,neverasinfe rior in dignity.210 And consider Professor Carters injunction that [r]ules of civility are...also rules of morality: it is mor ally proper to treat our fellow citizens with respect, and mor ally improper not to.211 So, too, Shils declared, civility as a feature of civil society considers others as fellowcitizens of equaldignityintheirrightsandobligationsasmembersofcivil society.212Evenwhencivilityisinsincere,213theseremarkssug gest that, at its heart, civility as a political practice involves a commitment, albeit sometimes only an outward one, to treat those in ones community with equal respect. Here it might be useful to compare the civility on offer to the honor sought by meninHobbessEngland.Civility,byitsverymeaningasequal respectordignity,issomethingthatallcanpossess.Indeed,the logic of civilityrequires thatonebestow it on others insteadof hoardingitforoneself.Honorispreciselytheoppositeofcivility insofarasitdoesnotacquireitsvalueunlessitisdeniedothers. Consonant with this rendering of honor, Hobbes announced thattheacknowledgementofpoweriscalled HONORandthat HONOURABLE are those signs for which one man acknowl edgeth power or excess above his concurrent in another.214 So runs the litany of things that Hobbes deemed honorable: Beauty of person, consisting in a lively aspect of the counte
207.Id.at335. 208.Id.at338. 209.Id. 210.Id. 211.CARTER,supranote192,at11. 212.SHILS,supranote202,at338.Onecannotbecompletelycivilfor[s]elfishness and parochiality are inexpungible from human life. Id. at 350. Plus, we may not want consummate civility: civility can stifle diversity, dissent, and innovation, the sortsofthingsthataliberaldemocracydesiresandnourishes.Seeid.at97. 213.SeeKang,supranote192. 214.THOMAS HOBBES, THE ELEMENTSOF LAW NATURALANDPOLITIC48(J.C.A. Gaskined.,OxfordUniv.Press1994)(1640).
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nance;215generalreputationamongstthoseoftheothersex;216 toteachorpersuade...becausetheybesignsofknowledge;217 riches;218 nobility...as signs of power in the ancestors;219 authority asasignofstrength, wisdom,favouror richesby which it is attained.220 All of these qualities are honorable be cause they are possessed by a few. This is why nobles dueled overchurchseats,cordwainersfoughtoverwhosebootwasbet ter, and squires pummeled each other for the attention of the king.Theregardforhonorobviouslydoesnothavetotakesuch violent forms, but in early modern England, it did. Civility, on theotherhand,seekstomakeitselfavailabletoeveryoneinthe relevant community; it is by nature a democratic resource of whichallarepresumptivelydeserving. We should not be surprised, then, that the American colo nists adopted civility as a cornerstone of their republican vir tue.221 After all, under republican government, the people sought to govern themselves without a king. Civility, with its emphasis on equal respect, would seem patently serviceable. Anexplorationoftheparticularsfollows. 1. CriticismoftheKing
Let us begin with the colonists criticism of monarchy, for thisalsofurnishesuswithacommentaryabouthowmenina republican democracy should embrace civility and abjure hy permasculinity.ThomasPainedeliveredthemostincisivecriti cisms against monarchic rule. Paine denied that kings began fromanhonorableorigin,222fortheirsisfoundedonanarro gantanddangerousmasculinity:
Itismorethanprobable,thatcouldwetakeoffthedarkcov eringofantiquity,andtracethemtotheirfirstrise,thatwe
215.Id.at4849. 216.Id.at49. 217.Id. 218.Id. 219.Id. 220.Id. 221.NotehereShilssroughequationofcivilitywithMontesquieusaccountof republicanvirtue.SeeSHILS,supranote202,at335.JohnRawlssaccountofcivility is roughly complementary to those of Shils and Montesquieu. See JOHN RAWLS, POLITICALLIBERALISM236(1993). 222.PAINE,supranote121,at16.
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shouldfindthefirstofthemnothingbetterthantheprinci palruffianofsomerestlessgang,whosesavagemannersof preeminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief amongplunderers;andwhobyincreasinginpower,andex tending his depredations, overawed the quiet and defence lesstopurchasetheirsafetybyfrequentcontributions.223
Ajarringrhetoricalshiftwasastir.Filmerhadrepresentedthe kingasthematureandmanlyfather,andHobbeshadstigma tized ordinary men as hypermasculine and requiring control. Bythelateeighteenthcentury,Painereversedtheseroles.The king is a ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage man ners...obtained him the title of chief among plunderers.224 No longer the benevolent patriarch, he overawed the quiet and defenseless to purchase their safety by frequent contribu tions.225Painedidnotarguethatthesovereignthreatenscivil ityjustbecausehewieldsviolence.Hobbesssovereign,forex ample, held a monopoly on violence but meant to subdue hypermasculinemenforpurposesofcivilsociety.Bycontrast, the violence on display by Paines monarch symbolically con nects him to the atavistic brute in Hobbess state of nature; unlikeHobbesssovereign,Paineskingsignalstheabsenceof civilsociety. Thedifferenceliesinthelatterkingsattackoncivility.Paines kingusesviolencetoassaultthedignityofothers,andhetreats themasmeanstohissingularlypersonalends.WhereasCarter and Shils suggested that civility presupposes a community of equals, the kings violence initiates a gunmans tyranny that placeshimoutsidethelimitsoflaw.Bylayingsiegetothenorms ofcivility,Paineskingfeelsnocompunctionintramplingonthe principleoftheconsentofthegoverned.HencePaineworried:
WhenWilliamtheConquerorsubduedEngland,hegave them law at the point of the sword; and until we consent, that the seatof government, in America, belegallyandau thoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of having it
223.Id.NotealsoFilmersconcessionthatmanykingsatfirstdomostunjustly obtaintheexerciseof[thenaturalrightofasupremefather].FILMER,supranote 94, at 11. But Filmer, unlike Paine, was quick to add that such acts are by the secretwillofGod.Id. 224.PAINE,supranote121,at16. 225.Id.
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filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in the samemanner,andthen,wherewillbeourfreedom?226
Theassaultoncivilitycanthusalsopresentathreattoarepub licangovernmentwherethepeopleformallyretainedthefree domofcollectiveselfdirection. Partlyforthesereasons,theConstitutionsoughtpreemptive measures to limit political leaders from indulging the sort of politicallydestructivehypermasculinityexhibitedbytheking. Although a monarch claims the throne by inheritance, Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution requires election of the Presi denttoafouryearterm.227HamiltonstressedintheFederalist Papers that the term limit demonstrates a total dissimilitude between him and a king of Great Britain, who is an hereditary monarch,possessingthecrownas apatrimonydescendibleto hisheirsforever.228ArticleII,Section4createdanotherlimit by stating that the President could be removed upon im peachment and conviction for treason, bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.229 The kings position is sacred andinviolable:thereisnoconstitutionaltribunaltowhichheis amenable;nopunishmenttowhichhecanbesubjected,without involvingthecrisisofanationalrevolution.230Andwhereasthe kinghasanabsolutenegativeupontheactsofthetwohouses ofparliament,231twothirdsoftheHouseandSenatecanover ridethePresidentsvetoonabill.232 The Constitution provides other limits, too. The President may assume the role of commanderinchief of the state mili
226.Id.at43. 227.U.S.CONST.art.II,1.Later,theConstitutionlimitedthePresidenttotwo terms.U.S.CONST.amend.XXII.Hamiltonwrote: Inamonarchy,[astandardofgoodbehaviorforcontinuanceinoffice]isan excellent barrier to the despotism of the prince: in a republic it is a no less excellentbarriertotheencroachmentsandoppressionsoftherepresentative body.Anditisthebestexpedientwhichcanbedevisedinanygovernment, tosecureasteady,upright,andimpartialadministrationofthelaws. THEFEDERALISTNO.78(AlexanderHamilton),supranote167,at402. 228.THE FEDERALIST NO. 69 (Alexander Hamilton), supra note 167, at 35556. Some scholars contend, however, that Hamilton envisioned the presidency as possessing an avowedly masculine identity. See Paula A. Monopoli, Gender and ConstitutionalDesign,115YALEL.J.2643,264546(2006). 229.U.S.CONST.art.II,4. 230.THEFEDERALISTNO.69(AlexanderHamilton),supranote167,at356. 231.Id. 232.U.S.CONST.art.I,7,cl.2.
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tias,butonlywhenthemilitiaiscalledintotheactualService oftheUnitedStates.233Hamiltonremindedhisreadersthatthe Britishkinghasatalltimestheentirecommandofallthemili tia, extending to the declaring of war, and to the raising and regulating of fleets and armies,234 whereas the Constitution gives such powers to Congress.235 In foreign affairs, the king of Great Britain is the sole and absolute representative of the nation.236 But the President must earn twothirds approval fromtheSenatetomaketreaties.237Lastly,inasharprejoinder to Filmers promiscuous mixture of church and state that had endowedthekingwithheavensmandate,Hamiltonannounced thatthePresidenthasnoparticleofspiritualjurisdiction.238 Suchcriticismsofthekingwereanextensionofthedissatis faction that was common around the time of the Revolution with patriachalisms general claims of manly authority. As Woodobserved,Certainlyby1750ancientpatriarchalabsolut ismnolongerhadthesameideologicalsignificanceithadonce possessed,239 and few fathers, or at least few gentry fathers, nowdaredtojustifycontrollingtheirhouseholddependentsin thearbitrarymanneradvocatedacenturyearlierbySirRobert Filmer.240 More children left the home and asserted a greater right against their parents to choose their marital partners.241 Sonsweremorelikelytochallengeandfighttheirfathers,and Americanyoungstershadareputationforbeingmoreunruly than children elsewhere.242 Also suggestive here is the condi tion of divorce in the colonies. Divorce was not permitted in England except through rare private bills in Parliament.243 But some colonies defiantly drafted legal means for divorce. Much more so than their English counterparts, American womenusedthesemeanstoabandonthepatriarchalfiguresof
233.U.S.CONST.art.II,2,cl.1. 234.THEFEDERALISTNO.69(AlexanderHamilton),supranote167,at357. 235.U.S.CONST.art.I,8,cls.1114. 236.THEFEDERALISTNO.69(AlexanderHamilton),supranote167,at359. 237.U.S.CONST.art.II,2,cl.2. 238.THEFEDERALISTNO.69(AlexanderHamilton),supranote167,at361. 239.WOOD,supranote157,at147. 240.Id. 241.Seeid. 242.Id.at155. 243.LINDA K. KERBER, WOMEN OF THE REPUBLIC: INTELLECT AND IDEOLOGY IN REVOLUTIONARYAMERICA160(1980).
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theirhusbands.244Thischallengetopatriarchyinthehomewas analogous to other contexts, as servants were more likely to challenge their masters and inferiors became more suspicious oftheirsuperiors.245Everywhere,observedWood,ordinary peoplewerenolongerwillingtoplaytheiraccustomedrolesin the hierarchy, no longer willing to follow their callings, no longer willing to restrict their consumption of goods.246 In Woods account, [t]hey were less dependent, less willing to walkwhilegentlemenrode,lesswillingtodofftheircaps,less deferential,lesspassive,lessrespectfulofthoseabovethem.247 JustaspatriarchyintheEnglishfamilyhadproppeduppatriar chyduringFilmerstime,itsweakeningintheAmericanfamily tendedtodiminishitinotherareasofcolonialAmerica.248 Thereweretwomaincausesforthisdissolutionofpatriarchal authority.First,thetraditionalbondsthatmadepatriarchythrive werehardertosustainagainstthesuddenandpowerfulchanges in themovement of people across America. Thepopulationhad doubledfrom1750to1770anddoubledagainfrom1770to1790, multiplyingmorerapidlythananyotherpeopleintheWestern world.249 This growing number aggressively moved into new towns and the unsettled frontier as opportunities arose.250 Such movementstrainedand brokeapart households, churches, and neighborhoods,andyoungmenbecamemoreautonomousand moreindependentofpaternalandpatronagerelationships.251 Second, in addition to these social forces, patriarchalism cameunderattackfromanewEnlightenmentphilosophythat urged the merits of civility and affection in peoples private livesandpublicdealings.252Byexpectingeveryonetoworkco operatively,civilitywouldhelptobolsterthecolonistsefforts atselfgovernment.
244.Seeid.at16064. 245.SeeWOOD,supranote157,at145. 246.Id.at14546. 247.Id.at146. 248.SeeBrandon,supranote185,at121618,122227. 249.WOOD,supranote157,at125. 250.Seeid.at12628. 251.Seeid.at129. 252.SeeinfraPartIV.A.2.
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The Americans sought to create a public virtue that would help to undergird their new project of constitutional self government, but the accounts of male identity from Hobbes and Filmer scarcely lent themselves to this endeavor. Hobbes depictedhypermasculinemenwhoweresooverwhelmedwith belligerentpassionsthatonlythefearofviolentdeathhadany chance of scaring them into peaceable conduct. Filmer, on the other hand, believed that men could be regulated by social bondsofaffect,butthesebondswerehierarchicallystructured and ultimately required meek deference by infantile men to wardapatriarchalking.253Americanmenhadtofashionanal ternativemaleidentity. Theydevelopedittoincludethedemocraticattitudeoftreat ing each other with civility and even affection.254 By doing so, theyadoptedanethosthattendedtoevincethosesocialhabits conducive to political cooperation among men of differing views and unequal stations.255 Part of this ethos derived from the Enlightenment philosophy that was spreading over West ern Europe at this time.256 As its name implies, the Enlighten ment sought to enlighten mens minds by ridding them of superstitions and stifling traditions.257 Yet the Enlightenment
253.See WOOD, supra note 157, at189 (Destroying the ligaments of patronage andkinshipthathadheldtheoldmonarchicalsocietytogetherwasonlyhalfthe radicalismoftherepublicanrevolution.). 254.See id. at 21325; KANN, supra note 23, passim; MARK E. KANN, THE GEN DERING OF AMERICAN POLITICS: FOUNDING MOTHERS, FOUNDING FATHERS, AND POLITICALPATRIARCHY7374,12527(1999). 255.Seeinfranotes27181andaccompanyingtext. 256.SeeWOOD,supranote157,at194. 257.See id. at 191. Justice Brandeis alluded to these twin aims when he wrote that[m]enfearedwitchesandburntwomen.Itisthefunctionofspeechtofree menfromthebondageofirrationalfears.Whitneyv.California,274U.S.357,376 (1927)(Brandeis,J.,concurring).ForhistorianPeterGay,theEnlightenmentwasa breakfromentrenchedconventions.Itwasacenturyofdeclineinmysticism,of growinghopeforlifeandtrustineffort,ofcommitmenttoinquiryandcriticism, ofinterestinsocialreform,ofincreasingsecularism,andagrowingwillingnessto takerisks.PETER GAY, THE ENLIGHTENMENT: AN INTERPRETATION: THE SCIENCE OF FREEDOM6(1969).TheEnlightenmentwasanage,perhapsbestofall,ofat tacksonsuperstition.Id.at23.Menweremorewillingtoquestionconventions andfindtruthforthemselves.ProfessorGayofferedexamples: Lockenotedinhisjournalthattherewasalargefeildofknowledgeproper fortheuseandadvantageofmen,namelytofindeoutnewinventionsof dispatchtoshortenoreaseourlabours,orapplyingsagaciouslytogeather
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was not limited to the cultivation of mens reason; it also sought to help men become civil and kind by eliminating the barbarismandcrueltyofmonarchicculture.258 Achiefillustrationwasavailableinthenewoutlooktoward childrearing.Lockedescribedthefamilyasaplaceforparents to show affection toward their children and to teach them aboutindependence:
PaternalorParentalpowerisnothingbutthat,whichParents have over their Children, to govern them for the Childrens good, till they come to the use of Reason, or a state of Knowledge, wherein they may be supposed capable to un
severall agents and patients to procure new and beneficiall productions wherebyourstockofriches(i.e.,thingsusefullfortheconveniencysofour life)maybeincreasedorbetterpreservd.And,Lockeaddedsignificantly, for such discoverys as these the mind of man is well fitted. Lord Shaftesbury, Lockes disciple, more inward than his master, applied the ancient saying to mans selfmastery: the wise and able man, he wrote, bylayingwithinhimselfthelastingandsurefoundationsoforder,peace, andconcordthusbecomesthearchitectofhisownlifeandfortune.Not surprisingly, both the proverb and the attitude spread to the English coloniesinAmerica:in1770ThomasJeffersonincludedfabersuaequisque fortunae among his favorite maxims, while some years before Benjamin Franklin developed a plan for scientific cooperation among the colonies thatwouldsolvethemysteriesofnatureandenhancemanspower,over matter,andmultiplytheconveniencesorpleasuresoflife. Id.at67(footnotesomitted);seealsoid.at612. 258.SeeWOOD,supranote157,at192(FortheEnlightenmentrepresentednot just the spread of science, or liberty, or republican governmentimportant as thesewerebutalsothespreadofwhatcametobecalledcivilization.);seealso id.at189,19298.Lockehadstarteddownthatpathbytreatingtherelationships amongmeninthestateofnatureasgenerallysociableandbyarguingthatmen would not resort to Hobbess demonic state of nature in the absence of govern ment. See supra notes 13839 and accompanying text. Notwithstanding his own investmentsintheSouthCarolinaslavetrade,LockealsowrotethatSlaveryisso vile and miserable an Estate of Man, and so directly opposite to the generous TemperandCourageofourNation;thattishardlytobeconceived,thatanEng lishman,muchlessaGentleman,shouldpleadfort.LOCKE,supranote125,at141. Professor Gay noted that for Enlightenment thinkers, [r]eason and humanity wereeasilyconfounded,andaninstanceofonewasoftentakenasaninstanceof theother.GAY,supranote257,at29.ProfessorGaylistedthefollowingexamples: Montesquieu listing the rights of accused persons, Lessing advocating tolerance of Jews, Beccaria constructing a humane jurisprudence, Rousseau defending the claims of the child, Voltaire rehabilitating the victims of judicial miscarriage, Kant analyzing the preconditions for worldpeace,allwereelaboratingasingleviewofmanandofpoliticsa singleviewofmaninpoliticswhichoffersnosurprises,sinceitfollows withinescapablelogicfromtheirgeneralwayofthinking. Id.at398;seealsoid.at3045.
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derstand that Rule, whether it be the law of Nature or the municipal Law of their Country they are to govern them selvesby:Capable,Isay,toknowit,aswellasseveraloth ers,wholive,asFreemen,underthatlaw.259
Lockesargumentdeservesamplification.Locke,unlikeFilmer, approved of limits on parental authority. Such limits, Locke explained,arewarranted.Parentsshouldrecognizeindepend ence when children acquire reason to think for themselves. Lockes formulations of the family enabled him to challenge Filmerssupportforpatriarchy.Filmerhaddiscountedthepos sibilitythatchildrencouldeverpossessthereasonnecessaryto be responsible political actors; hence, on his terms, men were forever dependent on the fatherly guidance of the king. But accordingtoLocke,becausemenweresaidtopossesssuchrea son,theycouldnotlogicallyberequiredtoconferauthorityon the king. No less important, Locke implied that parental au thority could not extend to govern children in the political realm, because parental authority did not equate to political authority.260Elsewhereheadvisedparentsthat
inagreatmanythings[thechild]mustbetrustedtohisown conduct,sincetherecannotalwaysbeaguarduponhim,ex ceptwhatyouhaveputintohisownmindbygoodprinci plesandestablishedhabits,whichisthebestandsurest,and thereforemosttobetakencareof.261
Suchviewswerewidespreadbytheeighteenthcentury.262Instead ofcoercion,parentswereexpectedtotreattheirchildrenwithlove andtopreparethemtoleadindependentlivesasadults.263

259.LOCKE,supranote135,at381. 260.Lockelatermadethispointexplicit:[T]hePaternalisanaturalGovernment, butnotatallextendingitselftotheEnds,andJurisdictionsofthatwhichisPoliti cal.ThePoweroftheFatherdothnotreachatalltothePropertyoftheChild,whichis onlyinhisowndisposing.Id. 261.JOHN LOCKE,SOME THOUGHTS CONCERNING EDUCATIONANDOFTHE CON DUCTOFTHE UNDERSTANDING15(RuthW.Grant&NathanTarcoveds.,Hackett PublgCo.1996)(1693). 262.ProfessorWoodwrote: Nearlyeveryworkoftheagewhetherofhistory,fiction,orpedagogy,from Marmontels Memoirs to Goldsmiths Vicar of Wakefield to Chesterfields Lettersdwelt on issues of familial responsibility and warned against the evilsofparentaltyrannyandtheharshandarbitrarymodesofchildrearing of an older, more savage age. Charles Rollins Ancient History attacked primogenitureandotherlegaldevicesthatsupportedanartificialpatriarchal authority.SamuelRichardsonsClarissacriticizedparentswhoplacedfamily
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If parents were supposed to raise their children in prepara tionforrepublicangovernment,menwerealreadyexpectedto exemplify those virtues necessary for its success. Always at the center of this [Enlightenment] advance, Professor Wood wrote,wasthechangingideaofagentleman.264Amongmon archists, a gentleman was a member of the aristocracy by good birthandlandedwealth,notthroughearnedeffort.265Bycontrast, in America, the gentleman defined himself through the social products of selfimprovement: politeness, grace, taste, learning, and character.266 Such traits were acutely valuable in a republi can nation where all power resided with the people. As Wood concluded, We shall never understand the unique character of therevolutionaryleadersuntilweappreciatetheseriousnesswith whichtheytookthesenewrepublicanideasofwhatitwastobea gentleman.267Yetwhatpreciselydidthegentlemanspoliteness, grace,taste,learning,andcharactermean? ThebestanswertothisquestionliesintheexampleofGeorge Washington, a nonpareil of the enlightened republican gentle man.Althoughwenowrememberhimforhisreputedhonesty, Washingtonsmostcelebratedvirtuewasperhapshisstudiously
pride and wealth ahead of the desires and integrity of their children. Even Hogarths popular series of prints Marriage la Mode pointed out the dangersofparentsarrangingtheirchildrensmarriages.Beingaparentwas nolongersimplyabiological fact;it wasalsoaculturalresponsibility. As Fnelons Telemachus attested, a childs true parents were not his blood relativesbutthosemoralpreceptorslikeMentorwhoshapedhismindand raised him to become a reasoning moral adult in a corrupt and complex world.Childrenwerenolongermerelydependentsbutmoralbeingstobe caredforandeducated. WOOD,supranote157,at14849(footnoteomitted). 263.See generally J.H. PLUMB, THE NEW WORLD OF CHILDREN IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURYENGLAND,67PAST&PRESENT64(1975). 264.WOOD,supranote157,at194. 265.Seeid.at19495. 266.Id. at 195. (The colonists were eager to create a new kind of aristocracy, basedonprinciplesthatcouldbelearnedandweresuperiortothoseofbirthand family,andevengreatwealth.).ItisworthconsideringthatsomanyFounding Fatherswerenotmenofhighbirth.Thefollowingmen,forexample,werethefirst in their families to attend college and acquire the sort of liberal arts education idealizedbytheEnlightenment:SamuelAdams,JohnAdams,ThomasJefferson, JamesOtis,JohnJay,JamesMadison,DavidRamsay,BenjaminRush,JamesWil son, John Marshall. Id. at 197. Gentleman, however, was not fully divorced fromitsclassbasedconnotations.SeeKANN,supranote23,at2324. 267.WOOD,supranote157,at19798(Allthefoundingfatherswereawareof theseconventionsofcivility,andallinvaryingdegreestriedtoliveuptothem.).
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craftedcivility.268Asachild,WashingtonhadcopiedTheRulesof CivilityandDecentBehaviorinCompanyandConversation,acollec tionof110maxims.269TherulesareusefulforcomparingWash ingtonsmindsetwiththatoftheinexorablytestymendescribed byHobbes.HerearesomeoftherulesthatyoungGeorgecop ied:Shownotyourselfgladatthemisfortuneofanotherthough hewereyourenemy(rule22);270Ifanyonecometospeakto youwhileyouare...sitting,standup,thoughhebeyourinfe rior....(rule28);Toonethatisyourequal,ornotmuchinfe rior, you are to give the chief place in your lodging, and he to whomitisofferedoughtatthefirsttorefuseit,butatthesecond toacceptthoughnotwithoutacknowledginghisownunworthi ness(rule32);271Usenoreproachfullanguageagainstanyone; neithercursenorrevile(rule49).272 Washingtons rules of civility were more than quaint. They were the means by which the colonial men tried to work to gether as rough social equals in a republic. Illustrative of the civility of Carter and Shils, the rules reflectedan aspiration to developanaccountofgentlemanlinessthatcouldfacilitateco operation among a diversity of men by acknowledging their equalrightstodignity.Thisperspectivebecamemoreobvious when Washington warmed civility into the rhetoric of affec tion.AftertheRevolutionaryWar,heannouncedhisretirement as general and sent to the States a letter containing his hopes and concerns for the new Republic. He urged as essential to thewellbeingoftheUnitedStates
[t]he prevalence of that pacific and friendly Disposition, among the People of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make thosemutualconcessionswhicharerequisitetothegeneral
268.Professor Wood suggested that Washingtons behavior, for example, is in comprehensible except in terms of these new, enlightened standards of gentility. Fewweremoreeagertoparticipateintherollingbackofparochialism,fanaticism, andbarbarism.Id.at197.Later,ProfessorWoodwrotethatWashingtonsEnlight enmentwasamoredowntoearthaffair,concernedwithsocialbehaviorandliving intheeverydayworldofpeople.HisEnlightenmentinvolvedcivility.Id.at198. 269.SeeProloguetoGEORGEWASHINGTON,ACOLLECTION2,3(WilliamB.Allen ed.,LibertyFund1988)[hereinafterWASHINGTONCOLLECTION]. 270.GEORGEWASHINGTON,THERULESOFCIVILITYANDDECENTBEHAVIORINCOM PANYANDCONVERSATION,inWASHINGTONCOLLECTION,supranote269,at6,7. 271.Id.at8. 272.Id.at9.
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prosperity,andinsomeinstances,tosacrificetheirindivid ualadvantagestotheinterestoftheCommunity.273
WashingtonconcludedtheletterwithaprayerthatAmericans would entertain a brotherly affection and love for one an other,fortheirfellowCitizensoftheUnitedStatesatlarge,and particularlyfortheirbrethrenwhohaveservedintheField.274 Washington warned of how competing views and interests bredjealousyandevenhateamongtheStates.Itisnowonder that in his Presidential farewell address he again spoke of his yearningthatyourUnionandbrotherlyaffectionmaybeper petual.275Washingtonfeltaffectionformenacrossreligionsas well.AddressingJewishcongregationsinvariouscities,heob served that the liberal sentiment towards each other which marks every political and religious denomination of men in this country stands unrivalled in the history of nations.276 Morethanpolitetoleration,Washingtonmeant[t]heaffection of such a people, which he prized as a treasure beyond the reachofcalculation.277Inashowofpoliticalinclusion,heea gerlyinformedthecongregationsthattheaffectionateexpres sions of your address again excite my gratitude, and receive mywarmestacknowledgements.278 WecanenrichourunderstandingofWashingtonbyturning toananalysisofWashingtonsfavoriteplay,JosephAddisons Cato.279AlthoughpennedbyanEnglishman,itbecamethechief artistic voice for the Americans republicanism.280 Washington
273.GeorgeWashington,CirculartotheStates(June14,1783)inWASHINGTON COLLECTION,supranote269,at239,242. 274.Id.at249. 275.George Washington, Farewell Address (Sept. 19, 1976), in WASHINGTON COLLECTION,supranote269,at512,514. 276.George Washington, Letter To the Hebrew Congregations (Jan. 1790), in WASHINGTONCOLLECTION,supranote269,at545,545. 277.Id. 278.Id.at546. 279.JOSEPH ADDISON, CATO: A TRAGEDY, AND SELECTED ESSAYS (Christine DunnHenderson&MarkE.Yellineds.,LibertyFund2004)[hereinafterADDISON COLLECTION]. For the proposition that Cato was Washingtons favorite play, see Forrest McDonald, Foreword to id. at viii, and GARRY WILLS, CINCINNATUS: GEORGEWASHINGTONANDTHEENLIGHTENMENT8(1984). 280.SeeChristineDunnHenderson&MarkE.Yellin,IntroductiontoADDISON COLLECTION, supra note 279, at xi, xxii; McDonald, supra note 279, at viiix; WILLS, supra note 279, at 137 (calling Cato the most popular [play] in eight eenthcenturyAmerica).
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sawCatomanytimesandoftenquotedfromit.281Healsohadit stagedfordispiritedtroopsatValleyForge,and,whenhisoffi cers threatened mutiny in 1783, he shamed them, as only he could,byrecitingaptlinesfromtheplay.282Theplaycelebrates publicspiritednessintheserviceofwar,andsoonecanunder standwhyitwouldresonatewithAmericansduringtheRevo lution.283 Much of the dialogue, however, lauds those virtues which are peculiarly useful for peace and cooperation. Wash ingtonidentifiedwithJuba,theyoungAfricanprincewhoidol izestheRomanCatoandisdevotedtothelattersfighttopro tectRomesdemocracyagainstCaesarsdictatorship.284Although Jubasreputationforbraveryisunassailable,hedoesnotglam orizewarasabidformanlyvalor.Hetreatswarasameansto make and defend a world where men may engage each other withgentleness.TheAfricanmilitarygeneralSyphaxmocksthe Romansoldiersaseffeminateforlackingthekillerinstinctsand martialfortitudeoftheirAfricancounterparts.Jubachideshim:
Theseallarevirtuesofameanerrank, Perfectionsthatareplacedinbonesandnerves. ARomansoulisbentonhigherviews: Tocivilizetherude,unpolishedworld, Andlayitundertherestraintoflaws; Tomakemanmild,andsociabletoman; Tocultivatethewild,licentioussavage Withwisdom,discipline,andliberalarts Theembellishmentsoflife;virtueslikethese Makehumannatureshine,reformthesoul, Andbreakourfiercebarbariansintomen.285
281.SeeMcDonald,supranote279,atviii;seealsoWOOD,supranote157,at197 98(WashingtonlovedJosephAddisonsplayCatoandsawitoverandoverand incorporated its lines into his correspondence. The play, very much an Enlight enmenttract,helpedtoteachhimwhatitmeanttobeliberalandvirtuous,whatit meanttobeastoicalclassicalhero.). 282.SeeMcDonald,supranote279,atviii;seealsoMCDONALD,supranote190,at 195 (It seems likely that the source of the [republican] ideal, in Washingtons case, was Joseph Addisons play Cato....That it offered a role model that was strikinglysimilartothewayinwhichWashingtonpatternedhislifeisindicated by a careful reading of the play.). Patrick Henrys cry of [g]ive me liberty or givemedeathwasalsoquietlyliftedfromCato.Seeid.at10. 283.SeeMcDonald,supranote279,atix. 284.Seeid. 285.JOSEPH ADDISON,CATO,reprintedinADDISON COLLECTION,supranote279, at1,18(footnotesomitted).
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Jubatransitionsfrombiologicaltoculturalmeaningsofgen der. To be men is to be other than barbarians and sav ages. It is, ideally, to be mild and sociable, absent the rudeandunpolished.Inanuncannyparadox,thevaliant warrior Juba states that men earn their gendered identity as such when they learn to value the traditionally feminine vir tuesofcivilityandsociability. Addisonhimselfextolledsuchvirtues.Dwellingonhisviews mayhelptoilluminateCatosattractionsforWashingtonandhis contemporaries. Addison derided those who think it more honourabletorevenge,thantoforgiveaninjury;whomakeno scrupleoftellingalie,butwouldputanymantodeaththatac cusesthemofit;whoaremorecarefultoguardtheirreputation bytheircourage,thanbytheirvirtue.286Elsewhere,hesurmised that [h]alf the Misery of Human Life might be extinguished, would Men alleviate the general Curse they lye under, by mu tual Offices of Compassion, Benevolence, and Humanity.287 And against the obsession with public slights in early modern England,Addisonremindedthereaderthat
Plutarchsaysveryfinely,thataManshouldnotallowhimself tohateevenhisEnemies,because,sayshe,ifyouindulgethis Passion in some Occasions, it will rise of it self in others; if youhateyourEnemies,youwillcontractsuchaviciousHabit of Mind, as by Degrees will break out upon those who are yourFriends,orthosewhoareindifferenttoyou.288
Addisoncommendedforgivenessanditscorrelatingcivilityfor their benefits to social relationships, not, like Christianity, for their intrinsic worth. Forgiveness and civility, in Addisons hands, take shape as public virtues, allusive of civilitys past associationwithcitizenshipandgovernment. One might object that the foregoing analysis of Washington piouslyomitshismilitaryserviceand,thus,hispropensityfor conductthatisnotcivil.Yet,evenhere,ourreceivedpictureof Washington glows as a paragon of civility. We remember Washington as the perfect Cincinnatus, the Roman patriot
286.JOSEPH ADDISON, Guardian, No. 161 (Sept. 15, 1713), reprinted in ADDISON COLLECTION,supranote279,at194,195. 287.JOSEPH ADDISON, Spectator, No. 169 (Sept. 13, 1711), reprinted in ADDISON COLLECTION,supranote279,at127,127. 288.JOSEPH ADDISON, Spectator, No. 125 (July 24, 1711), reprinted in ADDISON COLLECTION,supranote279,at123,124(footnoteomitted).
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who returned to his farm after his victories in war.289 He de voted himself to his country, and,even though he could have exploitedhisfametoobtainmorepoliticalpower,heresigned ascommanderinchiefofthecolonialArmy.290Bydoingso,he offered for view a modesty that was virtually unimaginable, even for a gentleman. Consider how his resignation deflected the charges of hypermasculinity that Paine had effortlessly flung at the king. Whereas the king had brutishly usurped power,Washingtondeclineditinagesturethatisamonument to civilitys gentle selfeffacement. And whereas Paines king arrogantlyplacedhimselfoutsidetheruleoflaw,Washingtons resignationrepresentedacivilityinwhichhepreferredtodon theegalitariandignityofhisfellowcitizensthantobaskinthe privileged honor of thefew. Evoking the oldermeaning ofci vility as citizenship, Washington bypassed a potential oppor tunityforemperorshiptobecomearegularcitizen.291Thisper formance, of course, was consciously staged and Washington knewatoncethathehadacquiredinstantfameasamodern
289.WOOD,supranote157,at205(Thegreatestactofhislife,theonethatgavehim hisgreatestfame,washisresignationascommanderinchiefoftheAmericanforces.). 290.Seeid.at20506(Hewastryingtoliveuptotheagesimageofaclassical disinterestedpatriotwhodevoteshislifetohiscountry.). 291.ThemannerinwhichWashingtonscontemporariesportrayedhiminartis telling.Willsexplained: The instinct for a secular and simple representation of Washingtons heroism is nowhere better demonstrated than in the fact that the most popular portraits of all were the presidential portraits done by Gilbert Stuart...where [Washington] appears simply as Citizen Washington, wearing the black suit of his inauguration....His favorite form of address, when speaking to his countrymen, whether as Commander in ChieforasPresident,wasmyfellowcitizens;andtherepublicrepaid thiscomplimentbysensingthatthehighestrecognitionitcouldofferhim wasasacitizenleader.Themanwhoseglorycamefromhisreturntothe plowcouldgainnolusterbymountingathroneorwearingacrown. WILLS,supranote279,at7980.So,too,Willscommented: The secular and civilian ideal of Cincinnatus made American artists represent Washington, even in his military days, with great restraint. There was less emphasis on the glory of battle than on dutiful service. The city of Charleston rejected the painting it had commissioned from [John] Trumbull, because it showed Washington standing by a theatrically rearing horse....When Thomas Sully attempted a heroic equestrianinhisCrossingoftheDelaware,itstayedrolledupinhisstudio, sincehecouldnotinterestabuyer. Id.at82.Onarelatednote,WashingtonsfamousFarewellAddressacquiredits namefromsomeoneotherthanWashington,forhegaveitnomoreformaltitle thantherepublicansalutation,FriendsandFellowCitizens.Id.at88.
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Cincinnatus,makinghiminternationallyfamous.292Still,what isimportanthereisthatWashingtonspubliccivilitywasasi lentadmissionofhisowndemocraticdependenceonthegood wishes of the people.293 In his grand coyness, Washington ac knowledgedthataleader,evenonewhowasvenerated,rana risk in openly seeking political power in a republican nation; thepresidencycouldnotbeseizedbyonebuthadtobeoffered bythemany.294Theyoungrepublichadcomealongwayfrom rulebyakingwhowas,inPaineswords,theprincipalruffian ofsomerestlessgang.295 CivilitydidmorethangoverntheconductofthefirstPresi dent.Thegovernmentasawholewasexpectedtorecognizeits norms.TheThirdandFourthAmendmentsoftheConstitution contain,respectively,therightagainstthequarteringoftroops inprivatehomes296andtherightagainstunreasonablesearches andseizuresofpersons,houses,papers,andeffects.297Onecan
292.WOOD,supranote157,at206.WillsobservedofWashington: Hewasavirtuosoofresignations.Heperfectedtheartofgettingpower bygivingitaway.... UnlikeotherofficersintheRevolution,hedidnotresignorthreatento resignwhenbaffledofhonororadvantage.Hedidnotwanttocheapen the currency; he would not anticipate his promised abdication at wars end.Hiswholewarservicewasurgedforwardunderthearchwayoftwo pledgestoreceivenopay,andtoresignwhenindependencewaswon. He was choreographing his departure with great care. It was an act of pedagogicaltheater;andtheworldapplauded. WILLS,supranote279,at3(citationomitted). 293.Willsremarked: Washington was constantly testing public opinion and tailoring his actionstosuitit.Iftherewaswidespreadfearthathereditarymembership intheSocietyoftheCincinnati[aclubofdistinguishedandupperclasswar veterans]wouldcreateanaristocracy,thenWashingtonwouldabolishthat item,thoughhethoughtthepublicmistakeninitsfears.... Washington realized that power is a tree that grows by a constant prudent trimming; that winning the peoples longterm confidence is a moresolidgroundforachievementthaneitherpanderingtotheirwhims ordefyingtheirexpectations. WILLS,supranote279,at10304. 294.ConsiderWillssargumentthatWashingtonscharismacamefromapromi nentlydisplayedeagernesstotranscenditself;hegainedpowerfromhisreadiness togiveitup.AndinacceptingtheidealofCincinnatus,Washingtonautomatically limited the dangers of charismatic leadership, which is always at least quasi religious,anassertionofsemidivinegrace.WILLS,supranote279,at23. 295.PAINE,supranote121,at16. 296.U.S.CONST.amend.III. 297.U.S.CONST.amend.IV.
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understand both Amendments as prohibiting governmental intrusion because it is violative of ones dignity, and thus, by convention,rude;imaginetheuncivilhandlingonewouldex perience by a throng of soldiers who have their way in ones home298orbyevensomethingascommonplaceasapatdown by the constable.299 Perhaps most conspicuously, the Constitu tion does not permit cruel and unusual punishment,300 the grossest example of brutish intemperance by the government. Here,onewillremembercivilitysphilologyascitizenshipand the right to equal dignity that imbues it.301 What makes cruel and unusual punishment uncivil is not only its outward bar barity but also its attack on the principle of equal dignity.302 Other constituent parts of the Constitution also allude to this latterviewofcivility.303TheReligionClausesprohibitmajority religions that control government from degrading the dignity ofminorityfaiths.304WecaninferthatArticleVI performsthe samefunctionbybanningthegovernmentfromadministering religious tests as a precondition to hold office.305 The First Amendments rights of speech and press protect people and
298.Justice Joseph Story feared that, in the absence of the Third Amendment, peoplesliveswouldbefullofinconvenienceandperil.3JOSEPH STORY, COM MENTARIES ON THE CONSTITUTION 1893 (1833) reprinted in 5 THE FOUNDERS CONSTITUTION,supranote189,at218,218. 299.SeeCooper,supranote2,at56. 300.U.S.CONST.amend.VIII. 301.Seesupranotes19299andaccompanyingtext. 302.See,e.g.,WilliamJ.Brennan,ConstitutionalAdjudicationandtheDeathPenalty:A ViewfromtheCourt,100HARV. L. REV.313,33031(1986)(arguingthatthedeathpen alty is unconstitutional because it violates norms of human dignity that inform the EighthAmendment);ArthurJ.Goldberg&AlanM.Dershowitz,DeclaringtheDeath PenaltyUnconstitutional,83HARV.L.REV.1773,178485(1970)(arguingthatthedeath penaltyisunconstitutionalbecauseitisatleasthighlysuspectunderthesenorms). 303.Kenneth Karst offered a vigorous argument that the Constitution is ani matedbysomethingakintowhathasbeendescribedhereascivilityinaprinciple ofequalcitizenship.KENNETH L. KARST, BELONGING TO AMERICA: EQUAL CITI ZENSHIPANDTHECONSTITUTION(1989). 304.SeeKennethL.Karst,TheFirstAmendment,ThePoliticsofReligionandtheSym bols of Government, 27 HARV. C.R.C.L. L. REV. 503 (1992). Justice OConnor articu latedasimilarviewinherinterpretationoftheEstablishmentClause.Shewrotethat [e]ndorsement[ofreligion]sendsamessagetononadherentsthattheyareoutsid ers,notfullmembersofthepoliticalcommunity,andanaccompanyingmessageto adherentsthattheyareinsiders,favoredmembersofthepoliticalcommunity.Dis approvalsendstheoppositemessage.Lynchv.Donnelly,465U.S.668,688(1984). 305.U.S.CONST.art.VI.
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publishersagainstananalogousdegradationfortheirpolitical andsocialbeliefs.306 3. NecessaryforAdjudication
John Adams took civility in a somewhat different direction by explaining how it was essential for a political society that wasdedicatedtoimpartialadjudication.ThejudicialPowerof theUnitedStates,accordingtoArticleIIIoftheConstitution, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and es tablish.307 In Hobbess state of nature, however, all men re tained the authority to decide disputes for themselves, and, driven by hypermasculinity, they exercised their freedom in waysthatwereincompatiblewithcivilsociety.308JohnAdams fretted that men in America behaved all too similarly. De nouncingfistfightsamongagroupofpublicofficials,hewrote that[m]anisdistinguishedfromotheranimals,hisfellowin habitants of this planet, by a capacity of acquiring knowledge andcivility,morethanbyanyexcellency,corporeal,ormental, withwhichmerenaturehasfurnishedhisspecies.309Lifeprior totheinventionofcivilityis,Adamsargued,aprepoliticalexis tence, and his descriptions should call to mind Hobbess state ofnature.Whenmenfirstwalkedtheearth,[e]achindividual [was] his own sovereign, accountable to no other upon earth, and punishable by none.310 In this savage state, Adams wrote, courage, hardiness, activity, and strength, the virtues oftheirbrotherbrutes,aretheonlyexcellenciestowhichmen can aspire.311 These excellencies are the explosive ingredi entsforaviolentcultureofhonor:
Emulations and competitions for superiority in such quali ties [as courage, hardiness, strength, and so on], will soon
306.Notethecommonlawprohibitionagainstviewpointdiscrimination.See,e.g., PoliceDeptv.Mosley408U.S.92,95(1972)([A]boveallelse,theFirstAmendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its mes sage,itsideas,itssubjectmatter,oritscontent.). 307.U.S.CONST.art.III. 308.SeesupraPartI. 309.JOHN ADAMS,OnPrivateRevenge:No.1,inTHE REVOLUTIONARY WRITINGS OF JOHN ADAMS 1, 3 (C. Bradley Thompson ed., Liberty Fund 2000) [hereinafter WRITINGS]. 310.Id.at4. 311.Id.
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commence;andanyactionwhichmaybetakenforaninsult, willbeconsideredasapretensiontosuchsuperiority;itwill raise resentment in proportion, and shame and grief will promptthesavagetoclaimsatisfactionortotakerevenge.312
This passage was part of Adamss project to stigmatize hy permasculinity. He continued: The doctrine, that the person assaulted should act with spirit, should defend himself by drawinghisswordandkilling,orbywringingnoses,andbox ingitoutwiththeoffender,isthetenetofacoxcombandthe sentiment of a brute.313 Adams scoffed, are cocks and bulls and horses the proper exemplars for the imitation of men, es peciallyofmenofsense,andevenofthehighestpersonagesin thegovernment!314 Theharmtranscendstheembarrassingascriptionofanimal ity. Hypermasculinity, Adams warned, is incompatible with government under a rule of law. For in a violent culture of honor,anyrequestbyanaggrievedmanforanimpartialjudge wouldamounttoselfinflictedemasculation,aconfessionthat he lacked the manly resolve to settle the score.315 The willing ness to accept impartial adjudication was, for Adams, what separated savage nations from polite ones: that among theformereveryindividualishisownjudgeandhisownexe cutioner;butamongthelatterallpretensionstojudgmentand punishmentareresignedtotribunalserectedbythepublic.316 Apparently,though,thesedistinctionsarenothermetic.Evenin politesocieties,boxing,clubs,swords,orfirearms,areresortedto for deciding every quarrel,abouta girl, a game at cards,or any littleaccidentthatwineorfollyorjealousymaysuspecttobean affront.317Thereisalsothedangerthatsoldierswillridiculethe senateandslighttheorderssentthembyabodyofmenwhom theylookuponascowards,andthereforeunworthytocommand
312.Id. 313.Id.at6. 314.Id. 315.Seeid.at4(Thefather,thebrother,orthefriendbeginsthentoespousethe causeofthedeceased;not,indeed,somuchfromanyloveheborehimliving,or fromanygriefhesuffersforhimdead,asfromaprincipleofbraveryandhonor, toshowhimselfableandwillingtoencounterthemanwhohadjustbeforevan quishedanother.). 316.Id.at5. 317.Id.
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them.318 Because of hypermasculinitys threats to republican government, Adams advisedmen toadopt anew conception of maleidentity.Hestatedthateveninthearmyeverygentleman, every man of sense...has a more delicate and manly way of thinking,andfromhisheartdespisesallsuchlittle,narrow,sor didnotions.319Tobemanly,then,istosubmittocivilauthority, nottoflauntonessoldierlymasculinity.Adamsclosedhisessay OnRevengewithlinesthatreadlikecensuretothehonorobsessed men of early modern England. He reminded men to consider howextremelyaddictedtheyaretomagnifyandexaggeratethe injuries that are offered to themselves, and to diminish and ex tenuatethewrongsthattheyoffertoothers.320 OnemightbetemptedheretotreattheduelbetweenAaron BurrandAlexanderHamiltonasacolorfulreprooftohopesfor a republican culture dedicated to peaceful adjudication. Their deadlyconflictderivedexclusivelyfromconsiderationsofper sonal honor and would thus hearken to the brutal grudges bornebymeninearlymodernEnglandoveranalogousissues of status. Stewing for over a decade, the mutual contempt be tween Burr and Hamilton had reached a boil in 1804.321 By then, both men had garnered extraordinary honors: Hamilton had been Secretary of Treasury and, after Washington, the mostpowerfulmemberoftheFederalistParty,whileBurrwas Vice President and a gubernatorial candidate in New York.322 Formensuchasthese,whosepublicidentitiesweresewnfrom emblems of honor, the practice of insults (both inflicting and suffering)wasalwaysasolemnmatter.
318.Id.at6(quotingMontesquieu). 319.Id. Earlier, Adams asserted that [t]o exterminate from among mankind suchrevengefulsentimentsandtempers,isoneofthehighestandmostimportant strainsofcivilandhumanepolicy.Id.at5.Andhepleaded: Farfromaimingatareputationforsuchqualitiesandaccomplishments as those of boxing or cuffing, a man of sense would hold even the true martial qualities, courage, strength, and skill in war, in a much lower estimation than the attributes of wisdom and virtue, skill in arts and sciences, and a true taste to what is right, what is fit, what is true, generous,manly,andnoble,incivillife. JOHNADAMS,OnPrivateRevenge:No.III,inWRITINGS,supranote309,at12,1516. 320.Id.at17. 321.See JOSEPH J. ELLIS, FOUNDING BROTHERS: THE REVOLUTIONARY GENERA TION35(2000). 322.Seeid.at32,39.
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SoitwasnosurprisethatBurrgrewinconsolablylividwhen Hamilton publicly called him despicable.323 Burrs emissary demanded that Hamilton retract his insult, regardless of whether it referred to Burrs politics or person: No denial or declarationwillbesatisfactory...unlessitbegeneral,soasto whollyexcludetheideathatrumorsderogatorytoCol.Burrs honor have originated with [General] Hamilton or have been fairlyinferredfromanythinghehassaid.324Hamiltonrefused to abide, for that would be to compromise his honor. I have not censured him on light grounds, Hamilton defended, or from unworthy inducements. I certainly have had strong rea sonsforwhatImayhavesaid.325Aquandaryensued:Hamil tonandBurrcouldupholdtheirrespectivehonoronlybyruin ing the others. After awkward attempts by Hamilton for a facesaving exit, Burr angrily issued an invitation for a duel, whichHamiltonhesitatinglyaccepted,tohisdemise.326 HistorianJosephEllisbelievedthatthroughtheirviolentcon testforhonorBurrandHamiltonmanagedtomakeadramatic finalstatementaboutthetimeoftheirtime.327Elliselaborated:
Honor mattered because character mattered. And character mattered because the fate of the American experiment with republicangovernmentstillrequiredvirtuousleaderstosur vive....[America]stillrequiredhonorableandvirtuouslead erstoendure.BothBurrandHamiltoncametothe[duel]be causetheywishedtoberegardedaspartofsuchcompany.328
One problem here is the casual rendering of honorable and virtuous as consonant. As illustrated earlier through Pastor SamuelMcClintock,JohnAdams,andothers,therewasample contempt for those obsessed with personal honor at the ex pense of public virtue.329 Thomas Paine, for one, condemned
323.Seeid.at32. 324.Id.at35(internalquotationmarksomitted). 325.Id.at38(internalquotationmarksomitted). 326.Seeid.at3536. 327.Id.at47. 328.Id. 329.Seesupranotes19091andaccompanyingtext.JamesWilson,oneofthesix originalJusticesoftheU.S.SupremeCourt,alsocapturedtheethosofthetimesin theseremarksfromthemideighteenthcentury: Thewisestandmostbenignconstitutionofarationalandmoralsystem is that, in which the degree of private affection, most useful to the individual,is,atthesametime,consistentwiththegreatestinterestofthe
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duels as gothic and absurd.330 AlsotellingisthatNewYork, where Burr and Hamilton arranged the duels terms, had pro hibiteddueling,andthiswaswhythemembersoftheirrespec tiveentourages,toavoidbecominglegallycompromisedaswit nesses, were not allowed to see the fight.331 Aware of its legal stigma, Burr and Hamilton referred to their duel as an inter view and thus injected the language of deniability, should thecaseevergotocourt.332Hamiltonalsotriedtojustifyinhis StatementontheImpendingDuelhowsomeoneofhismatur ityandpositioncouldyieldtosuchashamefulexerciseinado lescent pride.333 Even Professor Ellis qualified that the famous duel represented a momentary breakdown in the dominant patternofnonviolentconflictwithintheAmericanrevolutionary generation.334 In any case, after Hamiltons death, the North
system; and in which the degree of social affection, most useful to the system, is, at the same time, productive of the greatest happiness to the individual.Thusitisinthesystemofsociety.Inthatsystem,hewhoacts onsuchprinciples,andisgovernedbysuchaffections,asseverhimfrom the common good and publick interest, works, in reality, towards his misery: while he, on the other hand, who operates for the good of the whole, as is by nature and by natures God appointed him, pursues, in truth,andatthesametime,hisownfelicity. Regulatedbythisstandard,extensive,unerring,andsublime,selflove andsocialarethesame. 1JAMESWILSON,OfMan,asaMemberofSociety,inCOLLECTED WORKS OF JAMES WILSON621,634(KermitL.Hall&MarkDavidHalleds.,2007). 330.1THOMASPAINE,Duelling,PA.MAG.(May1775),reprintedinTHEWRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE40,40(MoncureDanielConwayed.,NewYork,G.P.Putnams Sons,1894). 331.ELLIS,supranote321,at23. 332.Id.(internalquotationmarksomitted). 333.See id.at 37 (internalquotation marks omitted). Professor Mansfield casu ally noted thatHamilton was not a genderneutral but a man whogaveuphis lifeinaduelbecausehewasagentleman.MANSFIELD,supranote90,at6.Hamil ton,however,washardlythegentlemanbyparticipatinginaritualpromptedby hypermasculinepassions. 334.ELLIS,supranote324,at39.ProfessorWoodcommentedonduelingandcivility: Ashonorcameunderattack,sotoodidduelingasthespecialmeansby which gentlemen protected their honor. Despite growing criticism throughout the Western world, dueling continued to be practiced, especially by military officers and Southerners. Some justified dueling on thegroundsthatitwasacivilizingagent,inhibitinggentlemenfromusing illiberal language with one another. Others saw dueling as a means of maintaining courage as a virtue amidst the spread of an effeminizing luxury.AlthoughAaronBurrskillingofAlexanderHamiltonin1804ina dueldidmuchtointensifycondemnationofthepractice,itwasthespread ofegalitariansentimentsthatmosteffectivelyunderminedit.
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ernpubliclostwhateverbegrudgingtoleranceitmayhavehad forduels.335NewYorkprosecutedthemenwhohelpedHamil ton and Burr to arrange the duel, denying them their voting rights.336 Burr was reviled and disgracefully took flight from pendingmurderchargesinNewYorkandNewJersey;hispo liticalcareerwasintatters.337Intheyearsfollowingtheduel, Northern public opinion turned permanently against dueling, andthepracticenearlydisappearedintheNorth.338Theduel was therefore mostly an aberration in a republican culture of civility,atleastintheNorth.339 TheAmericansemphasisondeliberation,however,wasnot anaberration;itwasimportanttothemasameanstodiscover truth.IfcivilityrepresentedtheAmericanmaleswillingnessto accommodate the socially offensive, deliberation represented theotherpolewheretheAmericanmalerefusedtodefertoau thorityandinsistedonthinkingforhimself.Theformertended to deflect Hobbess indictment of hypermasculinity whereas the latter tended to refute Filmers portrait of men other than thekingasinfantileandoverlydependent. B. Deliberation
The careful weighing presupposed by deliberation of com petingargumentsanddiverseideaswasphilosophicallyvalu able for a government where authority formally resided with thepeople.Afterall,ifthepeoplewereruledbytheirimpulses, orforwhateverreasonfailedtoexercisetheirdeliberativeabili ties, the very idea of giving authority to them would seem questionable. This was a central premise in the arguments of HobbesandFilmer.340Theybracedtheiroppositiontoconstitu
WOOD,supranote157,at34445. 335.SeeC.A. Harwell Wells, Note, The End of theAffair? AntiDueling Laws and SocialNormsinAntebellumAmerica,54VAND.L.REV.1805,1820(2001). 336.Seeid. 337.Seeid. 338.Id. 339.ThisisnottosuggestthatduelswerenonexistentincolonialAmerica,es peciallyintheSouth.There,intheearly1800sthedueldevelopedintooneofthe central rituals of the planter elite that dominated Southern society. Id. at 1821. TheSouthneverquiteadoptedtherepublicanethosdescribedinthisArticle.See MCDONALD,supranote190,at7377.Ihopetoaddressthisaspectofrepublican ismandmanlinessinafuturearticle. 340.SeesupraPartsI&II.
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tionaldemocracybyascribingtomenalackofdeliberativeca pacity.Hobbesargued thattoomanymen,beingrobustly hy permasculine,regularlyboiledwithragebecauseofsometrifle insult, instead of demonstrating sustained deliberation. And fromtheotherside,Filmerhappilyobservedthatmen,lacking manlyindependence,blanklydeferredtotheirmasters.Tore alizetheselfgovernmentimaginedbyrepublicanconstitution alism, American men aspired to be deliberative beings who weremanlyenoughtothinkforthemselves.341 In 1787 Noah Webster, the dictionary author and political writer, declared fatuously that America is an empire of rea son.342 Selfcongratulation gave way to entreaty, however, as Websterannouncedthatinagovernmentdedicatedtoreason,
it is not only the right, but the indispensable duty of every citizentoexaminetheprinciplesofit,tocomparethemwith the principles of other governments, with a constant eye to our particular situation and circumstances, and thus en deavor to foresee the future operations of our own system, anditseffectsuponhumanhappiness.343
Menareexpectedtorenouncetheirhypermasculinepassions in favor of examining and comparing political principles. Rather than being a handmaiden to the selfregard of hyper masculinity, deliberation should serve the collective aim of human happiness. Websters esteem for deliberation also speakstothematuritythatFilmerdeniedinmen,astheformer calls on men to tackle the most fundamental issues of politics instead of reflexively submitting to their social betters. Like wise,NicholasCollin,aprominentministerandboardmember ofwhatwouldbecometheUniversityofPennsylvania,argued thatunderarepublicangovernment,
341.Theabilitytothinkforoneselfwaspartofalargereffortbyrepublicanmento be independent of government. Professor McDonald argued that in the southern UnitedStates,mendidnotsubscribetotherepublicanvirtueespousedbytheirYan keecounterparts,optinginsteadforprivatepropertyasthemainsourceforpolitical independencefromthegovernment.Therationalewasthatamanwhowasfinancially dependentonthegovernmentwouldalsolikelybepoliticallydependenton,andthus subjecttodominationby,thegovernment.MCDONALD,supranote190,at74. 342.NoahWebster,AnExaminationintotheLeadingPrinciplesoftheFederalCon stitution, in FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION: WRITINGS OF THE OTHER FEDERAL ISTS, 17871788,at373,373(ColleenA.Sheehan&GaryL.McDowelleds.,1998) [hereinafterFRIENDS]. 343.Id.at374.
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thepeoplecannotbeledaschildren,ordroveasmules[and] theonlymethodis,tomakethemrationalbeings.Menofre flectionhavetheadvantage,notonlytoseethingsinexten sive combinations, and remote consequences, but to feelan importanttruthwithmoresensibility....344
Itwasunrealistic,Collinlaterwrote,tomakeeverycitizenan enlightened patriot, but through various excellent improve ments in the public education [and] the institution of political societiesthroughoutthecontinent,muchmaybedone.345 Iftheseglossesondeliberationattendonlyindirectlytohow itpertainstomaleidentity,MadisonsFederalistNo.57provides moreexplicittreatments:
Ifitbeasked,whatistorestrainthehouseofrepresentatives from making legal discriminations in favour of themselves, andaparticularclassofthesociety?Ianswer,thegeniusof thewholesystem;thenatureofjustandconstitutionallaws; and, above all, the vigilant and manly spirit which actuates the people of America; a spirit which nourishes freedom, andinreturnisnourishedbyit.346
Manly spirit combats government corruption and bias and securesthepeoplesfreedom.Butwhatexactlyismanlyspirit? Madisons Federalist No. 14 provides an attempted answer, dressedasaquestion:
IsitnotthegloryofthepeopleofAmerica,thatwhilstthey have paid a decent regard to the opinions of former times andothernations,theyhavenotsufferedablindveneration forantiquity,forcustom,orfornames,tooverrulethesug gestions of their own good sense, the knowledge of their ownsituation,andthelessonsoftheirownexperience?347
Madison called this disposition to think for oneself manly.348 Americans, unlike the overly dependent boymen in Filmers cosmology,aresaidtobemanlyintheirindependence,butthis
344.NicholasCollin,AnEssayontheMeansofPromotingFederalSentimentsinthe UnitedStates,inFRIENDS,supranote342,at406,408. 345.Id.at409. 346.THE FEDERALIST NO. 57 (JamesMadison),supranote167,at297(empha sisadded). 347.Id.NO.14,at67(JamesMadison). 348.Id.(Tothismanlyspirit,posteritywillbeindebtedforthepossession,and theworldfortheexample,ofthenumerousinnovationsdisplayedontheAmeri cantheatre,infavourofprivaterightsandpublichappiness.).
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independence never veers into the Hobbesian world of hyper masculinity.Formenaresupposedtousetheirindependenceto defend those private rights which all Americans enjoy, and thus ultimately, for the public happiness. It is an independ encethatrepudiatesblindvenerationforantiquity,custom,or namesthe social accoutrements that organized the patriarchy ofFilmersEnglandandwhosehonorificscausedHobbessmen tofighteachother.Manlyindependencecallsuponmentode liberatewhatistrue,nottoactoutoffearorinstinct. John Adams echoed Madisons insistence thatmanliness re quiressoberdeliberation:
Letusexamine,then,withasober,amanly,aBritish,anda Christianspirit;letusneglectallpartyvirulenceandadvert tofacts;letusbelievenomantobeinfallibleorimpeccable in government, any more than in religion; take no mans word against evidence, nor implicitly adopt the sentiments ofothers,whomaybedeceivedthemselves,ormaybeinter estedindeceivingus.349
Although here British culture and Christianity slovenly com minglewithmanlyspirit,Adams,likeMadison,alsotreated manlinessasthedesiretothinkforoneself.True,meninearly modern England were also presumably thinking for them selveswhentheypouncedonsomeonewhoslightedthem,but Adamsdidnotwantmentoactsoimpulsively.Hevaluedin dependenceofmindasameansformentodiscoverthetruth throughdeliberation.Tobeguidedbyamanlyspiritistone glect all party virulence and advert to facts and to take no manswordagainstevidence,norimplicitly[to]adoptthesen timents of others.350 American men, said Adams, have lacked thismanlyspirit,forthetruesourceofoursufferingshasbeen our timidity.351 In short, We have been afraid to think and havefeltareluctancetoexamin[e]...thegroundsofourprivi
349.JOHNADAMS,OnSelfDelusion,inWRITINGS,supranote309,at7,1112(em phasisadded). 350.Id. 351.JOHNADAMS,ADissertationontheCanonandFeudalLaw,inWRITINGS,supra note309,at21,30.
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leges,andtheextentinwhichwehaveanindisputablerightto demandthem,againstallthepowerandauthorityonearth.352 Like Madison and Adams, Thomas Paine praised independ enceofmind.AgainstFilmer,Painedeclaredthateverymanmust ensurehedoesnotadopttheslavishcustomoffollowingwhatin othergovernmentsarecalledLEADERS.353Paineexplained:
This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying thembythosefeelingsandaffectionswhichnaturejustifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging thesocialdutiesoflife,orenjoyingthefelicitiesofit.Imean nottoexhibithorrorforthepurposeofprovokingrevenge, buttoawakenusfromfatalandunmanlyslumbers,thatwe maypursuedeterminatelysomefixedobject.Itisnotinthe powerofBritainorofEuropetoconquerAmerica,ifshedo notconquerherselfbydelayandtimidity.354
PainecalledonmentoasserttheirindependenceagainstBritain and to awaken from their unmanly slumbers. To act manly, though, is not to indulge ones passions, as did Hobbess hy permasculinemen.Itisnottoexplodewithrevengebasedon the perception of inflaming or exaggerating matters. For Paine, to act manly is to pursue determinately some fixed ob jectdistilledthroughdeliberationandaccordingtothosefeel ingsandaffectionswhichnaturejustifies,and,therefore,onthe basis of legitimate reasons. Paine reminded Americans that de liberationisapoliticaldutyarisingfrommembershipinaconsti tutionaldemocracy.Insuchagovernment,[e]veryman,Paine
352.Id. Worth noting here is another bid by Adams to ally manliness with re publican government and deliberation, against the mindless foppishness of the monarchy.Hewrotethatarepublicangovernment, althoitwillinfalliblybeggarmeandmyChildren,willproduceStrength, Hardiness, Activity, Courage, Fortitude and Enterprise; the manly noble and Sublime Qualities in Human Nature, in Abundance. A Monarchy wouldprobably,somehoworothermakemerich,butitwouldproduceso muchTasteandPolitenesssomuchEleganceinDress,Furniture,Equipage, so much Musick and Dancing, so much Fencing and Skaiting, so much Cards and Backgammon; so much Horse Racing and Cockfighting, so many Balls and Assemblies, so many Plays and Concerts that the very Imaginationofthemmakesmefeelvain,light,frivolousandinsignificant. AdamsLetter,supranote189,at669. 353.THOMAS PAINE, THE RIGHTSOF MAN, PARTTHE SECOND (1776),reprintedin PAINECOLLECTION,supranote121,at541,571. 354.PAINE,supranote121,at5,27.
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wrote,isaproprietoringovernment,andconsidersitaneces sarypartofhisbusinesstounderstand.355 Notice how Paine, Adams, and Madison silently evoked courageintheircallsfordeliberation.Paineurgedamanlyde liberationtopreventBritainfromconqueringAmerica;Adams upbraidedmenforblindlyfollowingconventionandbeingtoo timid to think for themselves; Madison exhorted men to standuptogovernmentbydeliberatingtherightnessofitsac tions. Men are charged in all three examples to confront in timidating forces: the greatest military empire in history, the scornofpopularopinion,andpowerfulgovernmentalleaders. Deliberation under these circumstances is dangerous; a man couldlosehisfreedom,hisreputation,orhislife. The prospect of danger also makes courageand the delib eration it willsa masculine virtue.356 William Ian Miller pro videdthisetymologicalcommentary:
So bound up is courage with manhood that itis nearlyim possibletospeakofitwithoutinvokingmalebodypartsor the word for man itself. Greek andreia (courage, literally manliness)isderivedfromthestemandr(adultmale).The Hebrew root GB(V)R(man) yields GEV(B)URA(courage). Latinvir(man)givesusvirtue;althoughinmodernEnglish virtuehascometoindicategeneralmoralexcellence,itused tomean,morenarrowly,inearlierEnglishaswellasinLatin (virtus),courage,valor,forcefulness,strength,manliness.357
355.Id.at571. 356.SeeWILLIAM IAN MILLER, THE MYSTERYOF COURAGE 232 (2000)(Thereisno getting around the fact that courage as traditionally conceptualized, and concep tionsofmanhoodareintimatelyboundupwitheachother.)Millerelaborated: [M]en bear theburdenof living up to a murderous and terrifying ideal; women bear the burden of being excluded from living up to it, which, thoughsavingthemfromfightingwars,wasforeverusedtojustifytheir subordination. Women, instead, in many cultures, were relegated to the virtueofchastity. Id.ProfessorMansfieldaddedthat[t]hemanlymanisincontrolwhencontrolis difficult or contestedin a situation of risk, and [m]anliness, like suffering, dealswithfear.MANSFIELD,supranote90,at16,18. 357.MILLER,supranote356,at233.Milleralsoadded:Withcouragecomesembed ded a theory of manhood. In a significant number of cultures, as chastity was to women,socouragewastomen:thevirtueatthecenteroftheirgenderedidentity.... Id.at13.Millerelaborated:Courage,manliness,manlyvirtue,isdefinedlessbywhat itisthanbywhatitisneversupposedtobe:womanishoreffeminate.Id.at233.As Millerargues,forgoodorforill,men,notwomen,areexpectedtobecourageous.Id.
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When summoned by courage, deliberation became a mascu lineactivitythatsymbolicallyelevatedmenfromtheinfantili zationpresupposedbypatriarchy.Atthesametime,because the task of deliberation is necessarily tentative and involves habitsofrestraintandcaution,itsuggestscalmmaturity,not violenthypermasculinity. Althoughadesirefordeliberationwascrucialforrepublican virtue, the term, like hypermasculinity and civility, does not make a direct appearance in the Constitutions text. Notwith standing this silence, the Constitution has crafted institutions that promote deliberation. A superb example is the Electoral College.358Hamiltonexplainedhow
astheelectors,chosenineachstate,aretoassembleandvotein thestateinwhichtheyarechosen,thisdetachedanddivided situation will expose them much less to heats and ferments, thatmightbecommunicatedfromthemtothepeople,thanif theywerealltobeconvenedatonetime,andinoneplace.359
Similar reasons were advanced for Article III, Section 1s estab lishment of life tenure for federal judges.360 Periodical appoint ments,FederalistNo.78warns,would,insomewayorother,be fatal to their necessary independence.361 After all, if federal judgescouldberemovedbyeitherthelegislatureortheexecutive,
there would be an unwillingness to hazard the displeasure ofeither;iftothepeople,ortopersonschosenbythemfor the special purpose, there would be too great a disposition to consult popularity, to justify a reliance that nothing wouldbeconsultedbuttheconstitutionandthelaws.362
358.SeeU.S.CONST.art.II,1,cl.3,amendedbyU.S. CONST. amend.XII;seealso SUNSTEIN, supranote165,at21([TheElectoralCollege]was,attheinception,to beadeliberativebody,onethatwoulddiscusswhooughttobePresident,rather thansimplyregistervotes.). 359.THE FEDERALIST NO. 68 (Alexander Hamilton), supra note 167, at 352 (It wasequallydesirable,thattheimmediateelectionshouldbemadebymenmost capable of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station, and acting under cir cumstances favorable to deliberation....A small number of persons, elected by theirfellowcitizensfromthegeneralmass,willbemostlikelytopossessthein formationanddiscernmentrequisitetosocomplicatedaninvestigation.). 360.SeeU.S.CONST.art.III,1. 361.THEFEDERALISTNO.78(AlexanderHamilton),supranote167,at407. 362.Id.SimilarargumentsweremarshaledforArticleIII,Section1sguarantee that the salaries of federal judges would not be diminished while they were in office. Hamilton argued that [i]n the general course of human nature, a power
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In other words, life tenure would be conducive to a delibera tionthatwouldnotbevexedbyvocationaluncertainty.Related concerns prompted the creation of relatively long terms for federalsenators.363Sufficientpermanency,Madisondeclared, wasnecessarytoprovideforsuchobjectsasrequireacontin uedattention,andatrainofmeasures,maybejustlyandeffec tuallyanswerablefortheattainmentofthoseobjects.364Sparta andRomehadsenatorsforlifepartlyforthepurposeofserv ing as an anchor against popular fluctuations.365 So, too, American senators, with longer terms than House representa tives,couldserveasthecoolanddeliberatesenseofthecom munitywhenthepeoplewerestimulatedbysomeirregular passion,orsomeillicitadvantage,ormisledbytheartfulmis representation of interested men.366 Senators were also re quiredbytheConstitutiontobeatleastthirtyyearsold367and, thePresident,thirtyfive.368Bothprerequisiteswereintendedto confin[e] the elections to men of whom the people have had time to form ajudgment, and with respect to whomthey will not be liable to be deceived by those brilliant appearances of genius and patriotism, which, like transient meteors, some timesmisleadaswellasdazzle.369 TheConstitutionsformaldedicationtothepublicgoodalso promotes deliberation.370 The Constitutions Preamble situates the authority for the Constitution in We the People and de clares that among the Constitutions purposes are to provide for the common defence and to promote the general Wel fare.371 Accordingly, governmental officials are expected to justify their political positions in terms that are most likely to benefit the public, not particular interests.372 This expectation, in turn, requires that public leaders deliberate over the argu
over a mans subsistence amounts to a power over his will. Id. NO. 79, at 408 (AlexanderHamilton)(emphasisremoved). 363.SeeU.S.CONST.art.I,3,cl.1;seealsoSUNSTEIN,supranote165,at21. 364.THEFEDERALISTNO.63(JamesMadison),supranote167,at32627. 365.Id.at328. 366.Id.at327. 367.U.S.CONST.art.I,3,cl.3. 368.U.S.CONST.art.II,1,cl.5. 369.THEFEDERALISTNO.64(JohnJay),supranote167,at333. 370.SeeSUNSTEIN,supranote165,at2223. 371.U.S.CONST.pmbl.(emphasisadded). 372.Foranalogousarguments,seeSUNSTEIN,supranote165,at1727.
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mentsthattheyintendtosubmittothepeople.373Unintelligent, or,worse,unintelligibleargumentswouldnotbenefitthepub lic;neitherwouldthosethatonlypaylipservicetothepublic good. Other parts of the Constitution also imply this expecta tion. The Commerce Clause of Article I, Section 8 states that only Congress may regulate commerce among the several States.374Courtshavereadtheclauseinitsdormantformto prevent a state from discriminating against others to benefit financially its own residents.375 For instance, under the Dor mantCommerceClause,Mainewouldhavetoshowthatthere aregoodpublicregardingreasonsrootedinhealthandsafety, rather than economic protectionism, for forbidding the intro ductionoflivebaitfishfromotherstates.376Thesamelogicap pliestothePrivilegesandImmunitiesClauseofArticleIV.377It, too,prohibitsdiscriminationagainstoutofstatersandrequires that states proffer persuasive arguments in publicregarding termstojustifylawsthatappearbiased.378 V. THEAMBIVALENTPLACEOFTHEGENTLEMANINTHE CONSTITUTIONALORDER
Fromtheperspectiveofconstitutionalenterprise,shouldwe createandsustainconditionsfortheidealofthegentlemanto thrive?379 Although a thorough examination of the question willrequireanotherarticle,apreliminaryresponsemaybegin byrecognizingtheanswersunavoidableambivalence. In some ways, the gentlemans ethos can help to undergird aspects of the Constitution. Consider the First Amendment right to free speech. As construed by the Supreme Court, the FirstAmendmentprotectsspeechthatcanbeterriblyoffensive: racist speech,380 subversive speech,381 pornography that glori
373.Seeid. 374.U.S.CONST.art.I,8,cl.3. 375.SeeSUNSTEIN,supranote165,at32. 376.ThefactsarefromMainev.Taylor,477U.S.131(1986). 377.U.S.CONST.art.IV,2,cl.1.;seealsoSUNSTEIN,supranote165,at3233. 378.SeeSUNSTEIN,supranote165,at3233. 379.Perhapsthepointismoottosome.SeeMANSFIELD,supranote90,at230(la mentingthat[t]heentireenterpriseofmodernitycouldbeunderstoodasapro jecttokeepmanlinessunemployed). 380.See,e.g.,R.A.V.v.CityofSt.Paul,505U.S.377(1992). 381.See,e.g.,Brandenburgv.Ohio,395U.S.444(1969).
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fies rape,382 and bawdy profanity.383 All of this speech is pro tectedpartlybecauseofitspotentialtofacilitatetheaudiencein discoveringanideaoftruth.384Thepremisehereisthattheau dienceismorelikelytoascertainthetruthifithasaccesstoa diversity of ideas and viewpoints.385 A proper man, as the FoundingFathershadconceivedhim,wouldembracethegen eralmeritsofthispremise.386MadisonandAdams,forexample, had implored men to keep an open mind as they commanded themselves in unending deliberation.387 By contrast, such delib eration was incompatible with both the zealous myopia which plaguedHobbesshypermasculinemenandthereflexivedefer encetosocialbetterswhichinfantilizedFilmerssubjects.388 Then there is the role of the gentlemans civility. Notice that thedeliberationpresupposedbytheCourtsjustificationforfree speech also requires a firm tolerance. Although civility is not equivalenttotolerance,itembodiessimilartraitsinpubliclyac commodatingviewsthataredistastefulordisagreeable.Because civilityrequiresthegentlemantotreatallasdeservingdignity,it can be enlisted to support the Fourteenth Amendments Equal ProtectionClause.Theclauseisarguablyanimatedbyaprinci ple of equal respect whereby all persons are entitled to a pre sumptionthattheyareworthymembersofthecommunity.389 Despite these positive reconstructions, the Supreme Court cases discussed at the beginning of this Article are heirs to an ideal of manliness that has performed with troubling conse
382.See,e.g.,Am.BooksellersAssn,Inc.v.Hudnut,771F.2d323(7thCir.1985). 383.See,e.g.,FCCv.PacificaFound.,438U.S.726(1978). 384.See, e.g., LEE C. BOLLINGER, THE TOLERANT SOCIETY 45 (1986); THOMAS I. EMERSON, THE SYSTEM OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION 67 (1970); LAURENCE H. TRIBE, AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 78586 (2nd ed. 1988); John M. Kang, DeliberatingtheDivine:OnExtendingtheJustificationfromTruthtoReligiousExpres sion,73BROOK. L. REV.1,133(2007);WilliamP.Marshall,InDefenseoftheSearch forTruthasaFirstAmendmentJustification,30GA.L.REV.1(1995). 385.SeeKang,supranote384,at920. 386.SeesupraPartIV.B. 387.For Madison, see supra notes 34648 and accompanying text. For Adams, seesupranotes34952andaccompanyingtext. 388.ForHobbes,seesupranotes8089andaccompanyingtext.ForFilmer,see supranotes9496andaccompanyingtext. 389.SeeKang,supranote192(arguingthatpeoplessincereembraceoftheequal worth of all people is unnecessary for successful enforcement of equality under thelaw).SeegenerallyKARST, supra note 303(arguingthataprincipleofequalciti zenshipanimatestheConstitutionand,specifically,theFourteenthAmendment).
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quences.RecallJusticeBrandeissopinioninWhitney.Hepraised civiccourageasadistinctlymanlyvirtuethatwasnecessaryto discovertruthinthemarketplaceofideas.390JusticeBrandeisar guedthattheFoundersbelievedlibertytobethesecretofhap piness and courage to be the secret of liberty.391 He added, Men feared witches and burnt women. It is the function of speechtofreemenfromthebondageofirrationalfears.392 There is a distressing but suggestive paradox in Justice Brandeissstatements.Hisdiscussionnotwithstanding,ifthereis a courageous figure in Whitney, it is not some man or group of men.NorisitJusticeBrandeis,whoconcurredwiththejudgment to reaffirm Whitneys conviction. It is Charlotte Anita Whitney herself. A Wellesley graduate, Whitney came from a distin guishedupperclassfamilythatboastedastatesenatorandaSu preme Court Justice.393 But instead of indulging the privileges that attended her status, Whitney publicly dedicated herself to controversial and unpopular causes in the early 1900s, such as the protection of African Americans from lynching, the right of women to vote, and the economic rights of labor organizations that were vilified as Communist.394 The Oakland Police Depart ment eventually arrested Whitney for violating Californias Criminal Syndicalism Act.395 The Act forbade syndicalism, de fined as advocating the commission of crime, sabotage...or unlawfulactsofforceandviolenceorunlawfulmethodsofter rorismasameansofaccomplishingachangeinindustrialown ership.396 Jarringly, the Act also prohibited membership in a group organized or assembled to advocate, teach or aid and abetcriminalsyndicalism.397Whitneywasconvicted underthe lattersectioneventhoughshedidnotformallybelongtoanor ganization advocating syndicalism.398 The Supreme Court reaf firmedherconvictionandWhitneyfacedjailtime.399Insteadof
390.SeesupraIntroduction. 391.Whitneyv.California,274U.S.357,375(1927)(Brandeis,J.,concurring). 392.Id.at376. 393.SeeBhagwat,supranote21,at408. 394.Seeid.at40910,412. 395.Whitney,274U.S.at360(majorityopinion). 396.Id.at35960. 397.Id.at360. 398.SeeBhagwat,supranote21,at411. 399.Seeid.at421.
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requesting a pardon from the governor as her supporters urged, Whitney courageously refused on grounds that she haddonenothingtobepardonedfor.400 Inspiteofsuchmanifestdemonstrationsofbravery,Whitney wasbanishedtoinvisibilityinJusticeBrandeisssummonsfor civiccourage,andthisomissionshouldtemperthepraisethat he has received for writing perhaps the most celebrated opin ion about the First Amendment.401 In his opinion, women merely exist as captive ciphers, awaiting rescue from gallant andenlightenedmenorsufferingatthehandsofthosewhoare superstitious and paranoid: Men feared witches and burnt women.Itisthefunctionofspeechtofreemenfromthebond age of irrational fears.402 The apparent unselfconsciousness withwhichJusticeBrandeiscastmen,notwomen,asagentsof political change can trace part of its cultural genealogy to the Founderswhopraisedciviccourage. LetusreturnonelasttimetoThomasPaine,thatirrepressi ble clarion of civic courage. Like Justice Brandeis, Paine had called upon men to deliberate pressing political issues, and, given the dangerous consequences of the decisions, he urged them to marshal their courage.403 When they exhibited civic courage, Paine was delighted, as when the kings threatening
400.Seeid.Herpardonwasgranted,however,attherequestofherlawyersand afteramassivestatewidewritingcampaignledbyhermanyprominentsupport ers.Seeid. 401.DAVIDM.RABBAN,FREESPEECHINITSFORGOTTENYEARS369(1997)(calling the Brandeis opinion probably the most effective judicial interpretation of the FirstAmendmenteverwritten);Blasi,supranote18,at668(callingtheBrandeis opinionarguablythemostimportantessayeverwritten,onoroffthebench,on the meaning of the first amendment); G. Edward White, The First Amendment ComesofAge:TheEmergenceofFreeSpeechinTwentiethCenturyAmerica,95MICH. L. REV.299,325(1996)(callingtheBrandeisopinionthefirstimpressiveappear anceoftheselfgovernancerationaleinFirstAmendmenttheory). 402.Whitney,274U.S.at376.Evenwhentheimpetusforthesearchfortruthis resignation borne of stubborn failure, rather than enlightened courage, men are thecenteroftheaction.ConsiderJusticeOliverWendellHolmes,Jr.swords: [W]henmenhaverealizedthattimehasupsetmanyfightingfaiths,they maycometobelieveevenmorethantheybelievetheveryfoundationsof theirownconductthattheultimategooddesiredisbetterreachedbyfree trade in ideasthat the best test of truth is the power of the thought to getitselfacceptedinthecompetitionofthemarket,andthattruthisthe only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried out. That at anyrateisthetheoryofourConstitution. Abramsv.UnitedStates,250U.S.616,630(1919)(Holmes,J.,dissenting). 403.Seesupranote35355andaccompanyingtext.
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speech, instead of terrifying [the colonists], prepared a way for the manly principles of independence.404 On the other hand, Paine called New York City, on the verge of a raid by British troops, the hiding place of women and children.405 Similarly,PainewarnedthatLordHowesbusinessinAmer ica is to conquer it, and in proportion as he finds himself un abletothetask,hewillemployhisstrengthtodistresswomen and weak minds, in order to accomplish through their fears whathecannoteffectbyhisownforce.406Thedegreetowhich Paine denied the presence of courage in women is illustrated by his spiteful barb against Tory party members who sup portedBritishruleinAmerica.Hewrote:
There is not such a Being in America as a Tory from con science:Somesecretdefectorotherisinterwoveninthechar acterofallthose,betheymenorwomen,whocanlookwith patienceonthebrutality,luxuryanddebaucheryoftheBrit ish court, and the violations of their army here. A womans virtue must sit very lightly on her who can even hint a fa vourable sentiment in their behalf. It is remarkable that the wholeraceofprostitutesinNewYorkwereTories....407
For Paine, a womans virtue derives from her chastity; it is commensurate with the degree of sexual access to her body that she gives men. By contrast, men, as Paine had explained elsewhere, develop their virtue by awaking from their un manlyslumbersandbattlingtheBritishEmpire.408Theirsisa virtue that is political and heroic, whereas womens virtue is insularandguarded.Painetreatedmensvirtueasanimatedby political courage while he treated womens virtue as consti tuted by sexual purity. This distinction may imply that men can lose their virtue if they fail to protect women from other mens sexual assaults, and womencan lose their virtue if men failtoprotectthemfromsuchassaults.Amansvirtue,accord ing to Paine, derives from his being womans protector, a womansvirtuefrombeingmansprotected.
404.PAINE,supranote121,at46. 405.THOMAS PAINE, THE AMERICAN CRISIS II (1776),reprintedinPAINE COLLEC TION,supranote121,at100,110. 406.THOMAS PAINE, THE AMERICAN CRISIS III(1776),reprintedinPAINE COLLEC TION,supra,note121,at116,141. 407.Seeid.at133. 408.Seesupranote354andaccompanyingtext.
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ThisculturaldynamicisformallycelebratedbyJusticeScalia in the VMI case.409 VMI had required its recruits to follow a CodeofHonorwhichdeclaredthatagentleman
Doesnotgotoaladyshouseifheisaffectedbyalcohol.He istemperateintheuseofalcohol. .... Agentlemanneverdiscussesthemeritsordemeritsofalady. .... Doesnotslapstrangersonthebacknorsomuchaslayafin geronalady.410
A gentleman, the Code implored, is the descendant of the knight,thecrusader;heisthedefenderofthedefenseless.411But thebinarylanguageofdefenderanddefenselesssuggeststhatthe virtueofaknightlogicallyrequiresdamselsindistressinwhose servicesaidvirtuecanbedeployed.Whenthosedamselsattempt to morph into knights, the latters status is besieged. That is ar guably a chief reason why VMI opposed the introduction of women onto its campus.412 It is instructive that the male cadets, despite their formal overtures to protect women, treated the fe malecadetswithahostilitythathearkenedbacktotheirmoreun rulyancestorsinthehypermasculinitycondemnedbyHobbes.413 Where does this leave the persona of the gentleman in the American constitutional enterprise? The gentlemans ethos is nolongerasrelevanttodayasitwasinWashingtonstime.To day,wedonotpubliclysaythatcivility,civiccourage,andde liberation are gendered virtues; women can easily assume them.414 For the Supreme Court, even the very idea of male
409.Seesupranotes1115andaccompanyingtext. 410.UnitedStatesv.Virginia,518U.S.515,60203(1996)(Scalia,J.,dissenting). 411.Id.at602. 412.SeeValorieK.Vojdik,GenderOutlaws:ChallengingMasculinityinTradition allyMaleInstitutions,17BERKELEYWOMENSL.J.68,111(2002). 413.Seeid. 414.ProfessorMansfieldobserved: Wenowavoidusingmantorefertobothsexes,asintheglowingphrase rightsofmantowhichAmericawasoncededicated.Allthemanwords have been brought to account and corrected. Mankind has become humankind....But even when man means only male, manly still seemspretentiousinournewsociety,andthreateningtoitaswell.Amanly manismakingapointofthebadattitudeheoughttobeplayingdown. MANSFIELD,supranote90,at1.
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identityisambiguousandlesstetheredtogenderedsocialcon ventions.InLawrencev.Texas,JusticeKennedyforthemajority offered no explicit commentaries about manliness, opting for ruminations about a personhood in which one should be permittedtodefineonesownconceptofexistence,ofmean ing, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.415 At anyrate,noonetodayseriouslybelievesthatonlymenareca pable of selfgovernment. Still, we might appreciate that this conditionofrelativelegalequalitybetweenthegendersmight be partly owing to the Founding Fathers having introduced a political rhetoric whose logic would eventually corrode the malecentered,white,upperclasspedestalwhenceitostensibly originated. Civility, after all, requires the gentleman to treat everyone, including women, with equal respect; a gentleman, assuch,ismorallyboundtorecognizeciviccourageevenwhen itiswieldedbythosebeneathhisstation;anddeliberationcan cause a gentleman to treat with skepticism his own assump tions of superiority. We might say, then, that the gentleman who is most in furtherance of the Constitutions values is he whohassoughttodiminishtheformalrelevanceofhisgender. Gentlemanliness is thus distinguished from hypermasculinity inonefinal respectthemodestyoftheformer tendstocom pelittobeaselfconsumingartifact,whereasthelattersarro ganceinsistsonitsperpetualdomination.416
415.Lawrencev.Texas,539U.S.558,574(2003)(quotingPlannedParenthoodof Se.Pa.v.Casey,505U.S.833,851(1992)). 416.ProfessorMansfieldneverquitedistinguishedmanlinessfrommasculinity, soheprofferedadifferentconclusion.Headvocatedformalequalitybetweenmen andwomenunderthelawandgenderneutralityinthepublicsphere,butdesired for the sexes to admit their individuality and embrace distinctly manly and womanlyvirtuesintheprivatesphere.SeeMANSFIELD,supranote90,at23944.

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136.Id.(emphasisremoved). 137.Id. 138.Id.at271. 139.Id.at272. 140.Seeid.at27576,280,351. 141.Seeid.at351. 142.Id.at275. 143.Id. 144.Id.

powers, might aspire to the rank of republicans, and claim fortheirgovernmentthehonourabletitleofrepublic.169

suggestive comment about civilitys relation to political mem bership:

filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in the samemanner,andthen,wherewillbeourfreedom?226

244.Seeid.at16064. 245.SeeWOOD,supranote157,at145. 246.Id.at14546. 247.Id.at146. 248.SeeBrandon,supranote185,at121618,122227. 249.WOOD,supranote157,at125. 250.Seeid.at12628. 251.Seeid.at129. 252.SeeinfraPartIV.A.2.

Suchviewswerewidespreadbytheeighteenthcentury.262Instead ofcoercion,parentswereexpectedtotreattheirchildrenwithlove andtopreparethemtoleadindependentlivesasadults.263

publishersagainstananalogousdegradationfortheirpolitical andsocialbeliefs.306 3. NecessaryforAdjudication

349.JOHNADAMS,OnSelfDelusion,inWRITINGS,supranote309,at7,1112(em phasisadded). 350.Id. 351.JOHNADAMS,ADissertationontheCanonandFeudalLaw,inWRITINGS,supra note309,at21,30.

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