Urban Rev (2011) 43:255278 DOI 10.

1007/s11256-010-0167-5

Latina Mothers Cultural Beliefs About Their Children, Parental Roles, and Education: Implications for Effective and Empowering Home-School Partnerships
Tina M. Durand

Published online: 11 September 2010 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Abstract Parents cultural beliefs about children, education, and their caregiving roles can inuence both the parentchild and parent-school relationships. Given the centrality of the motherchild relationship in Mexican families, mothers were situated as experts in their childrens development and education in the present investigation. Specically, the childrearing and educational beliefs of six immigrant Latina mothers (ve Mexican, one South American) of rst-grade children were examined, as well as their beliefs about their roles in their childrens lives. Qualitative descriptive analyses revealed the womens belief in the centrality of the n. maternal role, as well as the traditional cultural values of familismo and educacio Five themes that further illuminated the nature and functions of mothers cultural beliefs were generated; namely, the salience of relationships with signicant others in achieving in school. Educators and schools might well build on this knowledge to create spaces that are open to the perspectives of Latina mothers, and to forge more effective and empowering partnerships with Latino/a families in childrens early and later school years. Keywords Latina cultural beliefs Latina socialization Home-school partnerships

Introduction Recent perspectives on childrens early school achievement emphasize that childrens development should not be studied out of context. Rather, it is recognized that childrens developmental outcomes are embedded in a set of interactive systems
T. M. Durand (&) Department of Human Development, Wheelock College, 200 The Riverway, Boston, MA 02215, USA e-mail: tdurand@wheelock.edu

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(Pianta et al. 2007). From this perspective, childrens preparedness and subsequent performance in school is linked to their experiences outside of the classroom; in particular, their experiences within the home environment. Due to high rates of immigration within the United States over the last several decades, the current population of schoolchildren is more heterogeneous with respect to its racial and ethnic composition than ever before; as of 2005, nearly onein-four children in the US lived in immigrant families (Hernandez et al. 2008). The successful adaptation of one ethnic group in particular, Latinos, warrants careful attention. Latinos are currently the largest ethnic minority group in the United States, who represented 16% of the total population in 2009 (US Census Bureau 2010). In 2008, Latino students represented 20% of the total public school enrollment in grades K-12 (US Census Bureau 2010); in particular, the population of children from Mexican immigrant families continues to grow rapidly, making up an ever-larger proportion of American students. Because Mexico has long been the largest source of Latino immigrants to the United Sates, it is unsurprising that 39% of children in immigrant families in 2000 were of Mexican origin (Capps et al. 2005). Similar to families from Central America, children of Mexican immigrant families are much more likely to be living in poverty, to live in linguistically isolated homes, to not be covered by health insurance, and to not be enrolled in a pre-kindergarten program, compared to youngsters from families of other Latin American heritages (Hernandez 2004). These circumstances are associated with the low education levels of Mexican immigrants, and suggest that children of Mexican national origin may be a particular source of concern with regard to healthy developmental outcomes and potential. Hence, understanding the factors that promote Mexican childrens successful adaptation and performance in American schools should be a foremost priority of researchers, practitioners, and education policy-makers. While Bronfenbrenners (1986) ecological framework gives us the opportunity to consider the schooling of Latino children across multiple contexts, some scholars (e.g., Garca Coll et al. 1996; Raffaelli et al. 2005) have stressed that issues of race, ethnicity, and culture be explicitly (rather than indirectly) addressed in studies that examine immigrant and ethnic minority families. In particular, the Integrative Model for examining the development of ethnic minority children by Garca Coll et al. (1996) provides a conceptual framework that incorporates and emphasizes constructs that are uniquely salient to ethnic minority children and families, such as racism, discrimination, segregation, adaptive culture (i.e., sets of values/attitudes that emerge as the product of an ethnic groups collective history and current contextual demands), and culturally-specic family roles, beliefs, values, and goals that differentiate them from mainstream families in the US (Garca Coll et al. 1996) (see Fig. 1). In the Integrative Model, parents beliefs and practices around children and their socialization practices, goals, and values are conceptualized as emerging from the adaptive culture of a particular ethnic group. Indeed, parents understandings about the nature of children and development are often shared by members of a cultural group or subgroup; cross-cultural comparisons show that virtually all aspects of parenting are culturally informed and patterned (Bornstein 2006). Parents belief

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Fig. 1 Integrative model for the study of developmental competencies in minority children (adapted from Garca Coll et al. 1996)

and value systems are manifested in parenting practices, and develop with the set goal of maximizing childrens accommodation and survival within both the family and society. With regard to immigrant families, parents beliefs about childrens development are profoundly inuenced by their experiences within, and acculturation to, the host culture (see Lansford et al. 2007). Mexican immigrants are not are not unlike other Latino subgroups in the US in that their ability to ourish and succeedwithin and beyond the parenting role- in the host culture is often challenged by experiences of personal and structural racism that limit economic and employment mobility, limited prociency in English, and dominant child-rearing perspectives that cast Latino and ethnic minority parenting as decient and problem ridden (Garca Coll and Pachter 2002; Harwood et al. 2002). In this regard, research that examines parenting among Latino/a families with a strengths-based perspective- one that delineates adaptive, culturally-relevant aspects of practice that promote healthy child outcomes- is critical. Within families of Mexican-origin, mothers have been described as the primary socialization agent responsible for maintaining cultural beliefs and values, and structuring the family environment to support and maintain those values (Valdes 1996). Womens status rises when they become mothers, due to the belief among MexicanAmericans that maternal love is greater and more sacred than spousal love (Falicov 2005). However, the view that MexicanAmerican mothers are primary caregivers and fathers the sole disciplinarians is changing, due to mothers increasing participation in the labor force, which may inuence traditional patriarchal family structures and roles (see Contreras et al. 2002). Hence, contemporary views on gender roles around parenting suggest that more complex dynamics are evolving. Although a patriarchal view of gender roles persists among MexicanAmericans, factors such as decision-making are often shared by the

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parents, or involve a process in which the mother commands much authority, contributing to more egalitarian gender relationships (Falicov 2005). Given the centrality of the motherchild relationship in Mexican families, it stands to reason that mothers play key roles in childrens development, socialization, and earliest school experiences. As immigrant and transnational Latina mothers strive to mother their children in the US, however, they must do so in the context of a capitalistic, patriarchal, and increasingly racialized, anti-immigrant society, whereby Latina women occupy the lowest rung in the labor market, and might be considered one of the most marginalized groups in the US (Villenas and Moreno 2001). Notwithstanding this, an emerging scholarship, framed within racebased, feminist, and activist perspectives, illustrates the dramatic potential of Latina mothers personal narratives and voices as sources of renewed self-realization, empowerment, and agency in raising and caring for their children, and as sites of meaningful involvement and advocacy in childrens formal school experiences (see Delgado-Gaitan 2005; Villenas 2001). In this investigation, I seek to contribute to this important literature. The present study explores the child-rearing beliefs and practices of a small sample of predominantly Mexican immigrant mothers of young children, the impact of adaptive culture on such beliefs, and the potential that mothers unique perspectives hold for supporting childrens early development, learning, and early relations with schools. Core Cultural Values Among Latino/a Parents In their review of the literature on Latino/a parenting, Halgunseth et al. (2006) noted n that the goals of familismo, respeto, and educacio are held by all Latino subgroups, and underlie many parenting decisions and practices with children. Familismo refers to family closeness, cohesion, and interdependence, an expectation and reliance on family members- including intergenerational and extended kin- as primary sources of instrumental and emotional support, and the commitment to the family over individual needs and desires (Falicov 2005; Cauce and Domenech-Rodrguez 2002). An examination of the literature reveals that some aspects of parents socialization of young children to familismo values manifest in complex and apparently contradictory ways within Latino families. For example, Latino/a child-rearing norms often include a longer state of interdependence between mothers and children and a more relaxed attitude about childrens early self-reliance skills than would be considered optimal in Euro-American families (Falicov 2005; Schulze et al. 2001). In their observational work with Guatemalan Mayan and Euro-American mothers of toddlers, Mosier and Rogoff (2003) noted that Mayan mothers accept and tolerate a wide range of toddler behaviors viewed as selsh and aggressive by Euro-American mothers, because they attribute such behavior to toddlers cognitive immaturity and need for explicit adult modeling to accomplish specic tasks. Similarly, Latino/a parents of school-aged children are found to engage in more unilateral decision making and have more rules regarding out-of-home behavior and activities than Euro-American parents (see reviews by Halgunseth et al. 2006; Harwood et al. 2002).

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In contrast, some ethnographic work with immigrant and second-generation MexicanAmerican families has found that children were expected to participate and contribute to household responsibilities and everyday tasks at early ages (see studies by Azmitia et al. 1996; Delgado-Gaitan 1993). As noted by Harwood et al. (2002), these apparently contradictory ndings may point to a greater overall emphasis on interdependence among Latino/a families, both in terms of expectations that the child contribute more to the household at an earlier age, yet assert his or her own agency (both behavioral and cognitive) at a later age. In both cases, the role of children in assisting, supporting, and respecting the priority of the family- central to the goal of familismo- is apparent. Toward this end, the goal of respeto is the maintenance of harmonious interpersonal relationships through respect for self and others (Halgunseth et al. 2006). Together, the values of familismo and respeto anchor the parentchild relationship in a context of closeness, where high value is placed on raising a child that is well-mannered and respectful of authority gures. In her ethnographic study of 10 MexicanAmerican immigrant families, Valdes (1996) found that by the age of 4, children were taught the verbal and non-verbal rules of respect such as politely greeting elders, not challenging an elders point of view, and not interrupting adult conversations. Other work with Mexican and Puerto Rican mothers of young children has shown that they prioritize the values of obedience and respect over independence, autonomy, and being assertive (Delgado Gaitan 1994; GonzalezRamos et al. 1998). In their recent focus group work examining the cultural values of Dominican and Mexican mothers of preschoolers, Calzada et al. (2010) found that respeto, family, and religion were the most important values that mothers sought to transmit to their children. n Educacio is another consistent Latino/a childrearing goal that has been n described in the literature on Latino parenting. The term educacio is more comprehensive than its English cognate education, in which moral, interpersonal, and academic goals are not separated, but intimately linked (Valenzuela 1999). In a study of Mexican immigrant families by Goldenberg and Gallimore (1995), parents denitions of education did not center exclusively on academics, but included morality, proper behavior, good manners, and respect for elders. Although a large body of work attests to the high value placed upon education among immigrant families (e.g., Ceballo 2004; Fuligni 1997; Valdes 1996), this more broad denition of education may conict with that held by most educational professionals, who are overwhelmingly white and of Euro-American descent, in terms of its implications for how parents socialize children to education and learning. For example, some research with immigrant Mexican families has shown that parents conceptions of their role in their childrens education is discordant with the view held by teachers; that is, teachers often expect parents to engage in academic activities and support their (i.e., teachers) efforts at home, while parents view themselves as responsible for childrens social and moral development, with the teacher being the sole academic instructor (see Goldenberg and Gallimore 1995; Greeneld et al. 2000; Valdes 1996). Finding ways to bridge the gap between home and school can be especially important for children in the early years of school, since young children are

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generally more successful learning new information if it contains elements similar to information previously learned (West 2001). Hence, it is of utmost importance that teachers become familiar with a range of cultural scripts and belief systems that may be characteristic of the families that they serve, especially if they truly seek to maximize the strengths that ethnic minority children bring from their home environments (Durand 2010). Such understandings are also critical in forging successful home-school partnerships with ethnic-minority families that are respectful, inclusive, and empowering (Perez Carreon et al. 2005). Gender and Parenting Among Latino/a Families The abovementioned research on Latino/a parenting and parental involvement has made a signicant contribution to the developmental literature on normative aspects of parenting that has focused too often on middle-socioeconomic status (SES), Euro-American samples by articulating culturally-specic aspects of Latino/ a parenting processes that can inform public policy and practice with these populations (Harwood et al. 2002). Although there has been some shift away from a pathological perspective to one that emphasizes the resilience and adaptive strengths of Latino/a families, studies within a feminist lens that focus specically on womens voices add a critical and necessary complement to extant literature. In the majority of studies with Latino/a families, the use of the gender-neutral term parents serves to mask the unique perspectives of Latinas as mothers, thereby undermining their power and utility in promoting the health and well-being of their children, families, and communities. In this regard, the work of Sophia Villenas and Concha Delgado Gaitan serve as two powerful examples of ethnographic work with Latina mothers grounded in feminist thinking, whereby they (mothers) are squarely located as the units of analyses and sources of knowledge. Their work centers on Latina womens narratives and life histories, and are considered for the pedagogical value (Villenas 2005, p. 274) they hold in raising and educating their children. Villenas (2001) ethnographic work with Mexican immigrant mothers in a small North Carolina town illustrates how the women claimed (and often re-claimed) their identities as resilient, strong, and educated individuals who were responsible for the moral education of their children. By celebrating their central role in el hogar (the home space), they drew upon traditional cultural values of respect, proper behavior, family loyalty, buen sentido (common sense), and the insights gained from their own (often very difcult) lived experiences as immigrants and survivors, to rear and educate their children. Their narratives revealed their awareness and resistance to benevolent and well-meaning forms of racism from professionals that cast their parenting practices as decient, rather than nurturing and supportive. In a similar vein, Delgado-Gaitan (2005) describes her experiences with a group of immigrant, working-class Central American and Mexican mothers who gathered together regularly at their community library to discuss how to better support their adolescent daughters education. As the women narrated their life experiences, themes of determination, resilience, and strength emerged; in connecting with their cultural histories and experiences, women began to nd courage and strength in

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themselves and in each other. For example, the women learned how to advocate for their childrens needs in schools in new ways (also see work by Delgado Gaitan 1994), and how to pool resources (e.g., computers) to facilitate communication and information-sharing within their own communities, and with family members in their home countries. In hearing their mothers stories, their daughters learned to trust their own strength and have condence in themselves (Delgado-Gaitan 2005, p. 268). In this qualitative investigation, I seek to contribute to the abovementioned literature that celebrates and legitimizes the voices of Latina mothers of young children, and centers them as key gures in their childrens early development and learning. Specically, I explore Latina mothers beliefs about education, children, and their parental roles, guided by the following questions: (1) What are Latina mothers cultural beliefs regarding education? (2) What are their beliefs regarding children? (3) In what ways do mothers describe their parental roles, especially with regard to educational and developmental issues? Ethnographic interview transcripts of six low-income, primarily MexicanAmerican mothers of rst-grade children were analyzed using qualitative descriptive analyses, providing a nuanced understanding of the nature and functions of mothers cultural beliefs, the ways in which their beliefs are informed by their respective histories and ecological circumstances, and their potential for authentic collaborations with teachers and schools.

Method Participants Data for this investigation were drawn from the School Transition Study (STS), a longitudinal follow-up investigation to the experimental impact evaluation of the Comprehensive Child Development Program (CCDP) (see St. Pierre et al. 1999). Beginning in the fall of 1995, the STS was a follow-up investigation of children and families from three of the 21 original CCDP sites across the United States, selected for their geographic and ethnic diversity. The primary aim of the STS (n = 390) was to examine the developmental trajectories of low-income children and families across home and school contexts, from the early school transition period into the fth grade, using a mixed-method approach (see Harvard Family Research Project 2006). The STS included a representative subset of families (n = 23) who participated in an ethnographic case component of the study, which explored the proximal contexts of childrens home, school, and neighborhood environments in greater depth. Ethnographers spent approximately 2 years with each case study family. These 23 families were selected for their potential to represent the range of skills, characteristics, and issues (e.g., family circumstances and functioning) that might exist in the larger STS study. Hence, while families were not chosen randomly, attempts were made to select families that were representative of the total STS sample.

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262 Table 1 Descriptive data of 6 case study mothers Age (years) Angela Rosa Ines Cecilia Consuela Raya
a

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Country of birth Mexico Mexico Mexico South America Mexico Mexico

Status

Education (completed) \12th grade 12th grade College \12th grade No school \9th grade

Income (annual) $1215,000 $1520,000 $69,000 $912,000 $912,000 $69,000

Work FTa Tb T PT No T

Lang.c

26 31 42 34 43 36

Married Married Single Single Married Single

English English Spanish English Spanish Spanish

All names used are pseudonyms FT Full time, b PT Part time. c Refers to the language in which the in-depth interview was administered

For the present investigation, I analyzed qualitative interview data from six Latina women1 who were part of the ethnographic subset of families. These women were purposively selected from the ethnographic case study families in that they were the only Latino/a families represented. All mothers were rst-generation, immigrant Latina and resided in the Los Angeles area. Although the number of years the women had been living in the United States is not known, at the time of data collection, mothers had been living in their respective neighborhoods for an average of 3 years. Four women reported Spanish as the language used most frequently at home. Mothers ranged in age from 26 to 43 years old, with an average age of 35. At the time of data collection, all women were extremely low-income, with an average reported household (annual) income of $11,000 per year. Education levels of the women were also low (see Table 1). Data Collection Procedures In-depth interviews were conducted with ethnographic case study participants following the target childs rst grade year. Interviews were conducted by trained ethnographers who had established relationships with the families over time, in the respective home of each family. All interviews were taped, transcribed, and translated, with back translation. Each interview lasted approximately 95 min, on average. Detailed eld notes, which contained ethnographers observations, reections, and comments regarding the interview process, were written after each interview. Although each ethnographer in the overall study was encouraged to approach each interview somewhat differently, depending on her relationship with each family and her knowledge of the school and community being studied, the general focus for the in-depth interviews (i.e., early educational experiences of children and
1

Although there were a total of seven Latina families in the ethnographic subset of STS families, the interview transcript of one Latina mother was purposively not selected for the present analyses, since the reported household income of the mother was disproportionately higher than that of the other mothers included in the ethnographic subsample. It is also important to note that I did not conduct the interviews; hence, this is a secondary analysis of qualitative interview data from the STS.

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families) was determined prior to data collection by the entire STS team. Hence, interviews followed a semi-structured format, with open-ended questions such as the following being asked in each interview: what has [target childs] kindergarten and rst grade year been like? What do you think have been things in his/her life that have had a positive impact on his/her development? What has it been like working with the school? How is your communication with her/his teacher? Were you surprised at anything regarding school? What do you think is special about your child? The average transcript length was 92 pages (range = 68120 pages). Qualitative Approach Qualitative description was the method utilized here to examine the in-depth interview data of six Latina mothers.2 Qualitative descriptive studies have as their goal a rich summary of events in their everyday terms (Sandelowski 2000). Lowinference, qualitative descriptive studies can also explore the meanings, variations, and perceptual experiences of phenomena, and will often aim to capture their holistic and interconnected nature, through the examination of patterns or themes in the text (Kearney 2001). Because the response style of the women was often fragmented (e.g., the women rarely spoke in full sentences and often changed topics within discrete sentences), this approach was well suited to both the data at hand and the goals of this investigation, which were descriptive, rather than interpretive, in nature. Specic analysis of these data followed qualitative content analytic procedures outlined and dened by Weber (1985), Downe-Wamboldt (1992), and Glaser (1978). This process began with what Glaser (1978) calls open coding, a process of generating a set of categories that can be labeled and sorted while the analyst remains unrestricted to predetermined theory. Meaning units (dened as a segment of text that conveyed a unied message, idea, or thought) and emerging codes were considered in terms of their dimensions or characteristics, and were compared with other instances, in the process of constant comparative analysis (Glaser and Strauss 1967). Codes were designed to be mutually exclusive in this analysis in order to achieve conceptual clarity. Codes were rearranged and clustered into a list of ve general categories, similar to what Glaser (1978) termed substantive codes, and text (meaning) units were listed under each category. Interrater reliability of the coding scheme was obtained by the use of second coder, who coded approximately 12 pages of randomly selected text, until 100% agreement was reached (DowneWamboldt 1992). This process resulted in ve categories, which were represented across the majority (i.e., at least four) of the transcripts:
2

Mothers Mothers Mothers Mothers Mothers

conceptions of children- what are children like? short and long-term goals for children views on their roles as parents views on the nature of the mother/child relationship conceptions of education

For clarity, the in-depth interview data analyzed here come from a single interview with each mother, conducted in the spring of their childs rst grade year.

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These categories were then transformed further to result in the creation of ve themes, respectively, as dened by DeSantis and Ugarriza (2000). As opposed to a topical label, category, or phrase, a theme is a comprehensive, vivid description that evokes the essence of an experience (DeSantis and Ugarriza 2000). It is important to note, then, that the themes presented in the following section are not actual statements of participants, but my portrayal of their experience, based on qualitative analyses. I phrase them in rst person only to present them more vividly. All themes represent majority opinions; that is, each theme was derived from codes that were evidenced by at least four of the participants.

Results The words and narratives of the Latina mothers presented here are infused with courage, strength, and commitment, and reafrm their instrumental roles in promoting familismo values within the home (Cauce and Domenech-Rodrguez 2002). As noted in Garca Colls et al. (1996) Integrative Model, I see their beliefs, goals and values about children and family profoundly inuenced by the past- via cultural practices or traditions (both positive and negative, as they note)- and the present- via the contextual demands of their lives. Their words convey the hope and promise they feel await their children as they move through the early years of formal schooling. Most of all, like the women in Villenas (2001) study, these women claimed their value and their educated identities as mothers (p. 12), despite their marginalized status as immigrant, poor, and uneducated in the formal sense. Although children are little, they are maturing all the time and in many ways, and have unique academic, emotional, and character traits. Overall, mothers viewed children not as miniature adults but as individuals who were often times too little to be accountable for their behavior understand things; four of the six women mentioned this specically. These attitudes were most pronounced for younger children, as Rayas description of her behavioral expectations for her youngest son illustrates: I mean, well I try for him to behave with me and allbut hes the smallest, the littlestand because the older one- he knows what hes doing, hes twelve, almost thirteen. Consistent with other research that has examined Latina mothers developmental timetables (see Savage and Gauvain 1998), mothers viewed developmental processes in cognitive, social/ emotional, and behavioral domains as largely dependent on maturation. They expected children to change as they got older, and that children would grow out of things naturally. In this regard, certain behaviors were deemed typical of children, as illustrated by one mother: Its [behavior] not like it was before. Because shes growing up and calming downand so I think that maybe shell grow out of it. (Consuela) Although mothers acknowledged that some behaviors were typical of children, they did not hesitate to describe their own children in terms of individual academic, character, and emotional traits. All six mothers mentioned both character and

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academic traits of their children, respectively, at least once during the interview. Academic descriptions of children centered on childrens scholastic progress or abilities (most often in reading) or direct references to their child as intelligent, bright, or smart, such as the following: yes, hes changed quite a bithes made a lot of progress in school, but now he knows them all, in his ABCsand hes very intelligent. (Raya) Character references were those in which children were described as friendly, considerate, or respectful, or noble, as described by Angela: sometimes [child] has a noble heart. And for me, the most beautiful thing is to be nobleshe asks me if [child] should change, I tell her no, because he has a very beautiful heart, right? Very noble. He likes to share. References to proper behavior, such as my boy cant lie, or so I say my sonhes very goodhes not an aggressive child, or the kind who goes around bothering other children, were also considered ones that referred to childrens good character. In considering the comparative value of these two aspects from the perspective of mothers; that is, whether they actually valued academic or character traits in their children more, I examined the frequency of meaning units, since it is reasonable to assume that mothers might mention aspects that are more important to them more frequently. In total, there were more references to character (32 meaning units) than academic traits (20 meaning units) in children, across all six transcripts. This may be illustrative of a more sociocentric cultural orientation that prioritizes appropriate behavior and interpersonal skills among the women, as has been found in other research with Latina mothers (see Miller and Harwood 2001). In order to learn responsibility, children should have a balance between routine and choice, so they can graduate from school and have better choices than I did. In describing childrens daily lives, all six mothers mentioned children having tasks/chores to do at home, often within the context of regular routines, such as homework, that children were familiar with and could follow. Other examples of childrens routines were helping mothers with household chores (e.g., laundry, cleaning, setting the table), bathing, and bedtime schedules. Although children had routines, mothers also reported that children had choices regarding their leisure time out of school, particularly regarding participation in organized social or sporting activities. Consuela described her daughter as being able to [do] whatever she wantsskating, bike riding, playingor watching TV, or whatever she wants, after her homework was done. Despite this, mothers described those tasks and routines that were not choices as important in facilitating responsibility and long-term adaptation, as reported by these mothers: Its my job, but its her responsibility to learn how to do things [chores]. And shes learned.because I want her to be something and when, you know, she

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grows up, that she has learned everything and she can depend on her own. (Ria) if he has to go [to school], hes going to go. Afraid or not, but hes going to go. Hes not going to say, I dont want to, or I cant, no. Hes going to go. You have to learn thatso in school, whoever he gets, I think hell go. Thats how it is in life. (Angela) Five of the six women made references to long-term goals they had for children. Out of 30 meaning units (across ve transcripts) that indicated a long-term goal, one-third of these explicitly referenced children graduating from high school or going to college. Mothers saw getting an education as integral to having more occupational choices, namely those that they considered to be of a professional nature. Such choices held the potential for children to have better, more independent lives than the mothers themselves had: because I know that when tomorrow comes[child] will need to study at the university. Because I do want to overcome, I want my child to overcome also. I want my daughter to be a professional. I dont want her to bein a day care like where I work. (Ines) You know, and I want her to nish schoolI want her to be all into school. You know, I want her to be someone in life. I dont want her to be fteen and pregnantI want her to be somebody speciallike I want her to be a teacher. I want her to be like a secretary, nurse, somebody big, you know? I dont want her to work like meI dont want her to be a maid, you know, a housekeeper. (Rosa) At this point in their young childrens lives, mothers expressed both hope and condence that their aspirations would become realities for children, as illustrated by Consuela, who articulated her reasons for emigrating to the United States: I think thats why so many of us immigrants come here. Because were always looking for upward mobility for our children, to live a little betterI think that her future is going to be good. The long term goal for children to be more educated and professional was sharply contrasted by Angela, however, who expressed her desire that her children develop as moral, rather than intellectual, people: The heart that my son has. Its, its that my son isI tell my husband that I dont care that they get to be professionals in life or anything like that. I mean, for them to be very intellectual, no. But for them to be kind, to have that kind heart for helping people. Indeed, the above sentiment well illustrates traditional educacon values promoted among Latino families. As Valdes (1996) points out, many workingclass Mexican families hold individual achievement and success in lesser esteem than peoples moral character and abilities to maintain close, harmonious ties across generations. Overall, however, the descriptions of education, growth, and learning

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reected in the previous two themes illustrate the fusion of traditional Latino (e.g., sociocentric) and more Westernized (e.g., individualist) values and goals. On the one hand, across all transcripts, mothers mentioned socio-emotional characteristics of their children (e.g., noble, good-natured) more often than cognitive ones (e.g., smart, creative) when describing their children. On the other hand, only Angela actually expressed the long-term goal that her children develop as moral rather than intellectual beings explicitly. As well, although mothers were not asked specically to dene education in their own words, their use of the term education was always used in reference to schooling, and the majority of women cited education in the schooled sense as a long-term goal for their children. This goal is well documented in the literature on the long-term aspirations of Latino immigrant parents (e.g., Contreras et al. 2002; Goldenberg and Gallimore 1995; Okagaki and Frensch 1998; Valdes 1996). Indeed, education in both a moral and academic sense is an integral part of Latino culture, and is viewed as a vehicle to move children out of poverty (Delgado-Gaitan 2004). I am comfortable in my role as purveyor of wisdom, protector of children, and provider of experiences, but it is also my role to be involved in their academic development, even when my lack of understanding makes it hard. All six of the mothers saw themselves as important teachers of children, though not exclusively in the academic sense. Rather, they described themselves as childrens most important source of information about how to get along in the world, similar to the bien sentido (common sense) that children learned from watching and listening to their mothers in Villenas (2001) study. Mothers condently described how they regularly talked with children about how to be safe, how to behave with other children, and how to nd help in school if they needed it. Cecilia stressed that it was important for children to hear such things from her: You know, sometimes I just sit around and think my kids are gonna learn and just know things automatically without me telling them and thats not the case even if they did know, they still need to hear it from their mom. In turn, mothers were concerned that children keep them abreast of potentially dangerous situations that may have occurred while children were at school and out of their care, such as conicts with other children, or adults that might try to do them harm: Teaching children to talk and tell me about things was mentioned often by mothers, who wanted children to be forthright with them: I always teach them that whenever anything happens, they gotta come to me, they gotta tell me (Cecilia). In this way, mothers viewed their roles as constant guardians and protectors of children. This protectiveness was also seen on a more practical level, as three mothers spoke of danger and violence (e.g., shootings or gang activity) in their neighborhoods. Monitoring childrens activities and whereabouts were strategies these mothers regularly engaged in: I dont want her going too far outwhen she rides her bike, she just rides around the housethats why I dont like to let them go out. Last night there was a shooting here. (Consuela)

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References to dangerous circumstances permeated these mothers narratives, and inuenced both the activities children were allowed to engage in, as well as mothers own roles in protecting them, as Raya noted: There are always problems in that school. Shootings and killings and everything. Sometimes I really think it would be better for my oldest to stay in school there. For me to send him there. Yes, in Mexico. Because its not, its that here you just cant be in school. In general, cross-cultural studies reveal Latino parents to be more protective and monitor their children more frequently than non-Latino parents (see Halgunseth et al. 2006). Yet, as specied by Garca Coll et al. (1996), the neighborhood was a powerful inhibiting context for the mothers in this analysis that undoubtedly inuenced their beliefs and practices. Studies (e.g., Parke and ONeil 1999; Taylor 1997) have shown that parents are more vigilant and regulating of their childrens experiences when they perceive the neighborhood as less safe. While LeVine and New (2008) argue that ensuring the physical safety of children is a universal goal of parents, both the priority that parents must place on this goal and the strategies that are used to promote it vary based on context. Here again, we see mothers cognitions and practices around protection and monitoring as the product of traditional beliefs around the parental role in this area and current contextual demands. For these mothers living amidst seemingly challenging environments, being a protector and guardian of children in a very literal sense was a salient dimension of their parental role. Mothers also viewed themselves as responsible for disciplining children at home; fathers were not mentioned in any descriptions of disciplinary practices. Mothers spoke of the contrast between the more corporal styles of discipline they were used to in their native countries, and the alternative strategies they learned through various programs: before, with the big ones, I did [spank children]. There were times when they wouldnt do their chores for me. Because, I dont know if its because we came here to this country, and its different here. And people worry more about childrenor aboutAlso, I went to some classes for, for parents. (Consuela) However, spanking as a form of discipline was clearly distinguished from hitting, which might be characterized as more harsh and abusive, as suggested in the following statement by Angela: I do give him spankings and alland Im against the idea thatwell you shouldnt hit them as abuse. But parents should have a certain authority to discipline them, yes, you know? So for things like that, now I say to my children, clean your room, and I can threaten them if they dont obey, but Im not going to hit them The central role that mothers described themselves having with regard to disciplinary practices ts within the cultural expectations of parents that dene Latina womens role as caretaker, and fathers role as provider (Cabrera and Garcia

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Coll 2004), yet dees the growing empirical trend that indicates Latino fathers are becoming more actively engaged with their children (Cabrera et al. 2009; Caldera et al. 2002). Of the three mothers that were married, only one was employed full time (implying they may be at home more), which may account for the ndings here. Mothers spoke with less condence, but no less commitment, regarding their role in facilitating childrens academic development at home. Specically, although half of all mothers reported they could not always read or understand their childrens homework because of their own lack of schooling or inability to read English, these factors did not dissuade them in their efforts to become engaged in childrens academics or schoolwork, since such was mentioned by all six women. Mothers reported that they helped their child academically through direct teaching, reading, or rules regarding the completion of homework; Angela noted that Im a little bit tough with them, in the sense that they nish their homework with me. Cecilia, who lamented over not helping her child with schoolwork, commented that her child would be doing better academically if she had me by her side. Cecilia also commented that she had actually been unaware that that was something teachers expected her to do: shell [child] come home and tell me, Mom, the teacher told me that you have to help me how to readI mean, I would try, but not, I wouldnt really try itI just assumed that somebody else would do the job for meand now Im nding out thatteachers cant, teachers cant do this alone, you know. In this regard, mothers tried to comply with teachers requests regarding school preparedness at home, especially regarding language and reading instruction: I also teach her Spanish, because I promised the teacher I swould teach her Spanishwe have taken out some books (Ines). Since the interviews were conducted in the spring, perhaps mothers agency in supporting childrens academic development at home had been inuenced by their interactions with the school over the course of the year. Most of the women did not mention questioning or challenging teachers about any aspect of their childrens schooling. However, Rosa and Raya spoke at great length about occasions where they demanded that teachers offer alternate placements or policies for their child. For example, after hearing about her childs report of an ongoing problem with another student, Rosa explained that I went straight to her [teacher]. Because I think its very important for a parent to do that. However, these behaviors were not typical of most of the women, who maintained relations with their childrens schools and teachers only through scheduled conference times. Although mothers acculturation levels with specic regard to education were not measured in this study, the nature of their early relations with schools were consistent with literature that suggests both ethnic and class-based differences in parents school involvement practices and advocacy, which suggest that the tendency for parents to question teachers about their practices, ask for clarication, or challenge them on certain issues is a practice more commonly seen among upperSES, formally educated parents, who draw upon higher levels of nancial, social, and cultural capital when interacting with schools. In her ethnographic work with

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both upper-middle and low-income families, Lareau (2003) noted that low-income parents were hesitant to discuss or voice concerns regarding school-related issues because of feelings of insecurity and inferiority with school personnel and curricula, and because of their own negative experiences with school. With specic regard to Latino families, Delgado-Gaitan (2004) notes that parent involvement and advocacy in the school may often be compromised by language issues, but is often more nuanced than this; many Latinos experiences with schools in the United States have been ones of estrangement, conict, and inequity. However, since immigrant Latino parents see schooling as the only possible vehicle for their childrens futures, they may view the costs of raising concerns as simply too great. These observations may help to explain the overall satisfaction and lack of discontent with childrens early school experiences that was reported by all mothers in the present analyses. As well, children attended schools with high percentages of Latino children, which may have added to parents comfort levels within the schools. Raising children is my life, and I want to do it better than my mother did, because my children need me more than they need anyone. Five of the mothers explicitly- and spontaneously, since this was not a direct question- stated that raising their children was the most important thing in their lives. This importance was reected in the way mothers described the profound effect that having children had on them, and the sacrices they were willing to make for their children. Mothers described having children as essential, motivational, and all-encompassing: There are two things that have happened in my life. One is having my daughter, and the other is having known God. (Ines) I cant live life and separate myself from the reality thattheres more to just feeding kids and bathing them and changing their clothingor even playing with them. They need to feel that passion within youthat you connect thatits all around- like surrender to the fact that you have children and you are a mother. (Cecilia) The essence of mothering was also described in more practical terms, as Angela commented that although raising children could be difcult, it was her obligation to do so: and Ill tell you about that-its not easy being at home with three children in one housebut theyre our children. I mean every day you have to make their meals, feed them- and take them to schoolits not easy, but its our responsibility. The sacrices mothers described making for children most often regarded their time and work. Mothers reported that they were working in order for their children to have more. As much as possible, mothers attempted to adapt their work schedules so they would maximize their time with their children: for pay that, that I am earning, thatis not much, working ve hours. I accept it because it adapts to my daughter. But in reality, I want to tell you that I dont want to do it all my life. Not even [child]- she wouldnt want to do it either. Because of that I need to work.right now, I need to dedicate myself to herI feel that from here on out this is going to be my schedule with her. (Ines)

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Mothers clearly felt that their children were most attached to them- that they were the most important person in their childrens lives. Ines spoke of her child as hers, but she is mommys child, mommys child, I love her very much. What else can I tell you? She went on to describe how she is everything to her daughter: [if someone asked her] what is your mom to you? Oh well, my mom is my friend, my sister, my doctorshe is mythe one who cleans me, the one that bathes me, the one who ironsI am everything to her. Or that is, she is beginning to feel, she begins to adore, she begins to see. Mothers acknowledged that their work schedules or lack of money to buy children things or enroll them in activities sometimes impacted their parenting. Despite these difculties, however, they still regarded themselves as the person most capable of caring for their children: I always come to the conclusion that theres no way in the world theres gonna be a human being besides me who will care for them better than I will. And thats what keeps me, you know, going. (Cecilia) Indeed, it was on this topic- the impact of their mothering on childrens growth and development- that these women appeared to be their most empowered. Despite the changes in Latino/a family roles due to factors such as migration, acculturation, and employment in the US described earlier, the mothers here seemed to both embody and revel in traditional marianismo values that emphasize the womens role as mother, and celebrate the mothers self-sacrice and suffering for her children (Cauce and Domenech-Rodrguez 2002). The type of relationship that mothers wanted to have with their child was strongly affected by their own experiences in childhood. Mothers expressed a strong desire that their children have different and better childhoods than they did. Women described how their mothers were too strict or harsh with them, and that they wanted to be different with their own children: Its that Im hearing my momAnd I say, I dont want to be that wayshe was very harsh, she would beat us and mistreat usso I dont want that for my children. (Angela) I was embarrassed to tell my mommy mother was really hard on us and I guess that was one of the things that I was afraid to tell herand I dont want her to be like that. I want her to tell me everything. (Rosa) Cecilia, who had a particularly difcult past, commented that I dont want my kids to have to experience the pain Ive gone through in my life. Overall, these mothers did not speak with fondness about their own childhoods, yet were more hopeful about the lives of their own children. On the one hand, their sentiments about their own mothers were different than those shared by the Latina women in studies by Villenas and Moreno (2001) and Delgado-Gaitan (2005), who looked upon their own mothers as sources of strength, endurance, and resilience. On the other hand, however, they shared their beliefs about their childrens potential and promise in the United States, and their desire to teach their children to valerse por si

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misma (to be self-reliant) (see Villenas and Moreno 2001) in their quest for a better life. Childrens education and learning are most strongly inuenced by the people in their lives. Mothers strongly equated education with schooling, as noted in the earlier descriptions of mothers long-term goals for children. In fact, across all transcripts, mothers explicit use of the word education was most often used in this context. It was also noted previously that out of the six women, only one mentioned her childs good character as a long-term goal. Based on this, it seems that these women equated being well schooled with being educated in the academic sense. More often, mothers used the word learning to describe childrens progress both in and out of school, in both academic (well the big change right now is that hes learned to read [Angela]), behavioral (but when it comes to like learning and doing things on her own, she can do it on her own [Rosa]), and experiential (I take her [to mothers workplace] 2 or 3 days a weekthats a way for her to learn a lot of things [Rosa]). Since I did not code the data by counting all mentions of the word learning and analyzing all referents to it, the value mothers placed on each type of learning cannot be determined. However, the question of who or what were important inuences on childrens learning and education was very relevant here. In this regard, all six mothers considered people- not books or academic materials- to be the greatest inuence on childrens education and learning. Although mothers often mentioned their children learning to read or their reading progress, childrens reading was often described in the context of interactions that occurred with parents: I have to tell her, my child, lets readthen we go and sit down there, and we are there. Or do you want to hear a cassette? oh yes, lets go. (Ines) I always read to themhe sits down to copy them, and what he likes- he calls me, Mommy, whats this here? Ok, Ill read it to you from the beginning so you know. (Raya) Books, school materials, or curriculum content were not mentioned by mothers as facilitative of childrens knowledge, learning, or learning behaviors. However, teachers were considered integral to such processes, as the responses of Raya and Cecilia regarding why they thought their children had made such progress in the previous school year illustrate: Ah, more than anything, becauseit has a lot to do with the teacher, you know? It depends on the teacher, how she would show enthusiasm about doing somethinglike when she has them do stories (Raya) because she [teacher] seems to take a special interest in [child]. The only teacher that I ever remember was in sixth grade, my English teacher, she was the only one that ever cared. She made a difference in my life and I think [childs teacher] did, did for [child]. (Cecilia) Family members, most notably parents and siblings, were also considered integral to childrens learning, education, and development. Older siblings were

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described as helping children with reading, homework, and knowing how to protect themselves. Consuela reported that grandparents, aunts, or other extended family members were often available to assist her daughter with schoolwork: so theres always someone in the house to help herbecause with people to help her, she has a lot of people to help her. Parents, however, were cited most often as inuential to childrens development. Although mothers involvement in childrens schoolwork was discussed earlier, ve mothers also described their own individual attitudes, characteristics, and behaviors as potentially inuencing children. Put another way, in the words of Angela, children would learn what they see in their parents: and if they see that they [parents] dont care, they wont care either. Theyll be like, my mother doesnt care, why should I care? (Rosa) The way I am, she is. So then she sees me, how is she not going to get frustrated if she sees me. And then I tell her, dont get frustrated my child, and she is looking at me. (Ines) Indeed, the theme that people, rather than books or instructional materials, are the most important sources of childrens education and learning ran throughout all six transcripts. While the low-income status (i.e., less access to material resources) of all the mothers undoubtedly may account for some of this, the ndings are consonant with Delgado-Gaitan (2004) observations, based on years of ethnographic work with Latino families and communities, that there is a strong cultural emphasis is on relationships with others in the process of achieving in school, and that mothers desire for their children to have a better life accounts for the sacrices they make on behalf of their children. However, it is interesting to consider how this value- people as key contributors to the learning process- as it was expressed by the women here inuenced their sense of agency in doing so. Previous work with Latino families (e.g., Goldenberg and Gallimore 1995; Holloway et al. 1995) has suggested that Latino parents do not consider direct support of childrens academic learning (i.e., shared reading, homework instruction) as part of their parental role. In addition, many Latino families may draw a clear boundary between the school and the home because they respect the teachers authority and thus give full authority for their childrens education to the school (Delgado-Gaitan 2004). In partial contrast to this, all six mothers in the present analyses commented on their efforts to provide instructional support to children at home, through direct support of homework, reading, and writing activities, even though some mothers acknowledged their limitations in these areas with respect to language and their own educational backgrounds. In any event, the relational context of education and learning that was described by the mothers is undoubtedly another manifestation of the values of both familismo and educacon within the home.

Discussion As second-generation Latino children embark on their school careers, it is likely that mothers have been their primary socializing agents. As articulated recently by Doucet and Tudge (2007), a cultural perspective on childrens transition to formal

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schooling and performance in the early school years suggests that an awareness and understanding of the diversity of parents attitudes, cognitions, and goals for children is necessary in order to create receiving (i.e., school) environments that are truly ready to serve children from diverse backgrounds. Indeed, a greater understanding of these processes can guide interventions and practices with immigrant children, and foster stronger collaborations between immigrant Latino parents and schools. As noted by Villenas (2001), Latina mothers are key to providing children with the cultural integrity to resist their decit framing as minority students inEnglish-speaking/nonbilingual schools (p. 22). Their voices and perspectives need to be heard, and their impact on childrens development recognized. The present investigation contributed this end by examining the childrearing and educational beliefs of six Latina mothers of rst-grade children, and their beliefs about their roles in their childrens lives. Historically, the childrearing values, attitudes, and practices of the dominant, Euro-American, middle-class have been considered the norm for optimal child development, and have served as the standard upon which all other parenting practices have been compared (Garca Coll and Pachter 2002). Since the diversity of Americas families and school population is dramatically increasing and is likely to be the most pronounced among younger, school-aged children, it is critical that our knowledge base about parenting beliefs, values and processes begin to incorporate the full range of normative experiences to which children are exposed (Garca Coll and Pachter 2002). It is now widely recognized that immigrant families in the United States do not merely disregard or reject the beliefs and practices of their cultures of origin in favor of those of the majority culture, but selectively adopt some majority group norms, and to varying degrees, through the process of acculturation (Borstein and Cote 2007; Garca Coll and Pachter 2002). In Garcia Coll et als (1996) Integrative Model, family traditions, values, beliefs, and goals for children are rooted in a groups collective history, culture, religion, and nationality, yet are profoundly impacted by contextual factors, such as acculturation, language prociency, socioeconomic status, interactions with schools, and neighborhood contexts, as well as by the unique experiences of individual families. Because the present sample was extremely small and fairly uniform in terms of demographic characteristics such as age, level of education, and income, the potential impact of these factors on mothers beliefs and practices as reected in the themes generated was not discernible in consistent ways. For example, all mothers, regardless of their educational level, income, or work status, engaged in academic activities with children at home, albeit in ways they were comfortable with. The two women who raised concerns to school personnel were very different; Rosa was married, uent in English, and had more education than Raya, who had limited formal schooling and uency in English, and was a single mother. Put another way, there was both continuity and variability in the childrearing and educational beliefs and practices of these Latina mothers. Examining the potential impact of contextual factors on the developmental outcomes of immigrant Latino families and children with larger samples, using longitudinal methods, is a critical area for future research.

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There is considerable evidence that Latinos tend to have an interdependent or collectivist orientation that prioritizes the cultural values of familial interdependence, respect, and the salience of relationships with others as central to ones identity (see Oyserman et al. 2002). In particular, the traditional goal of familismo was reected by the mothers. First, mothers saw raising their children as their most important job; that raising children was [her] life, as expressed by one mother. Mothers expressed the belief that their children learned essential lessons and skills such as routines, safety, and how to behave with others from them. As well, mothers spoke of their attempts to assist children with reading and schoolwork, although their limited education and knowledge of English (in some cases) limited their sense n of agency in this area. The way that the childrearing goal educacio was expressed in the voices of these mothers was very interesting; clearly, their conceptions of education were multifaceted, including social, moral, behavioral, practical, and cognitive dimensions. Although the education of children was viewed as fundamentally relational, the mothers cast themselves as most central in this regard. In short, mothers described their roles as advisors, models, protectors, and teachers of children. The womens almost exclusive focus on themselves, as opposed to fathers, for example, as the most signicant models for children may be a manifestation of traditional marianismo values, yet this need not be viewed as a detriment. Although the single-parent status of half the mothers has implications for the adaptive function marianismo can play- indeed, these mothers had to rely on themselves out of necessity and survival- it also points to their potential as sources of expert knowledge upon which their children can draw comfort, strength, and resilience as they navigate their school experiences. Implications for Home-School Partnerships That Latina mothers care deeply about their childrens education and are committed to helping them succeed using a variety of strategies was demonstrated in this analysis. Also, while grounded in the values familismo and educacon, of a range of mothers beliefs and practices was demonstrated. By building on mothers perspectives, home practices, and expert knowledge about their children, schools and practitioners can enhance Latino parental involvement in childrens education. It is known that high-achieving Latino students report high levels of involvement in home and at school (Delgado-Gaitan 2004). Connecting across the home-school border requires teachers and educators each to know and understand the cultural beliefs and values of the other. Yet, schools must be committed to resituating the dynamics of power and privilege (Villenas 2005, p. 276), and create opportunities and spaces for mothers voices to truly be heard. Can Latina mothers of diverse backgrounds and circumstances be treated with dignity and respect? Can they speak rst, not last? Can there be dedicated spaces within buildings where they can meet together? Can they be called upon- trusted- to interpret particular situations and behaviors and offer solutions? Can their perspectives inform aspects of school policy and practice? These are examples of critical questions that must be seriously considered if schools truly seek to be sites of meaningful growth, change, and empowerment for immigrant and ethnic minority children and families.

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As noted by Rogoff (2003), in order to begin to see and understand the beliefs or practices of another culture, we must rst be willing to suspend those of our own. Since those in positions of power (e.g., teachers) are largely socialized not to do this, especially with low-income or ethnic minority parents, this process may prove to be difcult. It is my belief, however, that such processes are necessary, and that professional educators must bear their weight. Only then will we, as professionals, be able to view Latina mothers as legitimate partners, consider seriously their understandings and meanings regarding children and education, and join with them in maximizing the potential of Latino children developing and learning in the United States.

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