Emotions in Students Scholastic Development

13.
EMOTIONS IN STUDENTS' SCHOLASTIC DEVELOPMENT

Reinhard Pekrun
University of Munich pekrun@edupsy.uni-muenchen.de
Abstract
Emotions are of critical importance for college students' academic performance, personality development, and health. With few exceptions such as research on test anxiety, however, students' emotions have been neglected by higher education research. In this chapter, the available evidence is reviewed, and theoretical considerations on the relevance of emotions for students' scholastic development are presented. The chapter features occurrence and base rates of student emotions in academic settings; the development of instruments assessing these emotions; their impact on academic learning and performance; their individual and social antecedents; as well as implications for emotion regulation, therapy, and educational classroom practices at college and university. In closing, directions for future research are outlined
Key Words: Emotion, affect, enjoyment, pride, anxiety, anger, shame, boredom,
motivation, learning strategies, academic achievement, classroom instruction, college environment
Emotions are ubiquitous in academic settings at college and university. Academic learning and achievement are of fundamental importance for students' educational careers, determining their current life situation as well as future educational and occupational opportunities. Important objects or events, however, tend to instigate emotional reactions (Scherer, Schorr and Johnstone, 2001). By implication, achievement- related emotions are frequent, pervasive, manifold, and often intense in situations at college and university. The social nature of many academic situations further contributes to the emotional character of university settings. Social emotions likely play a major role in these settings as well, in addition to achievement emotions (Weiner, in press; see Table 1T1 for examples of students' achievement-related and social academic emotions).
R.P. Perry and J.C. Smart (eds.), The Scholarship of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education: An Evidence-Based Perspective, 553-610. 2007 Springer.
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Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development Table 1: The Domain of Academic Emotions: Examples Positive Activity-related Outcome-related Prospective Retrospective Enjoyment Anticipatory Joy Hope Joy Satisfaction Pride Relief Gratitude Empathy Admiration Sympathy/Love Negative Boredom Hopelessness Anxiety Sadness Disappointment Shame/Guilt Anger Jealousy/Envy Contempt Antipathy/Hate
Social
Adding to their relevance, emotions are functionally important for students' study-related and social behavior, adaptation to college, and academic success. Positive emotions like enjoyment of learning can help to envision goals and challenges, open the mind to creative problem-solving, and lay the groundwork for individual self-regulation (Ashby, Isen & Turken, 1999; Isen, 1999; Pekrun, Goetz, Titz, & Perry, 2002a). Maladaptive emotions like excessive anxiety, hopelessness, or boredom, on the other hand, are detrimental to academic success, induce students to drop out of college, and impact negatively on both psychological and physical health (Zeidner, 1998, in press). In the sizable numbers of attempted and committed suicides among college students (Westefeld, Homaifar, Spotts, Furr, Rage, and Werth, 2005), emotional problems related to failures in individual academic agency probably play a major role. Due to their relevance for engagement and scholastic development, students' emotions are important for college instructors as well. Instructors face a formidable task when they first encounter the eager students arraigned before them at the beginning of an academic year. Not only must they inculcate the knowledge and analytic tools of their disciplines, but they must also inspire a passion for the discipline and an excitement about learning. Of these goals, passion and excitement are the most elusive because college instructors receive little or no training in the principles of affect and learning. If they succeed in inspiring excitement about the course content, the motivational benefits will extend far beyond the course, stimulating a commitment to the discipline, and a persistence to an educational career at college 554
THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION
more generally. If they fail, however, the ensuing negative emotions (such as anxiety or boredom) can quickly undermine motivation and the will to remain in the course and in university. Despite the clear relevance of students' emotions, however, emotions have been neglected by higher education research, and by educational research more generally, with few exceptions (Pekrun and Frese, 1992; Schutz and Lanehart, 2002; see the literature search in Pekrun, Goetz, Titz, and Perry, 2002b). On a theoretical level, the achievement emotions of pride and shame were regarded as central to the instigation of achievementdirected motivation and behavior in traditional achievement motivation theories (see Atkinson, 1964; Heckhausen, 1991). Empirically, however, emotions were not studied as phenomena in their own right by classical achievement motivation research. Rather, they were regarded as being no more than subcomponents of global, summary constructs of achievement motives, with the exception of test anxiety that was often equated with the fear of failure motive (Atkinson, 1964). Also, the recent boom of emotion research in basic disciplines of psychology (like personality and social psychology), and in the neurosciences, was just ignored by the mainstream of educational research. There are two notable exceptions to this inattention to achievementrelated emotions. One is research on students' test anxiety which originated in the 1930s (e.g., Brown, 1938; Stengel, 1936), started to flourish in the 1950s, and has continued to be a highly active field of research since then (Zeidner, 1998, 2007). Whereas achievement emotions other than anxiety attracted few researchers, test anxiety has been analyzed in more than 1,000 empirical studies to date (Zeidner, 1998; Pekrun et al., 2002b). The second exception is research on the attributional antecedents of emotions following success and failure, largely originating in Bernard Weiner's attributional theory of achievement motivation and emotion (Weiner, 1985, in press). As a consequence of neglecting emotional processes, we still lack cumulative empirical knowledge on college students' emotions. Over the past ten years, there has been a slow, but discernable increase in the number of studies dealing with students' emotions, as evidenced in three recent special issues and one edited volume on this topic (Efklides and Volet, 2005; Linnenbrink, 2006; Schutz and Pekrun, in press; Schutz and Lanehart, 2002). These studies have produced initial findings on a number of emotions. To date, however, this evidence is still too scant to warrant firm conclusions, research on test anxiety being the predominant exception. As for students' emotions 555
Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development
in postsecondary settings, the situation is even worse, since the bulk of extant studies has been conducted with upper elementary, middle and high school students. For example, of the 27 studies on relationships between students' achievement goals and their emotions cited by Linnenbrink and Pintrich (2002), only five pertained to samples of college and university students. Studies on emotions in K-12 students have produced important insights into the mechanisms of academic emotions, but these results cannot easily be generalized to higher education settings, for two reasons. First, college students are young adults who are in a developmental phase that differs from childhood and adolescence. Second, these students represent a select part of the student population, being of higher intellectual ability, on an average, and having a more positive personal history of academic accomplishments than their peers not going to college (which, paradoxically, puts them at considerable risk when being confronted with the challenging academic environment of a university; Perry, 1991). The reader who is familiar with psychological research on emotions might be tempted to argue that most of the available experimental evidence on human moods and emotions has been gained using college students as participants, such that there should be plenty of evidence on students' emotions. However, there are clear limits as to the generalizability of this experimental evidence to students' real-life academic emotions. First, experimental research on emotion is often faced with problems of ecological validity, one reason being the ethical constraints on inducing more intense emotions in the laboratory, as opposed to positive or negative mood as typically used in many experiments (e.g., Forgas and Vargas, 2000). Second, most of the evidence from experimental emotion research pertains to fundamental mechanisms of human emotion, but does not relate to learning and achievement as being situated in academic contexts. By implication, much of the present chapter will be a call for empirical research, rather than a review of cumulative evidence that can be used for deriving validated practical recommendations. In the following sections, I will first discuss the occurrence of emotions in academic settings at college and university. Second, the assessment of students' emotions will be addressed. Test anxiety questionnaires and the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire (AEQ; Pekrun et al., 2002b; Pekrun, Goetz, and Perry, 2005) will be cited as examples how to measure academic emotions. In the third section, I will address the functional relevance of students' emotions for their academic learning 556
and achievement. Next, antecedents and development of students' emotions will be considered, as well as aspects of coping, emotion regulation, and therapy. In concluding, I will discuss implications for educational practice and future research on higher education.
OCCURRENCE OF EMOTIONS IN ACADEMIC SETTINGS: EXPLORATORY FINDINGS

As noted at the outset, From a theoretical perspective, given the importance of academic agency in college students' scholarly development, situations of learning and performance can be assumed to frequently induce intense emotions. Empirically, however, there is a lack of evidence on the occurrence, frequency, and intensity of different emotions as experienced by university students in academic settings. Test anxiety is a unique exception, as this emotion has consistently been found to be experienced by many students before and during test taking at college and university (Zeidner, 1998). In our own research, we conducted a number of exploratory studies to analyze the diversity of emotions as experienced by K - 12 and university students. Four of these studies related to emotional experiences in academic situations of attending class, studying, and taking test and exams at university (Pekrun, 1992a; Molfenter, 1999; Spangler, Pekrun, Kramer, and Hofmann, 2002; Titz, 2001). These studies used semi-structured interviews and questionnaires to explore college students' emotions and the cognitive, behavioral, and situational processes functioning as antecedents or effects of emotions. In each of these interviews and questionnaires, students were asked a series of fixed questions and could give open-ended answers, thus providing qualitative narratives of emotional episodes. Video-stimulated recall and psychophysiological analyses were also used in some of this research in order to facilitate and validate respondents' self-reports. In the first study (Pekrun, 1992a), students recalled typical academic episodes from their autobiographical memories and reported the affective processes experienced within these episodes. The other three studies (Molfenter, 1999; Spangler et al., 2002; Titz, 2001) used a situated approach in which emotions were assessed immediately after situations of attending class, studying, or taking a test. Students' descriptions of emotional episodes were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed in both qualitative and quantitative ways. As expected, the results of all four studies showed that students experience a wide variety of emotions in academic settings. There 557
was no major human emotion that was not reported in the students' narratives, disgust being an exception. Anxiety proved to be the emotion that was reported most frequently, accounting for 15-27% of all emotional episodes reported in the four studies. Anxiety was mentioned with regard to all three types of academic situations (attending class, studying, and taking tests and exams). This prevalence of anxiety corroborates the importance of test anxiety research. Also, the anxiety problems reported by many students imply that they are faced with a "workplace" at college and university that can pose a serious threat to their psychological health. Achievement pressure and expectancies of failure were reported as major determinants of anxiety, indicating that a reduction of excessive demands and an increase in opportunities for success might benefit students' psychological health. However, our findings on relative frequencies also imply that the vast majority of emotions reported pertained to emotion categories other than anxiety. Overall, positive emotions were mentioned no less frequently than negative emotions. Enjoyment, satisfaction, hope, pride, and relief were reported as being experienced frequently in academic settings, as were anger, shame, and boredom. Furthermore, there were many accounts of less frequently experienced emotions, including hopelessness as well as social emotions like gratitude, admiration, contempt, and envy. The relative frequencies of emotions differed across the three types of academic situations specified. In the classroom setting and during studying, positive emotions typically accounted for slightly more than 50% of the emotions reported, whereas negative emotions outweighed positive emotions when taking tests and exams. Typically, attending class and studying involves less pressure for achievement and more autonomy for self-regulation than writing an exam, which may explain these differential frequencies. The findings or our exploratory research thus confirm assumptions on the diversity of emotions experienced by college students in academic settings. However, there may be limits to the generalizability of these findings. First, emotions that are experienced less intensely may be under reported in any self-report assessment of emotions that relies on the availability of emotional episodes in situational or long-term memories. Also, culturally defined rules of reporting about emotions may play a role, perhaps implying that emotions like contempt or envy are experienced more often than acknowledged by the participants of self-report studies. Furthermore, our studies used samples of German university students, thus pertaining to emotions 558
as experienced at German universities. Higher education institutions share many features across countries, but there are differences as well, thus limiting the cross-cultural generalizability of findings. The German higher education system is about to undergo major change, but as of to date, the German and North American university systems still differ in a number of aspects that are likely important for students' emotions. For example, most study programs and courses are less structured in the German than in the North American systems to date, implying that more self-regulation is expected from students in German universities. Second, there still is less high-stakes testing in the German system, and course exams are typically less frequent. By implication, whereas conclusions on the diversity of academic emotions experienced by college students likely are generalizable, more specific findings on relative frequences and situational antecedents of distinct emotions may partially be culture-specific. More exploratory and base-rate research on the emotions experienced by higher education students in different countries is clearly warranted.
ASSESSMENT OF STUDENTS' ACADEMIC EMOTIONS

Exploratory research can be used to investigate the occurrence and phenomenology of students' emotions, but more rigorous quantitative methodology is needed to get more precise evidence on functions, antecedents and development of these emotions. Measurement instruments are a necessary prerequisite to apply quantitative methods. To date, many self-report instruments assessing students' test anxiety are available. As for emotions other than anxiety, however, there still remains a lack of suitable measures. In this section, I begin by discussing conceptual and methodological issues. I will then address test anxiety measurement and a newly constructed instrument assessing a diversity of students' academic emotions (Achievement Emotions Questionnaire, AEQ; Pekrun et al., 2002b; Pekrun, Goetz, and Perry, 2005).
Conceptual Issues and Ways to Assess Emotions

There seems to be consensus today that emotions should be conceptualized as multi-component processes comprising emotion- specific subjective feelings (affective component), cognitions (cognitive component), motivational tendencies (motivational component), peripheral physiological processes (physiological component), as well 559
as expressive behavior (expressive component; see Kleinginna and Kleinginna, 1981; Scherer, 1984, 2000). Typical components of students' anxiety experienced before an exam, for example, would be uneasy, nervous feelings; appraisals of threat of failure and lack of own competencies; motivation to escape the situation; physiological activation; and anxious facial expression. Whereas other components need not always be present when an emotion is instigated, the affective component is at the core of the concept of emotion. From a neuropsychological perspective, this component comprises an activation of subcortical structures of the brain (e.g., the amygdala in anxiety), as well as feedback loops between subcortical and cortical structures that make it possible to experience an emotion as a subjective feeling state (Damasio, 2004). The diversity of emotion components implies that there may be many ways to assess emotions, including self-report, neuroimaging methods (e.g., fMRI), analysis of peripheral physiological processes, and observation of nonverbal behavior like facial, gestural and postural expression or the prosodic features of verbal speech. With the exception of self-report instruments, all of these methods are still under-used by educational research to date. For example, while video-based research on classroom interaction flourishes, this research has yet to attempt to analyze the emotional processes that characterize interactions between instructors and students. This could be done by adapting methods developed in emotion research (e.g., the Facial Action Coding System, FACS; Ekman and Rosenberg, 1997) for use in classroom observation. Similarly, neuroimaging methods could be employed to analyze brain indicators of students' emotional reactions when confronted with academic tasks, and an assessment of peripheral physiological processes could be used to analyze students' emotional activation in academic settings (recording of heart rate, skin resistance, cortisol levels, etc.; see e.g. Spangler et al., 2002).
Assessment of Test Anxiety

Since test anxiety has been the one emotion that has attracted educational researchers' interest universally, the development of instruments assessing this emotion has made significant progress over the past seven decades, making it amenable to scientific investigation (Pekrun, Goetz, Perry, Kramer, and Hochstadt, 2004; Zeidner, 1998). Self-report instruments are the most frequently used method, including interviews, think-aloud protocols, single-item rating scales, or questionnaire scales 560
asking students to report about their anxiety experienced prior to, during, or after exams. Among these instruments, multi-item questionnaire scales became most popular since they are easy to administer and proved to show good psychometric qualities (Hodapp and Benson, 1997; Zeidner, 1998). Questionnaire scales can be used to assess students' momentary emotional reactions to exams (state test anxiety),as well as their habitual tendency to react, typically, by experiencing anxiety when being confronted with tests or exams (trait test anxiety). The first questionnaire assessing students' test anxiety was developed by C. H. Brown at the University of Chicago in the 1930s (Brown, 1938), but this instrument did not gain widespread acceptance. In contrast, G. Mandler's and S. B. Sarason's Test Anxiety Questionnaire (TAQ; Mandler and Sarason, 1952) became the progenitor of many of the questionnaires assessing test anxiety that were developed over the past five decades. The TAQ was a uni-dimensional instrument resting on the assumption that test anxiety is a homogenous, one-dimensional phenomenon. Progress as to dimensionality was made when Liebert and Morris (1967) proposed to distinguish affective and physiological components of test anxiety (called emotionality by them) from cognitive components (called worry by these authors). Since 1967, test anxiety measurement has further refined the worry-emotionality distinction. Examples of current instruments that can be used with university students are the Test Anxiety Inventory (TAI; Spielberger, 1980), the Reactions to Test instrument (Sarason, 1984), the integrative test anxiety scale proposed by Hodapp and Benson (1997), and the test anxiety scale of the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire (Pekrun et al., 2002b) discussed below. Today, most of the available test anxiety scales possess good psychometric properties. Coefficients of internal reliability typically are above Alpha = 85. Structural validity is ensured by use of confirmatory factor analysis (e.g., Hodapp and Benson, 1997), and external construct validity by correlations with measures of academic learning and performance (Zeidner, 1998). The sophistication achieved in the measurement of test anxiety was instrumental for the success of test anxiety research in analyzing this emotion. However, there also are problems that remain to be solved. Specifically, there seems to be no agreement between test anxiety researchers as to the precise nature of the multidimensionality of the construct. Whereas all of the major instruments available to date assess affective-physiological components as well as the worry component of test anxiety, there is dispute as to which additional components should be included in the construct (lack of self- confidence, task-irrelevant thinking, manifest behaviors, etc.; Zeidner, 1998). 561
A second major problem is that test anxiety research disregarded other emotions experienced in exam situations, and, therefore, ignored problems of discriminant validity, in spite of early calls for making test anxiety measurement more specific (Nicholls, 1976). Items measuring cognitive components of test anxiety, for example, often pertain to exam-related worries that are typical not only of anxiety, but of hopelessness and despair as well (e.g., items like "Before taking a test, I worry about failure"; Sarason, 1984). Typically, these items do not differentiate between worries in anxiety (defined by subjective uncertainty of threatening failure) and worries in hopelessness (characterized by subjective certainty of failure; Pekrun et al., 2004). Also, many items tapping the physiological components of test anxiety assess physiological activation that is characteristic for other activating emotions such as anger or shame as well. It may thus be that current test anxiety instruments still measure "more than they denote" (Nicholls, 1976) by implicitly assessing other negative emotions as well. Future research on the assessment of achievement emotions like test anxiety should pay more attention to issues of discriminant validity, in addition to internal structural validity that has been emphasized over the past decades.
Assessment of Diverse Academic Emotions: The Achievement Emotions Questionnaire (AEQ)

Whereas the measurement of test anxiety made systematic progress over the past fifty years, measures for students' academic emotions other than test anxiety, and for other achievement emotions more generally, are still largely lacking. Based on the findings of our exploratory research cited above, we therefore constructed a multi-dimensional instrument measuring a variety of major academic emotions, including test anxiety, but also assessing other achievement emotions (Achievement Emotions Questionnaire, AEQ; Pekrun, Goetz et al., 2002b; Pekrun, Goetz, and Perry, 2005)1. The AEQ is a self-report instrument assessing college students' achievement emotions. It measures a number of discrete emotions for each of the three main categories of academic situations, that is,
1
The Achievement Emotions Questionnaire was first published under the name "Academic Emotions Questionnaire" (Pekrun et al., 2002b).
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attending class, studying, and writing tests and exams. These situations differ in terms of functions and social structures, implying that emotions regarding these situations can differ as well. For example, enjoyment of classroom instruction may be different from enjoying the challenge of an exam - some students may be excited when going to class, others when writing exams. Therefore, the AEQ provides separate scales for classrelated, learning-related, and test-related emotions. The AEQ assesses students' typical, individual emotional reactions in academic situations (trait academic emotions). Instructions require respondents to indicate how they feel, typically, in these situations. However, by employing alternative instructions, the AEQ can also be used to measure emotions experienced in single courses (course-specific emotions), or at specific points of time when attending class, studying, or taking a test (state academic emotions). In its current version, the AEQ can be used to assess eight different class-related emotions, eight learning-related emotions, and eight test emotions (see Table 2). The selection of these emotions was based on criteria of frequency and theoretical relevance (Pekrun et al., 2002b). The class-related emotion scales include 80 items and measure emotions by instructing students to report how they feel during, before, or after being in class. The emotions assessed by these scales include class-related enjoyment (sample item: "I enjoy being in class"), hope ("I am full of hope"), pride ("I am proud of myself"), anger ("I feel anger welling up in me"), anxiety ("I feel nervous in class"), shame ("I feel ashamed"), hopelessness ("I feel hopeless"), and boredom ("I get bored"). The learning-related emotion scales consist of 75 items assessing the same set of emotions in situations of studying. The instruction for these scales require respondents to report how they feel during, before, or after studying. The eight test emotions scales include 77 items pertaining to test-related enjoyment, hope, pride, relief, anger, anxiety, shame, and hopelessness. Instructions ask respondents to indicate how they feel during, before or after taking tests and exams.2 Within each section, the items are ordered in three blocks assessing emotional experiences before, during, and after being in academic situations addressed by the section. For example, the section
2
The test emotions section of the instrument has been published under the name "Test Emotions Questionnaire" (TEQ; Pekrun et al., 2004). The Test Emotions Questionnaire is an integral part of the AEQ.
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Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development Table 2: Achievement Emotions Questionnaire (AEQ): Scales and Reliabilitiesa Scales Emotions Class-Related Emotions Learning-Related Emotions Test Emotions Items Items Items .8 5 10 .7 8 10 .7 8 10 Hope 9 7 0 8Pride 2 5 6 10 Relief -b .7 6 .86 9 .86 9 .86 10 Anxiety .8 9 .7 6 .8 .7 8 .7 6 .8
Enjoyment
7 Anger
6 4 2 Hopelessness 9 6 7 Shame 0 0 2 Boredom 3 2
.8 12 .8 11 .9 12 .8 11 .8 11 .8 10 .9 10 .9 11 .9 11 .9 11 .9 11 -c -
a c
Coefficients for English version of the AEQ. b Relief scale for test emotions only. Boredom scale for class-related and learning-related emotions only.
on test emotions contains three blocks of items pertaining to emotions experienced before, during, and after taking tests. Sequencing items this way is in line with principles of situation-reaction inventories (Endler and Okada, 1975) and is intended to help respondents in accessing their emotional memories. The construct definitions underlying the AEQ use the consensual multi-component definition of "emotion" cited above. The items of each of the scales pertain to affective, cognitive, physiological/expressive, and motivational components of the emotion to be measured. This is in line with the state of the art in test anxiety measurement, but extends test anxiety assessment in two important ways. Whereas current test anxiety measures assess affective, physiological and cognitive components of anxiety, they neglect the motivational component. Items pertaining to this component were part of G. Mandlers' and S. B. Sarason's (1952) Test Anxiety Questionnaire, but were dropped in test anxiety measurement later on. Second, an effort was made to construct items that ensure discriminant content validity of scales measuring different discrete emotions, including a differentiation between test anxiety and closely neighboring emotions like test-related shame and hopelessness.
The reliabilities of the AEQ scales range from adequate to very good (Alpha = 75 to .93, with Alpha > 80 for 18 of the 24 scales). 564
The structural validity of the AEQ scales has been tested by confirmatory factor analysis (e.g., Pekrun et al., 2004). As to external validity, the AEQ has been shown to be predictive for college students' academic achievement, course enrollment, and dropout rates. Also, achievement emotions as assessed by the AEQ relate to components of students' learning processes such as study interest, achievement goals, intrinsic and extrinsic motivation to learn, cognitive and metacognitive strategies of learning, the investment of study effort, and the self-regulation of academic learning (Goetz, 2004; Goetz, Pekrun, Hall, and Haag, 2006; Kleine, Goetz, Pekrun, and Hall, 2005; Molfenter, 1999; Pekrun, Elliot, and Maier, 2006; Pekrun et al., 2002a, b; Pekrun et al., 2004; Perry, Hladkyi, Pekrun, and Pelletier, 2001; Perry, Hladkyj, Pekrun, Clifton, and Chipperfield, 2005; Spangler et al., 2002; Titz, 2001). Gender, social feedback, teachers' instructional behavior, and the composition and social climate of classrooms have been shown to be further important correlates of the achievement emotions assessed by the AEQ (e.g., Frenzel, Pekrun, and Goetz, in press; Pekrun, 2000; Pekrun, Frenzel, Goetz, and Perry, 2006). In sum, college students' emotions and their components can be assessed by means of diverse measures including self-report, behavioral observation, neuroimaging, and physiological analysis. Standardized selfreport scales have beeen used most often to date, and have proven to be a reliable, valid, and cost-effective way of measuring students' achievement emotions. Traditionally, these measures addressed students' test anxiety. Future research should develop instruments assessing academic emotions other than anxiety as well, as is done by the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire described above. Also, research on assessment should explore alternative ways to assess students' emotions, including the measurement of emotional processes that are less well represented in conscious awareness than the explicit emotional experiences typically targeted by self-report instruments.
FUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONS FOR COLLEGE STUDENTS' ACADEMIC LEARNING AND ACHIEVEMENT

In experimental research, mood and emotions have been found to influence a wide range of cognitive processes, including attention, memory storage and retrieval, social judgment, decision making, convergent problem solving, and creative thinking (Lewis and Haviland-Jones, 2000). Much of this research has focused on the effects 565
of positive vs. negative mood, without differentiating more specific, discrete mood states and emotions. Three important, cumulative findings of this research pertaining to attentional processes, memory, and problem solving are the following. First, as addressed by the resource allocation model proposed by Ellis and Ashbrook (1988), emotions typically consume cognitive resources by focusing attention on the object of the emotion. The resource allocation model was originally formulated for negative emotions, but the assumptions of the model can be extended to positive emotions as well (Pekrun, 1992b; for empirical evidence, see Meinhardt and Pekrun, 2003). Consumption of cognitive resources for task-irrelevant purposes implies that less resources are available for task completion. For example, a student preparing for an exam and being afraid of failing may focus on worrying about failure, which distracts attention away from the learning task at hand. Second, mood can enhance mood-congruent memory processes by mechanisms of state-dependent learning and mood-congruent recall (e.g., Levine and Burgess, 1997). Mood-congruent recall implies that positive mood can facilitate the retrieval of positive self- and task- related information, whereas negative mood sustanins the retrieval of negative information. Positive mood, for example, can foster positive self-appraisals, thus benefitting motivation to learn (e.g., Olafson and Ferraro, 2001). Moodcongruent memory processes can thus contribute to positive cycles of positive mood, enhanced motivation, and improved task performance, and to vicious circles of negative mood, reduced motivation, and failure. Third, positive and negative mood have been shown to influence cognitive problem solving. Specifically, the experimental evidence implies that positive mood can be beneficial for flexible, creative, and holistic ways of solving problems, and for a reliance on generalized, heuristic knowledge structures. Negative mood, on the other hand, can help more focused, detail-oriented and analytical ways of thinking. A number of theoretical explanations have been proffered for these findings. For example, in mood-as-information approaches, it is assumed that positive affective states signal that "all is well", whereas negative states imply that something is going wrong (e.g., Bless, Clore, Schwarz, Golisano, Rabe, and Wlk, 1996). "All is well" conditions imply safety and the discretion to creatively explore the environment, broaden one's cognitive horizon, and build new actions (as addressed by Fredrickson's, 2001, "broaden-and-build" metaphor of the effects of positive emotions). In contrast, if there are problems threatening well-being and agency, it may be wise to focus on these problems in 566
analytical, cognitively cautious ways. Furthermore, it has been argued that positive emotions can increase brain dopamine levels, thereby facilitating flexible thinking (Ashby, Isen and Turken, 1999), and that negative mood can induce motivation for "mood repair" (e.g., Schaller and Cialdini, 1990) that can enhance effortful task performance, which may also help to explain why negative mood can have positive effects on performance at analytical tasks requiring effort. However, while experimental research has proved valuable in unravelling some of the basic mechanisms of human mood and emotions, it is open to question as to whether the findings of this research are generalizable to real-life field settings outside the laboratory, and to the more intense emotions experienced in these settings. It may be that different mechanisms are operating under natural conditions, or that these mechanisms interact in different ways. For example, in traditional experimental mood research, it has often been stated that positive emotions can be detrimental to task motivation and cognitive performance (see Aspinwall, 1998). Layperson's everyday experiences, as well as more recent empirical evidence, however, indicate that positive emotions, typically, exert positive effects on performance in academic and workrelated settings (see below). Laboratory research is confined by methodological and ethical constraints, implying that it may be useful for generating hypotheses, but that it cannot replace a more ecologically valid analysis of college students real-life emotions. In the following sections, the available evidence on the effects of college students' achievement emotions on their academic learning and achievement is discussed. To date, this evidence mainly referes to the effects of test anxiety. However, a limited number of studies reported here have begun to address the effects of emotions other than anxiety as well. Based on the evidence from these studies, a generalized theoretical framework addressing the cognitive and motivational effects of students' achievement-related emotions is outlined.
Effects of Test Anxiety

The effects of test anxiety on, and correlations with, academic learning and performance have been analyzed in several hundreds of studies. Many of these studies dealt with test anxiety experienced in college classrooms. Four types of investigations are most prominent. In group comparison studies, the cognitive performance of low and high test anxious students was compared. In experimental test anxiety induction 567
studies, anxiety and neutral mood were induced by announcing an experimental task as being ego threatening (e.g., by delivering social comparison information on performance) or non-threatening. In crosssectional field studies, students' test anxiety was correlated with variables of their learning and academic achievement. Finally, in longitudinal field studies, the predictive or cross-lagged relations between test anxiety, on the one hand, and academic achievement, on the other, were analyzed. Whereas group comparison, anxiety induction, and cross-sectional studies have been conducted frequently, longitudinal studies on test anxiety are still scarce to date, and most of these studies pertained to students of K - 12 classrooms (Zeidner, 1998). In experimental group comparison and anxiety induction studies, test anxiety was found to impair performance on complex or difficult tasks that demand cognitive resources (e.g., difficult intelligence test items). Performance on easy, less complex, and repetitive tasks need not suffer, or is even enhanced. Several accounts have been offered for this finding. In interference and attentional deficit models of test anxiety (e.g., Wine, 1971), it is assumed that anxiety produces taskirrelevant thinking that reduces on-task attention, and, therefore, inter- feres with performance on tasks requiring cognitive resources in terms of working memory capacity. The assumptions of these models are in line with postulates of the resource allocation model cited above (Ellis and Ashbrook, 1988). An extension of interference models is Eysenck's processing efficiency model assuming that anxiety can reduce the efficiency of cognitive processing due to the working memory load imposed by anxiety (Eysenck, 1997). Finally, an alternative hypothesis is put forward by skills-deficit models (Zeidner, 1998). Skills-deficit models hypothesize that test anxious students suffer from a lack of competence in the first place, implying an increased probability of failure complex or difficult tasks, as well as increased anxiety induced by appraisals of these deficits. These different models can be regarded as being complementary rather than mutually exclusive. Empirically, test anxiety has been shown to be accompanied by task-irrelevant thinking distracting attention away from cognitive tasks, and the available evidence also shows that low-ability students are more prone to experience examrelated anxiety. Furthermore, it seems reasonable to assume that competence, anxiety, and performance are often linked by reciprocal causation over time: Lack of competence can induce anxiety of failure, anxiety can impair the quality of learning and performance, and poor- quality learning leads to a lack of competence. 568
In line with experimental findings on the detrimental effects of test anxiety on cognitively demanding tasks, cross-sectional field studies have shown that self-report measures of test anxiety correlate moderately negatively with college students' academic performance. The results of meta-analyses imply that, typically, 5 to 10% of the variance in students' achievement scores is explained by self-reported anxiety (Hembree, 1988; Zeidner, 1998). Correlations are higher for test anxiety than for students' general anxiety, as measures of general anxiety do not specifically pertain to the academic domain. However, caution should be exerted in interpreting these correlations in causal ways, for at least two reasons. First, it might be that relations between test anxiety and achievement are primarily caused by effects of academic success and failure on the development of students' anxiety, rather than by effects of anxiety on students' academic performance. The longitudinal evidence available to date suggests that test anxiety and students' academic achievement are linked by reciprocal causation across schoolyears, but this evidence also seems to suggest that achievement effects on anxiety are stronger than effects of anxiety on achievement (Meece, Wigfield, and Eccles, 1990; Pekrun, 1992c; Schnabel, 1998). These longitudinal findings pertain to upper elementary, middle, and high school students, but the basic pattern of results is likely generalizable to college students as well. Second, correlations with performance variables have not been uniformly negative across studies. Zero and positive correlations have sometimes been found, pointing to the complexity of anxiety- achievement relationships. Also, between-subject correlations are sample statistics that cannot be generalized to each and every individual student (Schmitz and Skinner, 1993). Detrimental and beneficial effects of anxiety on performance may be balanced differently in different individuals. In general, anxiety likely has deleterious effects in many students, but it may induce motivation to study harder, and thus facilitate overall performance, in those who are more resilient to the devastating aspects of anxiety (Pekrun and Hofmann, 1996). Furthermore, for getting a more complete description of the effects of test anxiety on college students' academic agency, it would be necessary to take the motivational effects of anxiety into account as well, beyond its effects on cognitive performance. It is noteworthy that so many studies have analyzed the relations between test anxiety and performance, whereas only few studies are available that analyzed effects on students' motivation. The findings of these studies imply that test anxiety relates negatively to students' interest and intrinsic 569
motivation (e.g., Pekrun et al., 2004). However, they also indicate that test anxiety can relate positively to students' extrinsic academic motivation. Specifically, test anxiety has been found to relate positively to students' motivation to invest effort in order to avoid failures (failure- avoidance motivation). Thus, the overall effects of test anxiety on academic motivation appear to be quite variable. From an educator's perspective, however, any benefits of anxiety in resilient, highly motivated students are certainly outweighed by the negative effects of anxiety on performance, interest, and intrinsic motivation in the vast majority of students. Despite differences in relative maturity and competencies for self-regulation, the available evidence implies that this is no less true for college students than for K - 12 students (Hembree, 1988; Zeidner, 1998). Also, beyond effects on academic learning, test anxiety can have severe consequences for college students' long-term psychological well-being, social adaptation, and physical health (Zeidner, 1998), thus indicating an urgent need to ameliorate students' fear of failing in their academic careers.
Effects of Students' Anger, Shame, Boredom, and Hopelessness

Few studies have addressed college students' negative emotions other than anxiety, in spite of theoretical accounts that emotions like shame, hopelessness, or boredom can be no less deleterious than anxiety has been shown to be (e.g., Metalsky, Halberstadt, and Abramson, 1987). Anger and shame are two frequently experienced activating negative emotions implying physiological arousal, being similar to anxiety in this respect. Boredom and hopelessness, on the other hand, are two deactivating emotions that, typically, are characterized by reduced levels of physiological activation. Anger is an emotion that can be induced by many kinds of academic situations blocking students' goal attainment or well-being. Anger relating to academic settings is experienced frequently by college students (Pekrun, 1992a), but has rarely been studied empirically. The few studies available seem to suggest that overall correlations between self-reported anger and academic performance are zero to moderately negative in K - 12 and college student populations (Boekaerts, 1993; Pekrun et al., 2004; Stratton, 1927; Titz, 2001). Students' anger has been shown to be positively correlated with task-irrelevant thinking (Pekrun et al., 2004) and lack of motivation ("a-motivation"; Assor, Kaplan, Kanat-Maymon, and Roth, 2005), and negatively with measures 570
of academic self-efficacy, primary academic control, interest, and selfregulation of learning (Pekrun, Goetz, Titz et al., 2002b; Pekrun, Goetz, Perry et al., 2004). However, as with anxiety, the underlying pattern of functional mechanisms may be complex and imply more than just negative effects. For example, in a study with undergraduate students reported by Lane, Whyte, Terry, and Nevill (2005), depressed mood interacted with anger experienced before an academic exam such that anger was related to improved performance in students who did not feel depressed (see also Lane, Terry, Beedle, Curry, and Clark, 2001, for related evidence on facilitating vs. debilitating effects of anger in schoolchildren). Likely. anger is detrimental for motivation and performance under many conditions, but can translate into increased task motivation when expectancies for agency and success are favorable. The emotion of shame is at the core of negative feelings of self-worth, often implying devastating, pervasive feelings of selfdebasement (Covington and Beery, 1976; Covington and Omelich, 1981). As noted, achievement-related shame had been postulated to be central to achievement motivaton (specifically, to the fear of failure motive; Heckhausen, 1991). Similar to anxiety and anger, students' achievementrelated shame as measured by the AEQ shame scales tends to show negative overall correlations with academic achievement (Pekrun et al., 2004; Titz, 2001), and with overall self-reported effort. However, as with anxiety and anger, shame seems to exert motivational effects that can be variable. In studies with undergraduate college students, Turner and Schallert (2001) showed that students experiencing shame following negative exam feedback increased their motivation when continuing to be committed to academic goals and holding positive expectancies to reach these goals (see also Thompson, Altmann, and Davidson, 2004). Boredom and hopelessness can be assumed to differ from anxiety, anger, and shame by reducing both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, and being detrimental for any kind of cognitive performance (with rare exceptions of indirect benefits produced by efficient coping with these emotions). In spite of the frequency of academic boredom experienced by students, this emotion has received scant attention, as has the less frequent, but devastating emotion of achievement- related hopelessness. Boredom at work was researched early as being induced by monotonous assembly-line work (e.g., Wyatt, 1930), and was discussed as being experienced by gifted K - 12 students in recent years, but has been neglected in research on college students. 571
In our own studies using the AEQ boredom scales, boredom correlated negatively with indicators of motivation (Pekrun et al., 2002b; Titz, 2001). Correlations with academic achievement, however, were more ambiguous. Likely, boredom has negative effects on achievement, but can itself be induced by either low or high achievement, implying reciprocal causation and curvilinear relations instead of unidirectional, linear effects. Hopelessness, on the other hand, showed uniformly negative correlations with measures of motivation, study behavior, and academic achievement (Pekrun et al., 2004; Titz, 2001).
Effects of Positive Emotions: Where is the "Positive Psychology" of College Students' Affect?
In many traditional approaches to the functions of human emotions, it was assumed that positive emotions are maladaptive by inducing unrealistic appraisals, fostering superficial information processing, and reducing motivation to pursuit challenging goals (Aspinwall, 1998; Pekrun, Goetz, Titz, and Perry, 2002a). Much of the available experimental, laboratorybased evidence seems to support such a view. For example, experimental research has shown that positive mood can (a) lead to illusionary probability estimates for favorable outcomes and an underestimation of the probability of failure, due to mood- congruent retrieval of positive outcomerelated probability information; (b) induce relaxation and undermine effortful action by signalling that everything is going well, making effort expenditure unnecessary; (c) induce motivation to maintain pleasant mood by avoiding negative thoughts and neglecting cautionary prevention of future adversities; and (d) reduce cognitive resources needed for task purposes. As aptly summarized by Aspinwall (1998, p. 7), traditional experimental approaches to positive emotions thus imply that "our primary goal is to feel good, and feeling good makes us lazy thinkers who are oblivious to potentially useful negative information and unresponsive to meaningful variations in information and situation". However, educators' experiences as well as more recent experimental evidence contradict views that positive emotions are uniformly detrimental for motivation and cognitive performance. Specifically, as noted above, experimental research has shown that positive mood can enhance divergent thinking and flexible problem solving, thus facilitating many kinds of cognitive performance. Also, experimental evidence suggests that positive mood can enhance elaborate processing of information when the goal is to solve a problem (as is typical for 572
academic situations), rather than just to maintain present positive mood (Aspinwall, 1998). Empirical evidence on the effects of students' positive emotions as experienced at college and university is scarce, but supports the view that positive emotions can enhance academic learning and performance. Specifically, enjoyment of learning was consistently found to be positively correlated with K - 12 and college students' academic performance (Pekrun et al., 20002b). Furthermore, in research with the AEQ enjoyment, hope, and pride scales, we found that all three of these positive emotions correlated positively with study interest, effort at studying, elaboration of learning material, and self-regulation of learning, thus corroborating that these emotions can be beneficial for college students' academic agency (Pekrun et al., 2002a, b). However, as with the correlational evidence on negative emotions cited above, caution should be exerted in interpreting these relationships in causal ways - effects of academic success on students' positive emotions may be no less important in producing such correlations than any beneficial effects of positive emotions.
Towards a General Theoretical Framework of the Cognitive and Motivational Effects of College Students' Emotions
How can we make sense of the available evidence and the multitude of sometimes contradictory - theoretical approaches on the performance effects of mood and emotions? As outlined in more detail elsewhere (Pekrun, 1992b, 2006; Pekrun et al., 2002a, b), it would seem insufficient to simply distinguish positive vs. negative affect for doing so, or to assume uniformly positive or negative effects for specific emotions. Rather, more differentiated conceptions of emotions and their functional mechanisms are called for. In terms of catego- rizing emotions, it is helpful to adopt two traditional dimensions describing affect in order to classify college students' achievement- related emotions: valence and activation. These two dimensions can be viewed as being orthogonal, thus rendering a two-dimensional descriptive space (often conceptualized as a circumplex model of affective states; see Feldman Barrett and Russell, 1998). For the sake of conceptual simplicity, this space can conveniently be subdivided in four basic categories of achievement emotions (Table 3). (1) activating positive emotions like enjoyment of learning, hope for success, and pride experienced after mastery and performance; (2) deactivating 573
Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development Table 3: A 2 2 (Valence Activation) Taxonomy of Achievement Emotions Positive Activating Joy, Enjoyment Hope Pride Satisfaction Relief Relaxation Negative Anger Anxiety Shame, Guilt Sadness, Hopelessness Disappointment Boredom
Deactivating
positive emotions like relief and relaxation; (3) activating negative emotions such as anger, anxiety, shame, and guilt; and (4) deactivating negative emotions, prototypical examples being sadness, hopelessness, and boredom. Concerning the functional mechanisms of emotions, primary mechanisms important for academic learning and achievement likely are (a) emotion-induced consumption or preservation of cognitive resources; (b) intrinsic and extrinsic motivation to learn and perform; (c) the use of cognitive learning strategies; and (d) self- vs. external regulation of learning, including the use of meta-cognitive, metaemotional, and metamotivational strategies. Emotions of the four categories described above can be assumed to affect these mechanisms, as well as resulting academic achievement, in the following ways. (1) Cognitive resources. The experimental evidence cited above seems to imply that any emotion consumes cognitive resources by distracting attention away from the task at hand. However, in interpreting this evidence, the ecological validity of the experimental settings of mood research has to be considered. In these settings, mood induction procedures have been used that focus participants' attention on emotion- arousing stimuli (pictures, life events etc.), implying that less attention was available for a secondary, different task. This situation is similar to academic situations in which a student experiences emotions focused on objects or events that are separate from the learning task at hand, like anxious worries about an upcoming exam. However, if the emotion is focused on the learning task itself, the situation may be quite different. In this type of emotion arousal, attention would not be distracted, but directed towards on-task efforts. A prototypical example for such an emotion is enjoyment of learning activities. Enjoyment of ongoing action can induce flow experiences which imply focusing attention on the action, and to become immersed, subjectively, with 574
the activity to such an extent that even the monitoring of time and of the borders between self and environment diminish in subjective consciousness (Csikszentmihalyi and Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). Based on these considerations, it can be assumed that emotions reduce the availability of cognitive resources available for task purposes, with the exception of positive emotions focusing attention on the task at hand.3 These positive emotions can be called task-intrinsic emotions, since they relate to inherent properties of the task material or to the activity of dealing with the material (Pekrun et al., 2002b). In contrast, emotions focusing on aspects of the setting, other persons, the self, the future etc., can be regarded as task-extrinsic emotions distracting attention away from learning and task completion. Motivation, interest and effort. Emotions serve adaptation by instigating, modulating or reducing emotion-specific motivational impulses underlying adaptive behavior. Academic emotions, and achievement emotions more generally, are no exception to this rule. Academic emotions can induce and modulate motivation and motivation-based effort by shaping students' goals and intentions. This process can be facilitated by mood-congruent recall of motivationally relevant information (e.g., positive self- and task-related information in a positive mood, threat-related information in an anxious mood, and aggression- related information in an angry mood; Levine and Burgess, 1997). From this perspective, positive activating emotions like enjoyment of learning can generally enhance academic motivation and effort, whereas negative deactivating emotions like hopelessness and boredom should be detrimental. Furthermore, enjoyment of learning can contribute positively to the development of students' interest in learning material (Krapp, 2005). Boredom and hopelessness, on the other hand, can be assumed to be deleterious for interest development since they are incompatible with enjoyment. The motivational effects of deactivating positive emotions and activating negative emotions, however, are likely more complex. As argued by Pekrun et al. (2002a, b), relief and relaxation may reduce situational motivation, but they may also serve as reinforcers for the long-term investment of effort. Similarly, anger, anxiety, and shame
3
Whereas enjoyment of learning should focus attention on the learning task, the situation may be more difficult for other positive emotions like hope or pride having both task-related and taskirrelevant reference objects. For example, social-comparison pride may focus attention on having defeated others, thus distracting attention. Mastery pride, on the other hand, may focus attention on task-related progress, thus preserving tast-focused attention. For different kinds of hope, similar arguments can be made.
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can be assumed to exert ambivalent effects. The evidence cited above is clearly in line with this view. Specifically, whereas all three emotions can reduce intrinsic motivation and interest because they tend to be incompatible with enjoyment, they can produce strong extrinsic motivation to cope with the aversive events that caused them. For example, anger can produce motivation to overcome obstacles, and anxiety, as well as shame, can strengthen motivation to avoid failure. The overall effects on total motivation and effort may depend on the situation-dependent, often personspecific balance of these different mechanisms (Pekrun and Hofmann, 1996). Cognitive learning strategies. The available experimental evidence on mood and problem solving cited above suggests that positive emotions enhance the use of creative, flexible ways of learning like elaboration and organization of learning material or critical thinking. Negative emotions, on the other hand, should sustain more rigid, detail-oriented learning, like in simple rehearsal of learning material. However, for deactivating positive and negative emotions, these effects may be less pronounced. Deactivating emotions like relaxation or boredom may produce shallow information processing rather than any more intensive use of learning strategies. Meta-strategies and self-regulation of learning. Self-regulation of learning includes the use of meta-cognitive, meta-motivational, and metaemotional strategies (Wolters, 2003) making it possible to adopt goals, monitor and regulate learning activities, and evaluate their results in flexible ways, such that learning activities can be adapted to the demands of academic tasks. An application of these strategies presup- poses cognitive flexibility. Therefore, it can be assumed that positive emotions foster selfregulation and the implied use of meta-strategies. Negative emotions, on the other hand, can motivate the individual to rely on external guidance. The correlational evidence provided by Pekrun et al. (2002b) is in line with these assumptions (positive correlations for academic enjoyment and hope with college students' perceived self-regulation of learning, and for anxiety with external, instructor- provided regulation of learning). However, the reverse causal direction may also play a role in producing such correlations (instigation of enjoyment by self-regulated learning, and arousal of anxiety by external directions for learning). Academic achievement. Since many different mechanisms can contribute to the functional effects of emotions, the overall effects of students' emotions on their academic achievement are inevitably complex, and may depend on the interplay between different mecha576
nisms, as well as between these mechanisms and task demands. Nevertheless, it seems to be possible to derive assumptions on net effects from the above considerations. Due to their positive effects on interest, motivation, use of flexible learning strategies, and self-regulation, positive activating emotions probably are beneficial to college students' overall academic agency in their scholastic development. Specifically, this may be true for task- intrinsic emotions like enjoyment of learning that focus attention on academic tasks, thereby inducing states of flow. In contrast, the attention-distracting and motivation-reducing effects of negative deactivating emotions like boredom and hopelessness likely imply that these emotions are simply detrimental. The correlational evidence cited above is in line with these assumptions. For positive deactivating and negative activating emotions, effects may be diverse and may, in part, depend on task demands and individual propensities. For emotions of these two groups, it is assumed that they distract attention, reduce momentary interest and intrinsic motivation, and do not foster flexible, self-regulated learning. On the other hand, there may also be positive motivational effects (long-term beneficial effects in positive deactivating emotions, effects on extrinsic motivation in negative activating emotions). Also, negative activating emotions may facilitate the use of rigid learning strategies and a reliance on external regulation, which may be beneficial for achievement under conditions of teacher-centered instruction and exams that focus on rote memory performance. For positive deactivating emotions, there is no substantial evidence to validate assumptions and draw any firm conclusions. For the negative activating emotions of anger, anxiety, and shame, however, the evidence outlined above clearly indicates that, on an average, the deleterious effects on academic achievement outweigh any potential benefits. In sum, theoretical assumptions, the evidence produced by experimental studies, and the findings of field studies imply that emotions can have profound effects on college students' academic learning and achievement, suggesting that administrators and instructors should pay attention to students' emotions. Most likely, the effects of students' enjoyment of learning are clearly beneficial, and the impact of their hopelessness and boredom detrimental. The effects of emotions like anger, anxiety, or shame are more complex, but in the average college student, negative overall effects will be typical for these emotions as well.
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INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF STUDENTS' EMOTIONS

Given the relevance of emotions for student learning and achievement, their determinants should be analyzed as well, such that evidence- based recommendations on fostering these emotions can be derived. Generally, emotions can be caused or modulated by numerous individual factors including cognitive appraisals, situational perceptions, biologically prepared emotion schemata, neurohormonal processes, and sensory feedback from facial, gestural and postural expression (Lewis and Haviland-Jones, 2000). Among all of these factors, however, cognitive appraisals probably play a major role in the emotions experienced by college students in academic settings. In contrast to emotions aroused in phylogenetically older and more constrained situations (e.g., physiological need fulfillment, or interactions between caregiver and child), emotions in academic situations pertain to culturally defined demands in settings that are a recent product of civilization. In settings of this kind, the individual has to learn how to adapt to situational demands while preserving individual autonomy, which inevitably is a process guided by appraisals. This may be especially true in college and university settings, since the transition from high school to college often implies that one has to break with habits developed during childhood and adolescence. Typically, this transition implies challenges to adapt to new academic demands, to leave one's home, move to a new city and live on one's own, and to create new friendships and social networks. All of these changes make it necessary to appraise new situations and to re-appraise one's personal strengths and weaknesses, and these appraisals certainly play a major role in the emotions college students experience. In line with such considerations, most theories on the determinants of students' emotions focus on the emotional relevance of self- and taskrelated appraisals, and on the importance of situational factors shaping students' emotions by mediating their appraisals. In this section, I discuss theoretical approaches and empirical evidence pertaining to the individual determinants of students' emotions, and to their instructional and social determinants. Based on this discussion, I outline basic assumptions of a recent control-value theory of achievement emotions that makes an attempt to integrate hypotheses from expectancy-value and attributional approaches to achievement emotions, including the emotions experienced by students at college and university (Pekrun, 2000, 2006; Pekrun et al., 2002b). 578
Individual determinants
Research on the individual determinants of students' emotions has focused on the antecedents of test anxiety, on the causal attributional antecedents of emotions following success and failure, and on the role of achievement goals for students' positive vs. negative affect. Beyond these three specific research agendas, studies are rare, with few exceptions pertaining to the antecedents of activity-related academic emotions like enjoyment of learning and boredom. Test anxiety. Test anxiety is a prospective emotion relating to threat of failure in an upcoming or ongoing exam. Therefore, threat- related appraisals have been regarded as main proximal determinants by many authors. Specifically, the transactional stress model provided by R. S. Lazarus has often been used as a frame of reference to explain test anxiety (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984, 1987). In the different variants of this model, stress is defined as any situation implying demands that tax or exceed the individual's resources. In a primary appraisal of the situation, an evaluation in terms of potential threat, challenge, harm, or benefit implied by the situation is made. This appraisal pertains to the evaluation of the situation or its outcomes as being subjectively relevant to the individuals' needs and goals. In a secondary appraisal, possibilities to cope with the situation are explored cognitively. Depending on the combined result of the two appraisals, different emotions can be aroused. In the case of threat and insufficient perceived control over the threatening event, anxiety is assumed to be instigated. Lazarus' analysis implies that achievement-related anxiety is aroused when two conditions are met. First, there has to be an antic- ipation of failure that can happen and is sufficiently important to the individual to imply subjective threat. Second, the individual has to doubt whether it will be possible to control the situation such that failure is avoided. In an expectancy-value model of test anxiety, and of anxiety more generally, I have made an attempt to reconceptualize these two assumptions in more precise, mathematically formulated ways (Pekrun, 1984, 1992c). In this model, it is assumed that test anxiety is a function of (a) the expectancy of failure (specifically, the subjective probability of failure), and (b) the subjective value of failure. Both components are assumed to be necessary for test anxiety to be instigated (if one is sure that failure can't happen, there is no need to be afraid of an exam; the same applies if one doesn't care). The expectancy of failure is postulated to depend on situation-outcome expectancies (Bolles, 1972; Heckhausen, 1991) that failure will result from the situation 579
if no counteraction is undertaken, and on action-related expectancies that suitable actions, such as sustained effort in preparing for an exam, can be performed and will prevent failure. Anxiety is assumed to be a curvilinear function of expectancy, being replaced by hopelessness if failure is subjectively certain. The subjective value of failure is seen to be a function of both the intrinsic importance of achievement per se, and of its extrinsic, instrumental relevance in terms of producing further outcomes. For example, failing an exam may be threatening for a student because failure is inherently negative for him or her, because positive outcomes like the students' career prospects are compromised, and because negative consequences like contempt by peers can result (for the formalized versions of these assumptions, see Pekrun, 1984; and for a conceptual discussion, Pekrun, 1992c). Typically, situational appraisals of these kinds are based on objective characteristics of the setting (e.g., the relative difficulty of exam material), but they are also influenced by individual expectancy- related and valuerelated beliefs. These beliefs can take "irrational" forms (Ellis, 1962) implying that failures are appraised has being probable in spite of high individual ability, or as undermining self- worth and peer recognition even if pertaining to unimportant fields of achievement. Irrational beliefs can make students highly vulnerable to experience anxiety and related negative achievement emotions, like shame and hopelessness ("I am not allowed to fail - if I fail, I am a worthless person"). The available empirical evidence is in line with these assumptions. Specifically, test anxiety has been found to correlate positively with students' expectancies of failure, and negatively with their self-concepts of ability, academic self-efficacy expectations, and academic control beliefs (Hembree, 1988; Pekrun et al., 2004; Zeidner, 1998). Also, in research on linkages between achievement goals and test anxiety, it has consistently been found that students' performance avoidance goals (implying high subjective relevance of failure) relate positively to their test anxiety scores (see Linnenbrink and Pintrich, 2002). Attributional determinants of achievement emotions. Extending the perspective beyond the single emotion of test anxiety, B. Weiner (1985) proposed an attributional approach to the appraisal antecedents of achievement emotions following success and failure. In Weiner's theory, causal attributions of success and failure in achievement settings are held to be the primary determinants of many of these emotions. More specifically, it is assumed that achievevement outcomes are first evaluated subjectively as success or failure. This outcome 580
appraisal immediately leads to "primitive", cognitively less elabo- rated, attribution-independent emotions, namely, happiness following success, and frustration and sadness following failure (Weiner, 1985, p. 560). Following outcome appraisal and the immediate emotional reaction, causal ascriptions are sought that lead to cognitively more differentiated, attributiondependent emotions. Three dimensions of causal attributions are assumed to play a key role in determining attribution-dependent emotions: (a) the perceived locus of causes (differentiating internal vs. external causes of achievement, such as ability and effort vs. environmental circumstances or chance); (b) the perceived controllability of causes (differentiating, for example, subjectively controllable effort from uncontrollable ability); and (c) the perceived stability of causes (differentiating, for example, stable ability from unstable chance). Pride is assumed to be linked to the locus dimension, being aroused by attributions of achievement to internal causes. Shame, guilt, gratitude, and anger are deemed to be depend on both the locus and the controllability of causes. Weiner assumes that shame and guilt are instigated by failure that is attributed to internal, controllable causes (like lack of effort), and gratitude and anger by attributions of success to external causes that are under control by others (gratitude), or of failure to such causes (anger). Weiner's attributional theory thus focusses primarily on retrospective emotions following success and failure that occur to the student, in line with the retrospective nature of causal attributions seeking to explain the causes of experienced success and failure. However, some predictions for prospective, future-related emotions are made as well. Specifically, hopefulness and hopelessness are assumed to be linked to attributions of success and failure, respectively, to stable causes (like stable ability, or lack of ability). Furthermore, Weiner (in press) recently extended his theory by also speculating about the causal attributional antecedents of "moral" emotions like envy, scorn, sympathy, admiration, regret, and "Schadenfreude". Much of the evidence on the validity of these assumptions was gained by scenario studies asking students how they, or others, might react to success and failure. In such studies, participants' subjective theories about links between achievement outcomes, attributions, and emotions following achievement are tested. Findings support the congruence between attributional theory and students' subjective theories. However, there also are experimental and field studies with 581
samples of college students corroborating the validity of many of Weiner's assumptions (Heckhausen, 1991). In addition, other approaches to the affective relevance of causal attributions have also found evidence that attributions can play a role in students' emotional reactions. Specifically, studies on the reformulated helplessness and hopelessness theories of depression have found that college students' emotions can be explained, in part, by their attributional styles. In this research tradition, the perceived globality of causes (i.e., their degree of generalization across situations) is held to be an additional important dimension of causal attributions (e.g., Metalsky et al., 1987). Achievement goals as determinants of positive vs. negative affect. A few studies have analyzed relations between students' achievement goals and their positive vs. negative affect experienced at college and university (see Linnenbrink and Pintrich, 2002; Pekrun et al., 2006). Most of these studies used the dichotomous model of achievement goals differentiating between mastery goals (pertaining to competence as judged by mastery and intraindividual standards) and performance goals (pertaining to competence as defined by social comparison norms). The findings of studies using dichotomous conceptions of goals, as well as dichotomous conceptions of positive vs. negative affect, are inconsistent, with the exception of a positive relations between mastery goals and positive affect. As argued by Pekrun et al. (2006), this lack of consistency may have been due to insufficient differentiation between different types of goals, and between different emotions. Specifically, as to goals, approach goals and avoidance goals may have quite different effects on students' emotions. In the two studies reported by these authors, U.S. and German undergraduate college students' achievement goals were assessed early in the semester, and their course-related achievement emotions later in the semester. Mastery approach goals were positive predictors of course-related enjoyment of learning, hope, and pride, and negative predictors of boredom and anger. Performance-approach goals were positive predictors of pride, whereas performance-avoidance goals were positive predictors of anxiety, hopelessness, and shame. These findings corroborate that value-related cognitions like students' self-set goals can be important for their emotions. Determinants of activity-related emotions (enjoyment and boredom). Activity-related emotions have been neglected by cognitive approaches to students' emotions. The limited evidence on these emotions seems to imply that positive self-evaluations of competence, as well as task582
related goals and interest in academic tasks, are positively related to enjoyment of learning (Pekrun et al., 2002a). However, causal relations were not clear in these studies, and they pertained primarily to K - 12 students. Similarly, evidence on college students' boredom is largely lacking. Studies by Vodanovich, Weddle, and Piotrowski (1997) and Watt and Vodanovich (1999) imply that boredom is related to students' external work values and reduced educational involvement. In sum, theories on achievement emotions, as well as related empirical evidence, imply that failure expectancies and perceived lack of competence are primary determinants of college students' test anxiety, and that causal attributions of achievement are important antecedents of emotions following success and failure. Also, there is evidence that students' achievement goals can be important determinants of their emotions. Beyond these three specific bodies of research, however, the evidence on individual determinants of college students' emotions is to scarce to allow generalizable conclusions.
Classroom instruction and social environments

Within programs of empirical research on psychological phenomena, research questions are often addressed sequentially. As a first step, the relevance of the phenomenon has to be shown such that the scientific community can be convinced that related research should be acknowledged and funded. Typically, the next step involves a refinement of concepts and assessment, and an analysis of internal structures and individual determinants of the phenomenon. Contextual antecedents, however, are often adressed last in psychologically oriented research. It seems that research on students' emotions is no exception to this rule. The classroom and social antecedents of college students' emotions have been neglected even more than other aspects of their affective life. Again, research on students' test anxiety is an exception. A number of consistent findings on the relevance of task demands and students' social environments for students' anxiety emerged from this research. The following summary is based on the excellent overview given by Zeidner (1998), who also provides a detailed list of references to relevant studies. Instruction and learning environments. Lack of structure and clarity have been found to relate positively to students' test anxiety. Also, excessively high task demands can contribute to achievement-related anxiety. The effects of these factors are likely mediated by students' expectancies of failure (Pekrun, 1992c). 583
Format of exams. With exams as well, lack of structure and transparency has been shown to contribute to students' anxiety. Findings imply that important factors are clarity concerning the demands, materials and procedures of exams, and concerning the standards used for grading. Furthermore, the format of items has also been found to be relevant, with open-ended formats inducing more anxiety than multiple-choice formats. Open-ended formats require more working memory capacity which may be less available in states of anxiety due to the consumption of cognitive resources by worrying and task- irrelevant thinking, thus inducing more threat and debilitating performance in anxious students. The use of multiple-choice formats can reduce these effects. The availability of external aids (books, computers etc.) for solving items has also been shown to be a factor that can reduce working memory load and the threat of failure. Finally, giving students the choice between items, relaxing time constraints, and giving them second chances in terms of retaking tests, has been found to reduce test anxiety, presumably so because perceived control is enhanced, thereby alleviating expectancies of failure under these conditions. Expectancies, feedback, consequences of achievement, and competition in the classroom. High achievement expectancies from significant others, negative feedback after achievement, and negative consequences of failure have been shown to correlate positively with students' test anxiety. Also, between-individuals competition in classrooms is positively related to students' test anxiety, probably because competition reduces expectancies for success, and increases the importance of avoiding failure. In contrast, in K - 12 research, social support by parents and teachers, and a cooperative classroom climate, have been found to be uncorrelated with students' test anxiety scores (Hembree, 1988). This surprising lack of correlation may be due to coercive components of teachers' and parents' efforts to support students which can counteract beneficial effects of support per se. An second expla- nation would be negative feedback loops between support and anxiety implying that social support alleviates anxiety (negative effect of support on anxiety), but that anxiety provokes support in the first place (positive effect of anxiety on support), thus yielding an overall zero correlation. 584
The Control-Value Theory of Achievement Emotions: An Integrative Approach to the Individual and Social Determinants of College Students' Emotions
The assumptions of different approaches to the determinants and effects of students' emotions seem to be largely complementary, rather than being contradictory or mutually exclusive. It should thus be possible to create more integrative frameworks helping to interpret extant empirical findings, and to derive practical recommendations. I have attempted to do so by proposing a control-value theory of achievement emotions that aims to integrate assumptions from expectancy-value (Pekrun, 1992c; Turner and Schallert, 2001) and attributional (Weiner, 1985) approaches to emotions (Pekrun, 2000, 2006; Pekrun et al., 2002b), The theory pertains to both the individual and the social determinants of students' emotions. In its most recent version, the theory also addresses the effects of achievement goals on students' emotions (Pekrun et al., 2006). Control and value determinants of achievement emotions. Students' control-related and value-related appraisals are assumed to be the most important proximal determinants of their achievement emotions. Control appraisals pertain to the perceived controllability of achievement-related actions and outcomes. The controllability of causes of achievement as addressed by B. Weiner's theory is assumed to be relevant by contributing to perceived control over actions and outcomes, as are the locus and the stability of causes. Appraisals of control, or of factors contributing to control, are seen as being implied by causal expectations (self-efficacy expectations and outcome expectancies), causal attributions of achievement, and students' competence appraisals (e.g., academic self-concepts of ability). Value appraisals relate to the subjective importance of achievement activities and their outcomes. Value appraisals are part of students' subject matter interest, and of their achievement goals implying the desire to attain success or to avoid failure. Different kinds of control and value appraisals are assumed to instigate different kinds of emotions. For outcome emotions, expectancies and attributions are held to be important. More specifically, causal expectancies implying perceptions of control are assumed to influence prospective outcome emotions like hope, anticipatory enjoyment, anxiety, and hopelessness, and causal attributions retrospective outcome emotions like pride and shame. 585
Prospective, outcome-related enjoyment and hopelessness are seen to be triggered when there is high perceived control (enjoyment), or a complete lack of perceived control (hopelessness). Hope and anxiety are assumed to be instigated when there is some medium amount of perceived control, the attentional focus being on the positive valences of anticipated success in the case of hope, and on the negative valences of anticipated failure in the case of anxiety. As to retrospective outcome emotions induced by the experience of success or failure, joy and sadness about achievement outcomes are seen as immediately following perceived success and failure, without any more elaborate cognitive mediation (in line with B. Weiner's assumptions cited above). In contrast, disappointment and relief are assumed to depend on appraisals of the match between previous expectations and the actual outcome, disappointment being induced when anticipated success did not occur, and relief when anticipated failure did not occur. Emotions like pride, shame, gratitude, and anger, are seen to be induced by attributions of success and failure as being caused by oneself or other persons, respectively. In contrast to B. Weiner's assumptions on shame, gratitude, and anger, the perceived controllability of success and failure themselves is assumed to be of critical importance for these emotions, rather than the controllability of the causes of success and failure (Pekrun, 2006). Finally, achievement-related activity emotions are also assumed to depend on appraisals of control and values. Activity emotions have been neglected by previous theories of achievement emotions, in spite of their importance for students' learning and academic agency. Enjoyment of achievement activities (e.g., enjoyment of learning) is seen to depend on a combination of positive competence appraisals, and positive appraisals of the intrinsic qualities of the action (e.g., studying) and its objects (e.g., learning material). Anger and frustration are assumed to be instigated when the incentive values of the activity are negative (e.g., when studying difficult problems takes too much effort experienced as being aversive). Boredom is assumed to be experienced when the activity lacks any incentive values. Implications I. Subconscious appraisals and habitualized achievement emotions. The control-value theory does not imply that students' achievement emotions are always mediated by concious appraisals. Rather, it is assumed that recurring appraisal-based induction of emotions can habitualize over time. When academic experiences are repeated over and over again, appraisals and the induction of emotions can become routinized to the extent that there is no longer any 586
conscious mediation of emotions, or no longer any cognitive mediation at all (Pekrun, 1988; Reisenzein, 2001). Implications II. Goals and achievement emotions. In a recent extension of the theory presented by Pekrun et al. (2006), it is assumed that students' achievement goals influence their emotions by mediating their control- and value-related appraisals. Specifically, we assume that mastery approach goals focus attention on controllability and positive values of achievement activities, thus fostering positive activity emotions like enjoyment of learning, and reducing negative activity emotions such as boredom. In contrast, performance-approach goals should focus attention on positive outcome-related appraisals, and performance-avoidance goals on negative outcome-related appraisal, thus facilitating positive or negative outcome emotions. As noted above, these predictions on the effects of goals on emotions were largely supported in the studies reported by Pekrun et al. (2006), although the presumed mediational role of appraisals still awaits an empirical test. Implications III. Instructional and social antecedents of achievement emotions. The theory implies that environmental factors shaping students' academic perceived control and academic values are influencing their emotions as well. It is assumed that the following factors may be especially important. (1) Cognitive quality of learning environments and tasks. The cognitive quality of classroom instruction and assignments should have positive effects on college students' perceived competence and control, and of their valuing of instruction and academic contents, thus positively influencing their emotions. The relative difficulty of instruction and task demands should be important as well. Difficulty can be assumed to influence control, and the match between task demands and students' competences can influence the subjective value of tasks. If demands are too high or too low, the incentive value of tasks may be reduced to the extent that boredom is experienced. (2) Motivational quality of learning environments and tasks. Professors and peers deliver direct messages conveying academic values, as well as more indirect messages implied by their behavior. Two ways of inducing emotionally relevant values in indirect ways may be most important. First, if instruction, learning environments and assignments are shaped such that they meet the needs of students, positive 587
activity-related emotions should be fostered. For example, learning environments that support cooperative student learning should help students to fulfill needs for social relatedness, thus making learning in such environments subjectively more valuable (Krapp, 2005). Second, professor's own enthusiasm in dealing with academic material can facilitate students' adoption of academic values. Observational learning and emotional contagion may be primary mechanisms mediating the effects of teachers' enthusiasm on students' values (Hatfield, Cacioppo, and Rapson, 1994). (3) Support of autonomy and self-regulated learning. Learning environments supporting students' self-regulated learning can be assumed to increase their sense of control. In addition, meeting needs for autonomy, such environments can increase academic values. However, these beneficial effects probably depend on the match between students' competence and individual need for academic autonomy, on the one hand, and the affordance of these environments, on the other. In case of a mismatch, loss of control and negative emotions may result. (4) Achievement goal structures and achievement expectations. Academic achievement can be defined by standards of individual mastery pertaining to absolute criteria or intraindividual competence gain, by normative standards based on competitive social comparison between students, or by standards pertaining to cooperative group performance instead of individual performance. These different standards imply individualistic (mastery), competitive (normative), or cooperative goal structures in the classroom. Goal structures can be assumed to influence students' emotions in two ways. First, to the extent that these structures are adopted by students, they influence their achievement goals and any emotions mediated by their goals as outlined above. Second, goal structures and grading practices determine students' relative opportunities for experiencing success and perceiving control, thus influencing expectancy-dependent emotions. Specifically, competitive goal structures imply, by definition, that some students experience success, whereas others have to experience failure (negative linkage between the success of different individuals; Johnson and Johnson, 1974). It can be assumed that students' average achievement expectancies are lower under these conditions, such that average values of negative prospective outcome emotions like anxiety and hopelessness are increased. Similarly, the demands implied by 588
excessively high achievement expectancies of significant others can be assumed to lead to lowered expectancies on the side of the student, and to all of the negative emotions resulting from reduced subjective control. (5) Feedback and consequences of achievement. Cumulative success is assumed to strengthen students' perceived control, and cumulative failure is assumed to undermine subjective control. In systems involving frequent testing, test feedback is likely one primary mechanism determining students' outcome-related achievement emotions. In addition, the perceived consequences of success and failure are important as well, since consequences affect the extrinsic, instrumental values of achievement outcomes. Positive outcome emotions like hope for success can be increased if a student appraises academic success to produce beneficial long-term outcomes (e.g., in terms of future occupational chances), and perceives sufficient contingencies between own efforts, success, and these outcomes. Negative outcomes of academic failure, on the other hand, may increase students' achievement-related anxiety and hopelessness. Implications IV. Reciprocal causation of antecedents, emotions, and effects. The assumptions of the control-value theory imply that environmental antecedents, individual antecedents, students' achievement emotions, and their academic learning and performance are linked by reciprocal causation (Figure 1).F1 As outlined above, classroom instruction is assumed to affect individual goals and appraisals mediating students' achievement emotions. These emotions, in turn, are assumed to influence learning and achievement, as described in the above section on functions of emotions. Students' emotions and their emotion-dependent achievement, however, can feed back on individual and environmental determinants. Specif- ically, emotions can influence goal adoption, control appraisals, and value appraisals, by way of emotion-dependent cognitive processes like moodcongruent recall of task information. Furthermore, students' emotiondependent academic behaviors and achievement can influence classroom instruction and the wider social context including parents, peers, and partners. For example, lack of effort, disruptive student behavior, and poor achievement caused by students' boredom can affect professors' engagement negatively, whereas engaged students can fuel the enthusiasm experienced by professors. 589
Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development Figure 1: Basic assumptions of the control-value theory of achievement emotions.
Environments Appraisals Emotions Learning and Achievement
Instruction Autonomy Support

vs. Control
Expectations + Feedback of
Support Achievement
Goal Structures
Control Values
Motivation Learning
Achievement Emotions Strategies
Cognitive
Resources
Relatedness +
Academic
Achievement
Determinants, emotions, and effects can thus be linked by feedback loops over time. These feedback loops can take different forms. Considering professors' enthusiasm, once again, enthusiasm and students' enjoyment of instruction can be linked by positive feedback loops. Over the semester, instructors' enthusiasm enhances students' enjoyment, enjoyment has positive effects on subsequent achievement on course tests, and students' achievement in turn impacts positively on instructors' enthusiasm. Similarly, positive feedback loops would be implied if achievement pressure in the classroom increases students' anxiety, anxiety leads to academic failure, and failure motivates professors to increase the pressure on their students. Beneficial and vicious circles of these kinds may be most typical for students' achievement emotions. However, more complex mechanisms may play role as well, also including negative feedback loops. For example, if a mismatch between task demands and competence increases a students' anger, but anger fuels the students' effort to raise his or her competences such that the mismatch gets reduced, relative demands, the emotion of anger, and achievement may be linked by a negative feedback loop over time. Reciprocal effects of emotions, their determinants, and their effects have barely been addressed by educational research to date. However, any more complete account of classroom reality would have to take these more complex dynamics of students' emotions into account (also see Turner and Waugh, in press). 590
EMOTION REGULATION, COPING, AND THERAPY

As argued to this point, positive emotions like pride or joyful relaxation after success can be pleasant and facilitative, but they can also be situationally detrimental for further effortful processing of information. Similarly, negative emotions like anger, anxiety, or shame can be helpful for tackling tasks by focusing attention and enhancing motivation to invest effort, but they can also be quite deleterious for learning and general wellbeing. Thus, while pleasant emotions are beneficial and unpleasant emotions detrimental under many conditions, any emotion can become an obstacle for goal attainment. If emotions impede higher-order goals, attempts to regulate them can be undertaken. Regulation of negative emotions, and of stress situations which are taxing or exceeding individual capabilities, is called coping in the emotions literature (Zeidner and Endler, 1996). Emotion regulation and coping can be used by the individual student, but in case of more severe emotional problems, regulation by professional therapists can be sought after (therapy of academic emotions). Finally, college instructors and administrators can also make an attempt to influence students' emotional situation in beneficial ways. In this section, evidence on coping, emotion regulation and therapy is discussed. Implications for educational classroom practices are addressed in the next section.
Emotion Regulation and Coping with Test Anxiety

Emotion regulation serves higher-order goals like physical or psychological well-being, academic achievement, and the maintenance of social relations. Typically, but not always, emotion regulation implies strengthening or maintaining positive emotions, and preventing or decreasing negative emotions. Basic components of regulation are recognition and understanding of one's own emotions, managing one's own emotions by inducing, increasing, decreasing, or preventing them, and using these emotions for action and goal attainment (e.g., for studying). Beyond regulatory competencies pertaining to one's own emotions, emotional competencies more generally also comprise abilities to recognize, understand, manage, and use the emotions of others. Cognitive competencies to regulate one's own and others' emotions have become popular under the label of emotional intelligence (Matthews, Zeidner, and Roberts, 2002). To date, little is known about students' regulation of their emotions at college and university. The only major exception is 591
students' coping with their test anxiety, and with the exam stress causing test anxiety. Coping with anxiety has been addressed by Lazarus' transactional stress model cited above (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984, 1987). In this model, appraisals of threat as implied by situations taxing or exceeding one's own capabilities are assumed to induce test anxiety, and anxiety is thought to lead to attempts to regulate this emotion or the stress that caused it. After Lazarus had proposed his model, many taxonomies of coping with negative emotions, and with test anxiety more specifically, have been proposed. Basic to most of these conceptions is a differentiation of problem-oriented, emotion- oriented, and avoidant coping (Rost and Schermer, 1987; Zeidner and Endler, 1996). Problem-oriented coping implies active attempts to change the situation that causes subjective stress and negative emotions. In examrelated situations, problem-oriented coping would imply to employ cognitive, metacognitive, and resource-oriented strategies of learning and problem solving, both in the preparatory phase and during the exam itself. Problem-oriented coping with exams can have side effects of increasing situational anxiety, since dealing with the exam material can arouse thoughts focusing on the upcoming exam (Bolger, 1990). On the long run, however, the beneficial effects of preparing and raising one's competencies likely outweigh these negative situational effects in most students. Improved preparation can prevent exam failure and lead to better grades, thus serving academic goals, but also alleviating anxiety pertaining to future exams. Emotion-oriented coping aims at directly changing unpleasant emotions, including any attempts to actively modify the symptoms or antecedents of these emotions. Typical strategies are (a) anxiety reduction by consumption of alcohol, nicotine, or medical drugs, or by using relaxation techniques; (b) reduction of emotional tension by simply accepting anxiety and the possibility of failure ("secondary control"; Morling and Evered, 2006; Rothbaum et al., 1982); (c) induction of positive emotions that are incompatible with anxiety (e.g., by using humor, music, or emotional support from others); and (d) a cognitive reinterpretation of the situation as more controllable or less important. Many of these strategies are in fact effective in reducing negative emotions. Some of them, however, clearly have negative side effects in terms of reduced achievement or health. Avoidance-oriented coping implies escaping the situation behaviorally or mentally. Examples of strategies to avoid being confronted with test situations include (a) a search for mental distraction by 592
focusing attention on task-irrelevant contents and reducing on-task effort; (b) procrastination, prolongued phases of recess, and preco- cious termination of preparing; and (c) absentism in classes and on exams, and dropping out of study programs and college. Like emotion- oriented coping, these strategies can lead to a reduction of situational anxiety. However, the side effects can be severe. First, avoidance of consciously experienced anxiety can lead to an increase of less conscious emotional arousal on a physiological level that can be detrimental (see Spanger, Pekrun, Kramer and Hofmann, 2002). Also, while immediately decreasing situational anxiety, neglecting to prepare for an exam can increase anxiety experienced later upon noticing the lack of preparation. Second, all of these strategies can clearly be detrimental for students' learning, achievement, and future career prospects. Most of the coping literature used these or related concepts to describe coping strategies. All too often ignored, however, was that specific strategies can be classified into more than one of three categories cited. Classifying strategies may depend on the observer's perspective. For example, as seen from the perspective of stress reduction, relaxation techniques would imply emotion-oriented coping. However, to the extent that reduction of emotional tension helps academic agency, relaxation can also be regarded as problem-oriented coping. Contemporary measurement instruments of coping using traditional classifications thus run the danger of assessing behavioral surface structures of students' attempts to cope with stress, while missing deeper structures of functional equivalence. A second problem in much of the existing literature is the simplistic assumption that problem-oriented coping should be adaptive, and emotionoriented as well as avoidance-oriented coping maladaptive since they don't change the stress-inducing situation. First, different criteria can be used to judge adaptation (is it more important to increase achievement, or to live a life free of excessive anxiety?). Second, the employment of any strategy can have side effects that themselves can be either adaptive or maladaptive, and need not be congruent to the main effects the strategy produces. For example, while persistent, time-consuming academic studying can raise academic achievement and reduce exam stress, it can also cause a break-up of friendships, implying that problem-oriented coping need not always be adaptive. Conversely, caution should also be exerted in regarding emotionoriented or avoidance strategies as maladaptive by default. In the waiting phase after an exam, for example, it can be quite functional to simply reduce any thoughts about the exam or the 593
upcoming announcement of exam results. Any attempts at problemoriented coping would be futile in this situation, since exam results can't be changed after the fact. Also, an emotion-driven dropping out of a program of studies that does not match individual needs and capabilities can be a blessing for a student's future development.
Therapy of Test Anxiety

Individual test anxiety can be successfully treated today. Some types of test anxiety treatment are among the most successful psychological therapies available, effect sizes being above d = 1 (Hembree, 1988). Similar to the various kinds of individual coping strategies, different ways of treating test anxiety focus on different manifesta- tions and antecedents of this emotion, including affective-physiological symptoms (emotion-oriented therapy), cognitive appraisals (cognitive therapy), and competence deficits caused by lack of strategies for learning and problem-solving (skills training). In this section, basic features of the three types of therapy are briefly outlined. A more detailed review of test anxiety treatment, however, is beyond the scope of this chapter (see the summary in Zeidner, 1998). Emotion-oriented ways of treating students' anxiety include anxiety induction (e.g., flooding), biofeedback procedures, relaxation techniques (e.g., progressive muscle relaxation; Jacobson, 1938), and systematic desensitization. Cognitive therapies aim to modify anxiety-inducing control beliefs, value beliefs, and styles of self-related thinking. Examples are cognitive-attentional training, cognitive restructuring therapy, and stress-inoculation training. Study-skills training teaches students to understand and use task-oriented strategies of learning and problem-solving enabling them to be academically successful, thus alleviating their anxiety. Finally, multimodal therapies integrate different procedures, thus making it possible to address different symptoms and antecedents of students' anxiety within one treatment. Cognitive and multimodal therapy proved to be especially effective, concerning both the reduction of test anxiety, and the improvement of academic performance. With learners having deficits of learning strategies, study-skills training also turned out to be successful. Therapies focusing exclusively on emotion-oriented procedures, however, are successful in terms of reducing anxiety, but are less effective as to students' academic improvement. These kinds of therapy typically address the affective and physiological components 594
of anxiety, but do not directly modify the cognitive components of anxiety that are primarily responsible for the performance-debilitating effects of students' anxiety.
IMPLICATIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION PRACTICE AND RESEARCH

This chapter set out to provide a summary review of research on student emotions in higher education. As is described throughout the sections of this review, there is cumulative evidence on the nature, assessment, effects, development, and treatment of just one major emotion experienced by students at college and university, namely, their test anxiety. By implication, concerning test anxiety, a number of practical recommendations for educational practices in higher education institutions can be derived. As for emotions other than anxiety, research is just beginning to accumulate knowledge that might help to develop a more complete account of students' emotions, and to construct more comprehensive guidelines for fostering these emotions in college classroom settings. By necessity, the research reviewed in this chapter implies that research is needed first on other emotions than anxiety, and that evidence-based practical recommendations are largely confined to dealing with students' anxiety up to date.
Implications for Educational Practice in Higher Education

While students' achievement emotions may quite often be deeply rooted in pre-college experiences, the college environment provides new settings and challenges that, likely, can change students' emotional approaches to learning and achievement in fundamental ways. Situa- tional demands for more self-regulation at college, for example, pose new tasks for students' self-development. Also, the community of college students within classrooms and across the campus provides new reference groups for evaluating own abilities, and fresh experiences that can drastically differ from any previous experiences at high school. It is educators' and administrators' responsibility to shape these college environments, and the classroom learning environments embedded in them, such that students' learning, performance, academic development, and physical as well as psychological health are fostered. Regarding the question as to how to foster students' adaptive 595
emotions and prevent or reduce maladaptive emotions, however, practical recommendations remain largely speculative to date, due to the lack of educational intervention research targeting student emotions. Theoretically, it can be assumed that educational practices intended to foster adaptive emotions can refer to different components and antecedents of emotions, much as different treatment practices pertaining to test anxiety do (see above). For example, while announce- ments of specific grading practices can be suited to change students' emotion-inducing expectancies, teachers' own emotions can model the affective and expressive components of students' emotions by way of emotional contagion. Assumptions on suitable practices can be inferred from the above discusssion on instructional and social determinants of emotions, and a limited number of more firmly based recommendations can be derived from test anxiety studies. Shaping learning environments, classroom instruction, and assignments. Increasing the cognitive quality of tasks and classroom instruction can be speculated to influence college students' enjoyment of learning positively. As noted, this can likewise be assumed for providing tasks and learning assignments that imply a fine-tuned match between task demands, on the one hand, and students' competencies and prior knowledge, on the other, thus preventing boredom produced by demands that are too high or too low. Furthermore, shaping learning environments such that they meet students' needs for social relatedness, in addition to meeting their needs for competence and cognitive quality, can also be assumed to have beneficial effects. Creating learning environments that involve the need to selfregulate learning (individually or in cooperative group work) can also be beneficial. As argued above, if there is a sufficient match between situational affordances and students' competencies to self-regulate their learning, enjoyment probably can be increased, for at least two reasons. First, students are given the chance to fulfill needs for autonomy. Second, provided there is sufficient match, students can select and organize learning material such that their individual interests are met, and that enjoymentarousing mastery is benefitted. In case of a mismatch between situational demands and students' competencies, however, maladpative emotions will likely be induced in addition to, or instead of, adaptive emotions. Beyond structural properties of learning environments and tasks, displaying emotional enthusiasm might be one primary mechanism suited to prevent boredom in classrooms, and to induce situational 596
enjoyment that can generalize into more general enjoyment of academic learning. However, emotional enthusiasm probably needs to be enacted such that true emotions are displayed, since fake emotions can be recognized from subtle cues indicating incomplete or distorted facial expression, which would probably undermine any positive modeling effects. Shaping exams, grading practices, and the consequences of achievement. As implied by the above-cited evidence on the determinants of test anxiety, structuring exams and grading practices in beneficial ways can be one of the most important means to foster students' emotions. However, due to occasionally complex and ambivalent effects, this may not be an easy task. As to the reduction of test anxiety, research has shown that any measures that increase perceived control, decrease the importance of failure, or decrease the impact of anxiety on performance, can be beneficial. Judging from the empirical evidence cited above, this seems to be true for (a) making demands transparent by clearly structuring materials and procedures, (b) giving students a choice between tasks, (c) giving them second chances, (d) providing external aids, and (e) using closed item formats easing working memory load. However, some of these measures may have negative side effects. For example, using highly structured material may benefit anxious students, but may impede performance in less anxious students. Also, using multiple-choice items only may reduce anxiety, but may preclude the use of item formats that are better suitable to assess competences for creative problem-solving. As to grading practices and the classroom goal structures created by them, competitive practices based on social comparison norms probably increase average levels of student's anxiety, shame, and hopelessness by limiting chances for success and raising the visibility and social importance of academic success and failure (by increasing the value of achievement, competition might also increase positive emotions if success is experienced; Frenzel, Pekrun, and Goetz, in press). Grading based on social comparison may be needed for purposes of placement and selection, implying that goals of fostering student emotions, on the one hand, and producing usable information on student achievement, on the other, may be in conflict. However, to the extent that assessments aim to serve teaching and learning rather than being used for external purposes, criterion-oriented grading pertaining to mastery of the learning material probably is more recomendable than the normative practices prevailing in today's college classrooms. 597
Finally, as to the consequences of achievement that make success and failure important for instrumental, future-oriented reasons, it might prove helpful to provide contingencies implying that individual academic effort does in fact benefit the student's future prospects. Effort-outcome contingencies of this type can probably increase perceived control, thus strengthening positive future-related academic emotions, and reducing negative emotions. A lack of contingency, on the other hand, likely implies reduced subjective control and an increase of negative prospective emotions like anxiety or hopelessness. Typically, these contingencies are beyond the control of professors and administrators in higher education, but should be addressed by individuals and organizations shaping a society's job market (e.g., the business industry hiring college graduates, and politicians defining legal rules of making contracts and regulating the economy).
Directions for Future Research

Given the clear importance of many of the emotions experienced by college students, more research on these emotions is overdue. Some of the pressing concerns that research should attempt to tackle in the upcoming years are the following (see Pekrun and Schutz, in press). Integrating theoretical approaches and research traditions. To date, many disciplines of psychology and education are characterized by a prevalence of mini-theories addressing isolated phenomena, and by related research traditions working in relative isolation. Emotion research is no exception to this rule. For example, experimental research addressing the effects of positive and negative mood on cognitive performance is in a disintegrated state to date that makes if difficult, for researchers and practitioners alike, to draw any generalizable conclusions. In order to build cumulative knowledge and lay the foundations for integrating empirical findings, it seems necessary to construct more integrative theories by identifying common assumptions of existing approaches, combining these assumptions, and extend assumptions so that gaps between emotion research and neighboring fields (like motivation) can be bridged. The control-value theory of achievement emotions outlined above represents one attempt to do so. Concepts of emotion. At present, the boundaries of the concept of "emotion" still remain unclear. While there is consensus that anxiety, anger, or joy are basic emotions that belong to this conceptual category, this is less clear for a number of other phenomena. For example, interest has variously been seen as an emotion, as an amalgam of values 598
and emotion (more specifically, enjoyment), or as a construct different from emotion. Defining the conceptual relations betweens students' interest and their emotions, however, is a necessary precondition for conceptualizing their functional relations (is students' interest part of the domain of emotions, or does it function as a determinant or an effect of emotions?). Also, should emotions be seen as separate from students' mood, or is mood just one subcategory of emotion? In social psychological theories, mood and emotions are often seen as distinct entities, the boundaries being defined by intensity (high vs. low) and object focus (emotions having a clear focus, mood having a less clear or no focus). Since both of these differences seem to imply dimensional distinctions rather than categorical differentiation, it might be more fruitful to see mood vs. emotion as bipolar ends of a conceptual continuum, rather than as a categorical distinction between qualitatively different phenomena. This latter view has been used in the present chapter (moods and emotions as belonging to the same category of processes), but to date this issue seems far from being settled in mood and emotion research. Mapping the domain of students' emotions: Dimensions, categories, and taxonomies. There is disagreement on how students' emotions, and human emotions more generally, should best be classified. Dimen- sional approaches focus on the common denominators of emotions and distinguish emotions along common dimensions. A prototypical example is the circumplex model of affect using the dimensions of activation and valence (Feldman Barrett and Russell, 1998). In contrast, categorical approaches focus on the specific, discrete qualities of different emotions. Among the many specific implications of this debate is whether the affective consequences of students' achievement goals should be defined in terms of positive vs. negative affect (e.g., Linnenbrink and Pintrich, 2002), or in terms of discrete achievement emotions like enjoyment, hope, anger, anxiety, etc. (Pekrun et al., 2006). These different approaches also differ in terms of the taxonomies of student emotions that might be based on them. Mixed-method research strategies: I. Analyzing emotions from idiographic and nomothetic perspectives. In field-based educational research on emotion, inferences about the within-person functions and antecedents of college students' emotions are often derived from interindividual correlations of variables (e.g., inferences on the causal role of test anxiety for performance are often deduced from correlations of test anxiety scores with subsequent academic performance). 599
Such inferences may be quite misleading, since it may happen that an interindividual correlation between two variables does not represent the intraindividual relation between these two variables in any single individual under study. Generally, interindividual and intraindividual correlations of variables are statistically independent, such that any inferences of this type may be unwarranted (see Robinson, 1950; Schmitz and Skinner, 1993). Rather than relying on interindividual correlations, future research should take care to make use of strategies analyzing the psychological functions of emotions within individuals first, before drawing any population-oriented conclusions. Such an approach would imply to first use idiographic, intraindividual analysis, then analyze the distributions of intraindividual functions across individuals, and, finally, draw nomothetic conclusions on more general mechanisms of functioning, on condition that there is sufficient homogeneity of idiographic findings across individuals (for empirical examples, see Pekrun and Hofmann, 1996; Schmitz and Perels, 2006; Schmitz and Skinner, 1993). Mixed-method research strategies: II. Integrating qualitative and quantitative methodology. As can be seen from the chapters of a recent edited volume on emotions in education (Schutz and Pekrun, in press), educational research on emotion uses both qualitative and quantitative approaches today. However, rarely both approaches are combined such that use is made of the benefits of each of them. Also, the limitations of both types of approaches are rarely fully acknowledged. For example, while qualitative evidence may well be used to generate hypotheses on college students' emotions, it is less suited to test these hypotheses in more precise ways. Conversely, while quantitative evidence is needed to test a priori hypotheses, it often needs added qualitative insights to explain findings, especially in the case of anomalies. Future investigations of college students' emotions should make use of systematically combining both types of approaches. Baserates, phenomenology, and components of student emotions. As noted at the outset, there is a clear lack of exploratory research into the occurrence and phenomenology of college students' emotions. Such research seems necessary to judge the relative importance of different emotions as experienced by different students, and in different types of academic situations. Also, it would be important to explore if there are differences between the emotions found in college classrooms and the emotions experienced by students in other educational settings, such as K - 12 classrooms or settings of business education. 600
In addition, phenomenological evidence is needed for generating more comprehensive conceptions of the contents and functions of student emotions, beyond assumptions that can deductively be derived from existing theories. Finally, we also need more qualitative and quantitative evidence on the structural relations between the different components of student emotions. To date, it is clear that different component processes of emotions are, typically, loosely coupled instead of showing deterministic relations, but the precise mechanisms of reciprocal relations between components, and the degree to which components can be predicted from information about other components, are still largely unclear. Evidence on baserates and structures can have far-reaching consequences for assessment, treatment, and educational practice. For example, if components of emotions strongly influence each other, modifying one component can produce spill-over effects such that the other component is changed as well. If influences are weak, effects of treatments or educational practice would be more circumscribed. For example, if cognitive treatment indirectly changes physiological emotion components as well, it might well be suited to foster students' emotion-dependent health. If the effects are confined to cognitive components of emotions, other methods would have to be used instead of, or in addition to, cognitive therapy. Assessment and modeling of student emotions. As noted in the section on assessment, different methodologies to assess human emotions are available to date, but most of these methodologies have not yet systematically been applied to college students' emotions. Specifically, this pertains to neuropsychological methods of mental imaging, and to observational procedures of assessing emotions in academic situations like classroom interaction. As to self-report methods, many instruments are available to assess students' test anxiety, but there is a clear lack of multidimensional instruments measuring a broader range of emotions (the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire discussed above being an exception). A specific, important deficit is the lack of real-time indicators of emotions being able to assess their dynamics over time (EEG methods are an exception; e.g., Meinhardt and Pekrun, 2003). Since instruments are lacking, it also is open to question which types of indicators (self-report, physiological, observational, etc.) might be best suited to assess specific aspects of college students' emotions. Emotions are processes that unfold over time. Therefore, beyond static measures of students' trait or state emotions, methods to assess 601
and model the dynamics of these emotions, and the multidirectional linkages between the implied component processes, would be needed to get more fine-grained descriptions of emotions and their functional properties. Experiments can deliver evidence on no more than isolated segments of these dynamical, multidirectional relationships. Many non- experimental approaches (e.g., structural equations modeling based on field studies), on the other hand, have difficulties of disentangling the multiplicity of causal effects often operating simultaneously in the dynamics of emotions. It is a challenge for future research on student emotions is to develop or adapt dynamic modeling procedures that are better suited to model real-time emotional processes. Effects of student emotions on learning, achievement, social relations, personality development, and overall health. As outlined in the preceding sections, evidence on the consequences of college students' emotions is largely lacking, with the exception of knowledge about the performance effects of test anxiety. However, even for test anxiety, two research deficits should be noted. First, the bulk of test anxiety research focused on the effects of anxiety on academic learning and performance. Far less evidence has been accumulated as to the consequences of students' anxiety for their social relationships, for their long-term identity formation and personality development, and for their health. Second, as noted, most empirical studies have used unidirectional designs analyzing the performance effects of students' anxiety. There is a clear need for more longitudinal investigations analyzing the reciprocal linkages between emotions (including anxiety), on the one hand, and students' academic learning and performance, on the other. Determinants, development, and regulation of student emotions. As with the effects of college students' emotions, evidence on individual determinants, social and classroom antecedents, development, and regulation of these emotions is largely confined to test anxiety to date, with the exception of studies on the attributional antecedents of emotions following success and failure. More research on cognitive as well as noncognitive individual determinants is needed, including research on the precise mechanisms linking appraisals and emotions (Reisenzein), on the genetical and physiological foundations of achievement emotions, and on the interactions between different types of determinants. Similarly, research should systematically analyze how different learning environments, types of classroom instruction, academic tasks, and behaviors of significant others influence students' emotions. Finally, coping research should address emotions other than anxiety as well, and students' regulation of their emotions, as well as 602
the role of their emotional competences and emotional intelligence, should be analyzed. The role of higher education systems and institutions in their sociocultural and historical context. Higher education institutions are among the oldest institutions of our societies. To my knowledge, however, no attempt has yet been made to situate perspectives on college students' emotions in the larger socio-cultural and historical context that shapes higher education institutions and the learning environments these institutions provide. Also, in contrast to international assessments of K - 12 education (e.g., OECD, 2004), empirical evidence implying international and cross-cultural comparisons of students' emotional situations across higher education systems of different countries seems to be largely lacking to date. Contextual knowledge on cross-cultural differences and similarities across the centuries, and across different nations, might prove helpful for planning long-term institutional trans- formation such that it takes retrospective accounts of possible change into account, while at the same being embedded in future-oriented perspectives. Intervention research: Need for evidence-based knowledge on therapy, prevention, and "emotionally sound" college environments. To date, we lack knowledge about effective treatment for college students' problems with negative academic emotions, with the exception of test anxiety therapy. Furthermore, there also is a lack of knowledge on ways to prevent maladaptive emotions, even for test anxiety (Zeidner, 1998). Finally, evidence is needed how higher education institutions and their learning environments can be shaped such that college students' emotions are fostered and influenced in "emotionally sound" (Astleitner, 2000) ways. Researchers should conduct intervention studies exploring ways to do so. This may not be an easy task, as can be seen from the obstables that recent K - 12 intervention studies targeting students' emotions have encountered (e.g., Glaeser-Zikuda, Fuss, Laukenmann, Metz, and Randler, 2005). However, in order to lay the foundations for transferring the insights of emotion research into educational practice, and to do so in empirically based ways, there is no alternative to intervention research directly addressing the impact of change.
CONCLUSION
In the concluding chapter of their 2000 Handbook of Self-Regulation that covered the state of the art in research on self-regulation, Boekaerts, Pintrich and Zeidner (2000, p. 754) posed the question, "How should 603
we deal with emotions or affect?". The review provided by the present chapter has shown that research on college students' academic agency takes no exception in not yet being able to answer this question. Rather, it seems that higher education research has not even begun to search for systematical, evidence-based answers to questions about college students' emotions, research on students' test anxiety being an exception. Theoretical considerations and the few evidence that is available, however, suggest that the emotions experienced in academic settings are critical to college students' scholastic development, as described in this chapter. This pertains to students' motivation to learn, use of learning strategies, and self-regulation of learning underlying their acquisition of knowledge. Furthermore, beyond their functions for knowledge building and performance, emotions likely are no less important for college students' long-term persistence and dropout behavior in pursuing their academic careers, and for their overall personality development, social behavior, and physical as well as psychological health. By implication, higher education research would be well advised to pay more attention to the affective sides of students' scholastic development. With the advent of broader conceptions of human psychological functioning replacing an exclusive focus on cognitive processes by including neuropsychological, emotion-oriented, and sociocultural perspectives as well, chances may in fact have increased that researchers start analyzing the emotional aspects of students' learning and achievement, and of their personality development and well-being more generally. In conclusion, it should be noted that similar arguments can be made for the emotions experienced by instructors, professors, and administrators in higher education institutions. To date, next to nothing is known about professors' emotions experienced in classroom teaching, and the role these emotions play in the quality of their teaching, their professional development, and their well-being, burnout, and physical health (for emotions in K - 12 teachers, see Schutz and Pekrun, in press). Future research should analyze college students' emotions, but it should also extend perspectives to include the emotions experienced by professors and administrators as well.
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EMOTIONS IN STUDENTS' SCHOLASTIC DEVELOPMENT

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

OCCURRENCE OF EMOTIONS IN ACADEMIC SETTINGS: EXPLORATORY FINDINGS

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

ASSESSMENT OF STUDENTS' ACADEMIC EMOTIONS

Conceptual Issues and Ways to Assess Emotions

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

Assessment of Test Anxiety

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

Assessment of Diverse Academic Emotions: The Achievement Emotions Questionnaire (AEQ)

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

6 4 2 Hopelessness 9 6 7 Shame 0 0 2 Boredom 3 2

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

FUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONS FOR COLLEGE STUDENTS' ACADEMIC LEARNING AND ACHIEVEMENT

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Effects of Test Anxiety

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

Effects of Students' Anger, Shame, Boredom, and Hopelessness

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

INDIVIDUAL AND SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF STUDENTS' EMOTIONS

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Classroom instruction and social environments

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Instruction Autonomy Support

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

EMOTION REGULATION, COPING, AND THERAPY

Emotion Regulation and Coping with Test Anxiety

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

Therapy of Test Anxiety

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

IMPLICATIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION PRACTICE AND RESEARCH

Implications for Educational Practice in Higher Education

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Pekrun: Emotions in Students' Scholastic Development

Directions for Future Research

THE SCHOLARSHIP OF TEACHING AND LEARNING IN HIGHER EDUCATION