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Ciudadana X
Gender Violence and the Denationalization of Womens Rights in Ciudad Jurez, Mexico
ALICIA SCHMIDT CAMACHO

Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut
Cunto falta en Mxico para el pleno ejercicio de la democracia? . . . La clase gobernante desprecia lo que ve o cree ver: masas ingobernables por irredimibles, masas indciles y sumisas, masas regidas por el complicado matrimonio entre la obedencia y el relajo. En el otro extremo, quienes ejercen la democracia desde abajo y sin pedir permiso, amplan sus derechos ejercindolos.1
Carlos Monsivis, Entrada Libre (1987)
From the beginning the paradox involved in the declaration of inalienable human rights was that it reckoned with an abstract human being who seemed to exist nowhere . . .
Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951)
Ciudad Jurez, Chihuahua, Mexico, is not New York, Tokyo, Paris, or even Mexico City. Nevertheless, it shares with these global cities all the markers of a denationalized metropolitan space where new forms of sociality emerge with the migration of people, goods, and capital across
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national borders (Sassen 2001).2 Since the establishment of the Border Industrialization Program in 1965, the city has contributed a vast supply of labor and resources to the reformation of industrial and nancial capital. The information technologies that support the global cultural economy are made en masse in the citys maquiladoras by workers for whom consumption is only slightly less compulsory than their high levels of productivity (Appadurai 1996, 29). Decades before the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement, Mexico experimented with political projects that would suspend national sovereignty in the border space in favor of attracting foreign exchange.3 Following the crises of the mid-1980s, Mexicos neo-liberal program of economic privatization and deregulation entailed the wholesale conversion of the northern border into a platform for cheap labor and out-migration. The integration of world markets, the expansion of transnational corporate power, and the concurrent displacements of peoples from southern Mexico have, in their turn, produced urban forms in Ciudad Jurez bearing the distinct signature of globalizations restructuring of the nation-state. This article examines the troubling status of poor migrant women as political actors in the denationalized space of Ciudad Jurez. Subaltern womens labors have served the state as a stabilizing force amidst the economic and political crises of the neo-liberal regime in ways that both promote and delimit new forms of female agency in the border region. The acute rise in armed social conict in Jurez, much of it targeted at young women and girls, requires that we examine how the denationalized subjectivity that has occupied recent scholarship on globalization and citizenship is itself produced through state failure and state violence. The impunity of violent crime necessarily devalues both citizenship and citizens: it produces a climate where sociality is dened less by national belonging than by the more atomizing force of collective fear.4 If globalization has in fact encouraged the disarticulation of citizenship rights from membership to a single national community, as many analysts maintain, it is nevertheless unclear whether subaltern Mexican women can make substantive claims to the global civil society that the Jurez industries have helped to produce.
Alicia Schmidt Camacho
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Recent scholarship on citizenship contends that changes in the nationstate that result from several aspects of globalization signicantly alter those conditions that in the past fed the articulation between citizenship and the nation-state (Sassen 2003, 41).5 Saskia Sassen writes that the processes of market integration, coupled with the expansion of the international human rights regime, enabled the deterritorializing of citizenship practices and identities, just as they have directly and indirectly altered particular features of the institution of citizenship (42). Although scholars hold no clear consensus on what constitutes the precise substance of denationalized citizenship, the term enjoys currency both as an expression of an aspirational claim to new forms of political engagement and solidarity beyond the nation-state, and as a description of global social movements (Bosniak 2000, 453).6 In a lucid review of current legal studies, Linda Bosniak demonstrates that citizenship, meaning the subjects capacity to exert political agency as a recognized member of a political community, with entitlements to protections and services, clearly exceeds the territorial bounds of nations (2000, 450). Yasemin Soysal attaches her concept of postnational citizenship to the emergence of a global civil society in the postwar period based in a hegemonic language for formulating claims to rights above and beyond national belonging (1994, 16465).7 For Soysal and others, human rights discourse represents a signicant instrument for legitimating the political status and concerns of non-nationals within broader transnational polities. Most accounts of postnational citizenship base their claims for an emergent global civil society on narratives of postcolonial migration from the global south to the robust liberal democracies of the United States and Europe. This scholarship has yet to engage with the transformations in the developing states that unloose migrants into the postnational eld.8 Although Jurez lacks the political infrastructure of northern global cities, it nevertheless inuences the political geography of the cross-border trafc in migrants and laborers. Third-world migrants who arrive in New York, Amsterdam, or Berlin and lay claim to the legal institutions, civic organizations, and social movements that constitute the postnational civil society
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must rst pass through the globalized periphery of Jurez, Jakarta, Fuzhou, or Tehran. The processes of denationalization occurring in migrants countries of origin help determine the political disposition of migrants in the transnational circuit. Postnational citizenship is neither simply a matter of migrant relocation and settlement to democratic polities, nor of including migrants in the deterritorialized discourse of universal human rights. The denationalized exist as a supplement to the national; subjects are rarely fully stateless, but bear the imprint of state power on their subsequent movements. Denationalized people occupy sites of contradiction in the current regime of global capitalism and international politics. Their fragile agency arises from the complex routes (both lawful and illicit) by which capital moves and demands labor, populations circulate or are held bound, states enact and dissolve their policies and wage war, and international courts exert their inuence or are refused jurisdiction. It is premature to expect that denationalization results in a new postnational agency for subaltern migrants. By denition, it may also mark the loss of, or expulsion from, a community willing and able to guarantee any rights whatsoever (Arendt 1973, 297). The Mexico-U.S. border has long functioned as a stopping point for restive populations of non-nationalized subjects; but in the current forms of urban violence linked to paramilitary gangs, political corruption, drug trade, and human trafc, the specter of a more acute process of state failure looms large. Central to current contests over the governance and governability of the border region is the problem of how neo-liberal policy permitted (or necessitated) the conversion of poor migrants into a population with little purchase on rights or representation within either the nationstate or new global polities. Ongoing transformations in border governance suggest that just as globalization enfranchises a new class of postnational elites, it also fosters the conversion of marginalized people into disposable non-citizens whose value to the international system derives from their lack of access to rights (Franco 2002, 13).
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THE JUREZ FEMINICIDIO The feminization of the dispensable noncitizen is perhaps most visible in the ongoing brutalization and murder of subaltern Mexican girls and women in the state of Chihuahua. The evident refusal of the Mexican state and federal governments and much of civil society to provide even the most minimal protection to victims signies a collapse of law or its replacement with new forms of social control that render racialized migrant women vulnerable to torture, sexual abuse, murder, and disappearance. The 11-year feminicidio in Ciudad Jurez and Chihuahua marks a campaign of gender terror that alternately mimics the repressive campaigns of Latin American dirty wars and the seemingly irrational codes of urban violence and serial killing (Fregoso 2003; Reguillo-Cruz 2002). Since 1993, some 370 women have been murdered in Chihuahua City and Ciudad Jurez, of which approximately 137 were sexually assaulted (Amnesty International 2003).9 Of these, 100 t a pattern of serial killings. At least 75 of the bodies have not been identied or claimed. The mothers organization Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa (Bring Our Daughters Home) estimates that in addition to the killings, 600 women have disappeared from the Jurez/Chihuahua metropolitan areas (Nuestras Hijas 2003). The victims of these crimes have been poor girls and women of color from the colonias, many of them recent migrants to the border city from urban and rural communities in Mexicos interior. The peculiar features of the Jurez killings correspond to the physical and political geography of the northern city, its shared boundary with the United States, and its importance as a site of Mexican partnership with global capitalist institutions. The unprecedented forms of gender violence directed against border women demand a reckoning with both state and nonstate institutions as guarantors of rights or justice. Because of state reprisals against the subaltern movement for justice, womens movements have had to develop political strategies for taking their demands for rights to international political organizations and human rights agencies. Activists searching for institutions capable of administering political pressure for justice have entered
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into a complex alliance with European, Canadian, and U.S. social movements, private foundations, nongovernmental agencies, and international human rights organizations linked to the United Nations. Access to international exposure, funding, and expertise has expanded the spaces of opposition for members of the grassroots protest movement. International ties currently represent the most crucial source of support for womens incipient claims to group autonomy and identity apart from the nation-state (Tabuenca Crdoba 2003b). But the contradictory, often conictual location of subaltern women of color within this global public sphere sets severe constraints on how the political norms that international social movements and human rights law promote as universal may achieve formalization in the border city. If, as Soysal and others contend, the destabilization of the nation-state by globalization means the logic of personhood supersedes the logic of national citizenship, then we must determine the conditions that permit mere persons to act as subjects of rights (Soysal 1994, 164). For most juarenses, the detachment of citizenship from the nation-state has entailed less an opening for new political subjects and new spatialities for politics than the encounter with new forms of social violence and repression at the hands of both state and non-state actors (Sassen 2003, 42). In this context, transformations within the state have expanded its function for social control while simultaneously weakening those institutions that provide the substance of citizenship: access to goods and services, justice, security, and political representation. The struggle of the feminicidios targets to assert the right to have rights challenges the current limits of both the international human rights regime and state discourses of democratization (Arendt 1973, 296). It is worth asking whether neo-liberal state policies and economic globalization have increased Jurez womens susceptibility to gender violence. Transformations in the neo-liberal state affect how the grassroots movement against the feminicidio mobilizes its discourse of female citizenship both within and against the nation-state. So, too, existing global frameworks for articulating womens rights may support or impede the pursuit of justice in the Jurez case. What remains most central, and yet most
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elusive to analysis in these matters, is the particular nature of the border space as a site of subject formation and political conict over womens social value and claims to rights.
WO M E N S C I T I Z E N S H I P I N T H E B O R D E R S PAC E Mexicos major contribution to capitalist globalization is unquestionably its mano de obra, the highly productive, exible, migrant labor force that made Ciudad Jurez attractive to foreign companies. Ciudad Jurez marks the northern point of national territory: its urbanization resulted from the uneven processes of globalization, rather than preceding it. The binational project that designated the border city an export-processing zone, where national sovereignty could be suspended in the interest of capital, necessitated a surplus labor force with little protection from the Mexican government. Border industrialization transformed the social landscape of the northern city, which has more than tripled in size since 1960. The 2000 census indicates that the majority of Jurez residents are new migrants from the south, and that some 40 percent of the population has lived there fewer than ve years.10 The demographic pressures of mass migrations have only reinforced the regions political distance from the centralized bureaucracy of the Mexican state. As a critical site of Mexican integration with the U.S. economy and foreign capital, Jurez has long functioned as a denationalized space where national citizenship has little logic or operative utility for many border residents. The virtual collapse of the Mexican political economy following the debt crisis of 1982 intensied the course of denationalization, as the government retreated from its most meager provisions for the economic survival of the poor. Subsequent reforms following the 1994 peso devaluation accentuated the contradictions between the neo-liberal promise of progress and the devalorization of national citizenship; drastic cuts in food subsidies, education, and health care accompanied Mexicos entry into the General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Mexicos suspension of territorial closure in response to the demands of foreign capital, the United States, and other
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global actors forced the reconstruction of major state functions, including those entailed with the substance of citizenship (Soysal 1994, 164). Neo-liberal reforms effectively curtailed many of the services and obligations located in the nation-state, so that the past two decades of Jurezs most dramatic growth occurred while the contractual relationship between the Mexican state and its subjects has been at its most unstable and contested in the post-Revolutionary period. For border residents, rights, participation, and representation in national or local polities are, in the words of sociologist Yasemin Soysal, increasingly matters beyond the vocabulary of national citizenship (1994, 165). Many residents of the colonias of Ciudad Jurez rely on links with migrant workers, temporary and permanent, whose access to U.S. wages and benets represent a fundamental strategy for their survival.11 The crises of the 1980s and 1990s increased the states dependence on revenues from transnational migrants. Researchers estimate that remittances from the nearly 9.2 million Mexicans living in the United States approximated 14.5 billion dollars in 2003, serving as a major source of the Mexican GDP (Suro 2003, 17). Observers commonly heralded the electoral reforms and economic restructuring that recongured the Mexican state as evidence of democratization. The demise of the ruling partys monopoly with the presidential elections of 2000 incited the resurgence of popular discourse on citizenship and modernity in Mexico. As Latin America experimented with the installation of liberal democratic structures in the wake of authoritarian regimes, ideas of citizenship were embedded in the human rights discourse which dominated the transition as an expression of mass opposition to state repression and arbitrary violence (Taylor and Wilson 2004, 154). Nevertheless, the burdens of structural reform have fallen most heavily on the urban poor that make up the majority population in Jurez. The recent U.S. economic downturn and the coincident relocation of many border factories to China in search of even lower labor costs has meant that Jurez migrants, previously valued as surplus labor for both countries, are now simply a surplus population. The continued failures of the Mexican state to incorporate displaced subalterns as national subjects necessarily obstruct their access to the goods
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of liberalization and reform. Despite its complex linkages with the transnational spheres of commerce and politics, Jurez has yet to overcome the authoritarian design of the local, national, and neo-colonial institutions that govern human mobility and labor in the border space. Politics in Chihuahua retains its essentially clientelistic quality, so that formal citizenship appears alternately intimidating . . . and useless in a political climate where personal contacts and emotional responses are the currency of power (Taylor and Wilson 2004, 161). Mexican ofcials have deployed the concept of citizenship as a means to capture popular aspirations to political agency, rights, and equality within the neo-liberal project. State discourse has limited womens capacity to articulate an oppositional project for expanding citizenship during this period of political transition and economic restructuring (Francheschet and Macdonald 2004). Because political reform has taken place alongside government programs of severe economic austerity, the Mexican state has yet to replace its corporatist strategies of political integration with effective democratic institutions. The broad-based popular movements of the 1980s greatly expanded womens political participation, giving rise to a plurality of civic organizations and nongovernmental organizations aimed at expanding womens citizenship power. Despite the diversity and reach of these groups, womens interests remain marginal to formal political structures. The decomposition of the Institutional Revolutionary Partys monopoly on the state has occurred during what Nikki Craske has termed a mass depoliticization of social movements with particular implications for women: in short, a remasculinization of politics (1999, 87). In promoting its economic programs, the state has used the crisis as a means to contain feminist challenges to patriarchal social norms. Even as solutions to the debt crisis required the transfer of state enterprise to private control, the nonstatist version of capitalist growth has not meant the political recognition of womens labor power: quite the opposite, as a 1983 address by then-President Miguel de la Madrid before a congressional session made clear. Discussing women and development, de la Madrid addressed the issue of womens rights in terms that ignored altogether womens participation and class interests in the productive sector:
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I would not wish to omit to mention in a direct manner the essential topic of [the Mexican] woman . . . to underline the centrality of her role in society, its transcendental importance as well as its insufcient protection at a practical level. [Her] role is decisive in the maintenance and strengthening of our principles, values, and familial and social structures. Responsible for the sustenance and preservation of our traditions, [the Mexican] woman cannot continue to be the object of our prejudices. (Madrid Hurtado 1983)
While already in its second decade of maquiladora production, the voice of the state will not modify developments essentially masculinist formula. Emblematic of the way in which state discourse often negates womens political interests even as it avows the centrality of womens roles to the function of the nation-state, de la Madrid here depicts the Mexican woman solely in terms of her service to others. The phrase her transcendental importance denies women material presence as national subjects, and the deliberate erasure of women from the public sphere may be read as a function of their coercion within it. Leaders of the Mexican transition have also taken a particularly limited view of womens role in civic life; their neo-liberal policies include a conservative social agenda centered on the notion that womens primary value remains connected to motherhood and moral virtue. The concept of female virtue simultaneously evacuates womens citizenship and legitimates increased demands on poor womens labor. As solutions to the debt crisis dictated the states retreat from its social welfare commitments, poor women were forced to assume primary responsibility for their households survival. This burden largely prevents subaltern women from advancing citizenship claims; accelerated economic growth has widened levels of social inequality, since Mexicos adherence to a radical neo-liberal program precludes the redistribution of wealth to the emiserated population. Divisions in class membership, ideology, ethnicity, and region have also prevented the national womens movement from consolidating an oppositional stance before the state. Instead, the establishment of the Instituto Nacional de Mujeres (Inmujer) in 2001, long an objective of feminist organizations, has permitted the state to neutralize charges of insensitivity to
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womens interests. The institute, dominated by elite women from the Partido Accin Nacional (PAN), has no legitimate base in feminist social movements. Its apparent autonomy from the government as an organismo pblico descentralizado means that it also lacks the institutional mechanisms for advancing gender equality within the broader state apparatus. In part, the peculiar nature of Mexicos authoritarian regime permitted the state to manipulate its challengers (Franceschet and Macdonald 2004). As feminist historians have shown, the state made its concessions to womens citizenship in the form of gifts rather than conceding real power (Rodrguez 2003; Lau J. 1987). In Chihuahua, the contradiction between poor womens function in securing the viability of the neo-liberal program contrasts even more sharply with their subordination to the patriarchal authority of the northern state. As a critical site for the development of the maquiladora industries, Chihuahua played a prominent role in preparing the nation for its integration with the free market system. The border zones development is ineluctably tied to the capture of womens labor. Jurez enjoys notoriety for its long history of providing inexpensive sex, drugs, and leisure to international tourists, U.S. soldiers, and working-class migrants. The sale of womens sexual labor represents one of the most stable sources of income for local entrepreneurs and, less visibly, the state.12 Border industrialization built on this cross-border scheme for attracting capital with the promise of cheap, pliant labor and limitless service.13 As geographer Melissa Wright has demonstrated, Jurez projects for development relied on marketing the Mexican obrera as a worker whose value can be extracted from her, whether it be in the form of her virtue, her organs, or her efciency on the production oor (Wright 1999, 472). The pervasive representation of poor Mexican women as female bodies readily available for appropriation reinforces other cultural narratives that convert poor women into sources of value that can easily be discarded as they are consumed. The dual economy of the sex trade and the maquiladoras produced a popular discourse that conates womens sale of their labor with the sale of their bodies for sex. For the dominant classes in Jurez, girls and women exercising mobility beyond the sanctioned spaces of patriarchal supervision
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are immediately suspected of living la doble vida as prostitutes (Tabuenca Crdoba 2003a; Wright 2003). The government in Chihuahua has cannily seized on this image of women workers as prostitutes as a means to control womens expression of labor power and political interests. Charges of immorality reinstate the patriarchal prohibition of womens membership to the public spheres of commerce and political discourse.14 The denigration of working women as prostitutes is not merely an expression of class hostilities or patriarchal reentrenchments against womens incursions into the public sphere. Rather, it is also a symptom of the gender dynamics that sustain the reorganization of political and economic power in the denationalized space of the global periphery.15 The feminization of labordevalued and detached from any concept of labor poweris just one expression of a project of governance that generated new modes and spaces for income generation through the commodication of poor womens bodies and delimited citizenship. Images of women used to sell tourism, merchandise, labor, and sex saturate the border cities in ways that deliberately eroticize the exercise of dominance. The moral discourse linking obreras and prostitutes both masks the states interest in sexualizing female labor and legitimates subaltern womens exclusion from the protected sphere of citizenship. In this period of transformation and crisis, the Mexican state has sought revenue through schemes that increase its vulnerability to cooptation by organizations that use the border as a base for illicit cross-border trafc in goods, arms, drugs, and people. The expansion of the informal economy in response to the contraction of the Mexican political economy involved women in new forms of enterprise at the margins of legality. As prostitution and labor contracting grow internationally, women and young girls are increasingly incorporated, both voluntarily and involuntarily, into networks of global sex trafc and human smuggling.16 This trafc responds to the formal legal structures governing migration, commerce, and labor, just as it feeds off of entrenched inequalities between consumer societies and countries in crisis. Studies of human trafcking suggest that criminal operations have signicant connections to the states in which they operate (Kyle and Koslowski 2001). The prevalence of market-led development strategies
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is likely only to encourage the interdependence of legal and illegal forms of commerce and production as developing countries compete for investment and income in the global economy. These processes, already long established in the Mexico-U.S. border region, constitute a substantial breach in the capacity of the Mexican state to act as guarantor of rights for its most vulnerable citizens.

While international observers commonly represent the gender violence in Jurez as a regressive cultural manifestation of masculine aggression, it is perhaps better understood as a rational expression of the contradictions arising from the gendered codes of neo-liberal governance and development. The combined processes of economic restructuring and political transition have had the perverse effect of increasing the states stake in the denationalization of poor womens citizenship precisely at the moment of their emergence as new political and economic actors. The global economies that convert subaltern women into commodities interrupt womens purchase on the most basic right to personal security. The feminicidio represents an assault on this bodily agency in the extreme.
CIUDADANA X The tragedy of Chihuahua unfolds as a wholesale inability to imagine a female life free of violence. This points to an even more profound collective failure to conceptualize these young women as autonomous beings, to recognize their value as subjects, and thus to protect them. The absence or refusal of state and civil institutions to ensure womens entitlement to freedom of movement represents a negation of their political agency at its most basic level. When Norma Andrade, the mother of Lilia Alejandra Garca, described how her daughters killing took place with the polices full cognizance, she exclaimed, When we found her, my daughters body told of everything that had been done to her (Amnesty International 2003, 2). Two years later, Andrade has yet to obtain any credible accounting of why
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the police failed to respond to the emergency calls by witnesses of her daughters capture. It is hard to listen for what the bodies of the women are saying. The vast majority of the gender crimes have gone undenounced. Police commonly misplace or falsify evidence, so families cannot even ascertain that the bodies they retrieve actually belong to their absent loved ones. In the 11 years since women rst called attention to the feminicidio, Chihuahua ofcials have yet to produce any credible explanation for the crimes. Since the state rst appointed an ofcial prosecutor for crimes against women, the justice system has convicted just one suspect, while the sporadic incarcerations of the engineer Sharif, bus drivers, and supposed gang members have been widely denounced as mere political show. Human rights organizations have documented a pattern of police manipulation of crime scenes, intimidation of witnesses, and use of torture to procure false confessions (Amnesty International 2003; Guillermoprieto 2003). In these circumstances, it is easy to believe that the police are either perpetrators or complicit in the crimes, since charges of simple incompetence or neglect fall short of explaining ofcial hostility toward the victims and justice movement.17 Absent any nal judgment of ofcial involvement, it is clear that Chihuahuas precarious dependence on foreign commerce exacerbates the already tense relationship between state ofcials and the urban poor who suffer the murders and disappearances. The police function to guard the viability of the northern metropolis as a site of investment and tourism conicts with its charge to protect poor women from harm. It is wholly unnecessary to construct conspiracy theories to account for the state repression directed at the aficted communities of the feminicidio. Susana Rotker demonstrated how the combined pressures of state restructuring and economic collapse evacuate political structures of any meaningful association with the social pact and horizontal solidarity that constitute the Latin American ideal of nationhood (Rotker 2000). Citing a study of the criminal justice system showing that 97 percent of reported crimes in Mexico go unpunished, Rotker states: La sensacin de desvalimiento ciudadano se ve agravada por la impunidad de las agresiones (2000, 7).18 This extraordinary gure circulates as an expression of
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widespread mistrust of the Mexican justice system. The high index of criminal impunity does not only signify a malfunction in the state institutions of policing, however. Incompetence or corruption cannot account for police failure at this level; rather, such levels of impunity suggest that the security forces and criminal justice system serve an entirely different function within the state. The government not only tolerates popular mistrust of the police, it also exploits public fears for its own interests. Public ofcials who target urban youth, migrants, and indigents as delincuentes (delinquents) play on social antagonisms in order to depoliticize the opposition to the states selective development projects. By depicting the intractable poor as enemies of modernity, the state both justies its indifference to urban crime and legitimates its own violent tactics of social control (Reguillo-Cruz 2002). Impunity permits violence to escalate and remake social relations so that as the index of crime rises, the rate of denunciation drops. In this crisis, how can the justice movement attach human rights to female citizenship? Even as new political institutions emerge within the state to target women, the devalorization of citizenship itself, and the widespread mistrust of state functions, means that these agencies cannot effectively expand womens political participation. Womens demand for freedom from violence reveals the evacuation of the substance of citizenship and its attendant privileges for residents of the colonias. Even as the movement against the feminicidio calls for the Mexican government to prosecute crimes against women, achieving rights will mean setting limits on the justice system as a mechanism of social control. Victims families in Ciudad Jurez charge state ofcials with using state service programs to manipulate and suppress the mothers mobilization.19 The violence in Jurez does not represent the absence of law in the border city. Understanding the logic of the feminicidio and the concurrent massacres linked to the drug trade and human trafc requires a distinct measure of what constitutes the rule of law. The Mexican constitution is as advanced a democratic instrument as any in the western hemisphere; feminist legislators have achieved the incorporation of new gender codes with greater success than their counterparts in the United States. The Mexican
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government was among the rst to sign on to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), ratied by the United Nations General Assembly on 18 December 1979. The state has adopted all major conventions on gender equality and womens rights since then. The elegance of the national legal code, then, marks the persistent space between the legislation of sovereignty and its political exercise. Violence at the northern frontier exploits this ssure, challenging the states monopoly on the tasks of social control and its capacity to dene the bounds of sociality and order. A new discourse of security accompanies the language of crisis: where the state fails to serve, new instruments of social pacication have entered the political sphere, with severe implications for subaltern women. The question of rights collides with the demand for social control: What is it? Who wants it? Poor migrant women have served as the ground for this contest between the state and the various nonstate actors that have emerged in Jurez. The transfer of major state operations to the market allowed commerce to assume the interpellative function of the nation-state. In the ensuing commodication of social relations, new forms of urban violence have emerged as an expression of widening social hostilities, inequalities, and political insecurity. Pervasive fear of harm, Susana Rotker writes, produces a new category of subject:
Pero la violencia est all, registrada en el cuerpo mismo. En el cuerpo expuesto a la violencia se escribe una nueva condicin ciudadana: la de vctima-en-potencia. (2000, 18)
Latin American violontlogos commonly invoke spatial metaphors of displacement and incarceration to describe the new social imaginary of the diffuse crisis sistmica (Reguillo 2000, 192). These metaphors represent urban poverty as a condition of minimal citizenship, of inhabiting a subjectivity that cannot overcome the bodily experience of discursive and physical assault.20 Despite their analytical power, however, these accounts do not register the ardent struggles for agency and rights that women wage in the colonias even as their marginality marks them as legitimate targets of violence.
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This narrative echoes the ndings of scholars working with battered women in the colonias of Ciudad Jurez, where subjects articulate a state of privation in which they must relinquish claims over their own bodies, that they experience their bodies as objects made for violence (Robles 2003). Rosalba Robles nds that women who experience severe violence develop a survival strategy based in detaching their consciousness from the pain inicted on their bodies. This retreat into a zero-degree consciousness during episodes of abuse permits women to endure violence in the domestic space; women come to know their bodies as objects made for suffering and wounding. While Robles demonstrates that this tactic in effect permits women to continue to remain in conditions of gender terror, it does not necessarily represent their loss of subjectivity, their passivity, nor their simple collusion with their abusers. The act of survival, of living beyond, demonstrates an assertion of will that makes bodily consciousness a site of struggle, not simple renunciation. In political terms, gender violence produces a female subject for whom the assumption of rights can be antithetical to her own minimal agency. This contradiction arises from the relationship between intimate aggressions in the home and the systematic forms of repression that appropriate womens bodies for prot, governance, and social regulation. Within this limited construct of female value, the targets of gender violence have only the most proscribed space from which to stake a claim for their own defense. In doing so, they risk annihilation: aficted women lack either the psychological or political structures that can support their conversion into subjects of rights. This raises questions that are both political and ethical for the movement to halt the feminicidio: Who is the subject of its discourse of justice? What is the model of rights it endorses? Where are those rights located? While justice remains an unattainable abstraction, the aficted cannot act as agents of their own narrative of wounding and retribution. In this way gender terror reinscribes the subaltern status of the border communities: through the violent theft of bodily agency in murder and the simultaneous suppression of victims political rights at the hands of the state. Of the hundreds of people who suffered the loss of a daughter or partner, only a small minority have been able to sustain the effort of denouncing the
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crimes. This reects the precarious situation in which the colonias subsist: most families cannot sustain the material cost of pursuing justice. After her 14-year-old daughter, Cecilia Covarrubias Aguilar, was killed in 1995, Seora Soledad Aguilar went daily to the police to denounce the crime. She reports walking three hours every morning from her colonia to the urban police station, where she lled out the same forms again and again with no answer to her complaint. Over the decade of her activism, she and her husband lost their home to the cost of her involvement in the protest movement. She continued, she said, not only out of loyalty to Cecilia but because she wanted to recover her infant granddaughter who disappeared at the time of her daughters abduction. The material cost of pursuing justice only partially accounts for the absence of a broader social movement against the feminicidio. Seora Aguilar describes her own participation in the mothers struggle as her Calvario (burden) of having chosen to persist against her own better interests or the needs of her family. The mothers movement consists of the small percentage of women who were able to mobilize the material and psychological resources to act publicly as the bearers of injustice. Their incorporation into asociaciones civiles threatens their prior social integration as workers, wives, parents, and community members. In the wake of their conversion into public victims, women commonly experience the collapse of marriages, loss of work, and ostracism from their communities. The viability of the justice movement will depend on how it partners the melancholic work of pursuing redress, of creating a rights apparatus that can support the incipient claims of border women to the abstract construct of human rights. Writing in 1951, Hannah Arendt presciently described the human rights apparatus as inadequate to the task of inculcating a culture where basic human needs could be deemed universally inalienable: from the beginning the paradox involved in the declaration of inalienable human rights was that it reckoned with an abstract human being who seemed to exist nowhere (Arendt 1976, 297). Precisely because the feminicidio entails a social fantasy that certain women are made for killing, the movement for justice entails reversing the interpellation of poor women as subjects ineligible for the protection of the law.
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The justice movement in Chihuahua represents the most dynamic mobilization of recent decades for extending new political rights to dispossessed female residents of the industrial city. In challenging the impunity of gender crimes, the coalition of mothers groups, colonia residents, human rights agencies, and nongovernmental organizations have made visible the ambiguous relationship between subaltern womens bodies and the complex of institutions and values that comprise national citizenship in the denationalized space of the border.21 The diverse actors in this conict confront each other in their competing claims to the gure of the dead victim, the cadaver in the desert trash heap that cannot voice her own claim to rights. Voicing the unspeakable in public has been a vital means to interrupt the devalorization of the dead as disposable bodies. Speaking of her daughters abduction on her route home from the Maquiladora Lear 173, Seora Josena Gonzlez testied, Sabamos que la llevaron a fuerza, porque aunque Claudia no era miedosa, s era muy desconada (Justicia 2003, 35).22 Seora Gonzlezs account of her daughters victimization voices an assertion of her daughters will in life, a refusal to go quietly. The testimonial marks the incipient assertion of a distinct female agency, recognized in the retrospective gaze of mourning. Ahora con la ayuda de otras mujeres, says Seora Carmen Villegas, mother of Mriam Gallegos Venegas, estoy apriendendo que tengo derechos y que puedo luchar (Justicia 2003, 1).23 This new pedagogy of struggle has unleashed a second wave of gender crimes: mothers themselves are targets of the states repressive violence. Police routinely tell mothers that if they wish to see their daughters alive again they should refrain from creating scandal in the streets.24 Local media, business leaders, and civic organizations in Jurez echo this threat, arguing that the protest movement threatens the economic viability of the city, particularly in its precarious relationship to foreign industry and tourism. The most cynical attacks charge the nongovernmental organizations representing victims and their families with generating a new industry based in demonizing the city. In an interview with El Diario, the president of the Maquiladora Association, AMAC, Rubn Parga Terrazas denounced the movement, saying la accin de grupos locales y de otros
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puntos de la Repblica y fuera de ella . . . han hecho un modus vivendi con la explotacin de la situacin de violencia local (Orquiz 2004, 1).25 Precisely because the Jurez society is so oriented toward the exterior, the management of its image has been a mechanism for silencing the mothers and their associates.26 Because the movements linkages to the international sphere represent a potential challenge to male dominance and local state power, the perception of womens postnational citizenship has become an incitement to further repression and violence. Nongovernmental agencies have come under assault for their supposed threat to the exercise of state sovereignty. At rst glance, this hostility may represent the normal retrenchment of the state against its opposition, as state interests give way to human rights claims. But the fragility of the local mobilization places additional burdens on the global public sphere as a vehicle for attaining justice and political representation for the victims of the feminicidio. The local conict manifests opposing visions of globalization as a vehicle for advancing Mexican interests, staged in complex relation to the very subjects whose labor provided the international linkages that have brought new capital and values to Jurez. And yet the conict and repression manifested in the feminicidio may themselves be attributed to the inequalities and violence of the current regime of globalization. If denationalization made state citizenship the unattained prize for subaltern women, it may also close off the global as a sphere of rights.
CONFRONTING THE BORDER AS T H E S P A C E O F D E AT H Observers in Jurez have had to ask whether what distinguishes the feminicidio in Chihuahua from gender violence elsewhere is the vicious mistreatment of the victims bodies before and after death (Chvez Cano 2003a). Prolonged captivity and torture of victims, along with rape and mutilation, characterize many of the sexual murders committed in Chihuahua over the past decade. Esther Chvez Cano, director of Jurezs only shelter for women and children, Casa Amiga, reports that the use of torture, that is,
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the deliberate act of inicting pain to incite terror and exert control over the victim, is also visible among the client population that she services (Chvez Cano 2003a, 2003b). Both the murders and family violence carry the distinct imprint of the border as the contact zone mediating the violent processes of Mexicos modernization and integration with the United States and global capitalism. In each case, the state announces its refusal to act by displacing the blame onto the victims. This connection between womens bodies and their ambiguous citizenship is further complicated in the border space, the material and gurative limit point of national belonging. The dead women frequently have been displaced migrants from interior Mexico and potential transnational migrants. Their perceived sexual availability and vulnerability incite social anxieties about the nations exposure at the international boundary. As Mara Socorro Tabuenca Crdoba argues, the contest over womens virtue is more profoundly an effort to control womens mobility in the border space, even as the neo-liberal crisis reorganizes womens relationship to public and private spheres of production (Tabuenca Crdoba 2003). The dominant discourse about the victims of feminicidio turns on the concept of vagancia (vagrancy), which links deviant sexuality to womens transgression of gendered public spaces (417). The question of womens autonomy of movement takes on greater urgency at the international boundary, where disappearance can also be a matter of a change in political status altogether. The possibility, and common necessity, of womens migration shapes the confrontation between the state and the aficted communities of the feminicidio. The charge that the 11-year spate of killings and disappearances constitute a feminicidio moves the private and unspeakable nature of gender crimes into the public realm, revealing its global implications in ways that threaten the power interests governing the apparently neutral orders of state governance of commerce, development, foreign policy, and, perhaps most critically, security. By invoking and gendering the legal term genocide, the protest movement seeks to reconstruct conventional understandings about where personal violence intersects with ofcial terror. Feminist activists argue that the killings in Jurez represent a deliberate and systematic effort to deprive poor women of their most basic rights to personal security and freedom of
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movement (Monrrez Fragoso 2000). In making their case, feminists refuse to accept the states argument that the actual number of female deaths is not surprising for a city of Jurezs size: tan solo una vctima, y sobre todo la descripcin de estos asesinatos es suciente para indignarnos (Bentez et al. 1999, 11).27 In the absence of overt armed conict or ofcial state repression in Jurez, the narrative of feminicidio presents a signicant challenge to the very apparatus of rights and legal conventions it invokes for protection. Whether or not police or government complicity in the crimes is ever established with any nality, the term will have redrawn the boundaries between the intimate repression that domestic violence causes and the seemingly arbitrary, excessively brutal murders that Amnesty International (2003) calls intolerable killings. The term feminicidio has other telling implications within the border space. While the Mexican government may in fact be complicit in the killings, the feminized narrative of genocide seeks to construct an account of armed social conict in which crimes against humanity may not be the coordinated effect of state policy, but the work of numerous state and nonstate actors operating within the denationalized space of the international boundary. The U.S. militarization of the border has engendered criminal organizations that use the northern desert as a staging ground for paramilitary campaigns and commerce (Andreas 2002). The clandestine economy for human trafcking and illicit trade exploits its connections to the sanctioned border functions of commerce, labor, migration, and also policing. Within this denationalized space, crimes against women occur as a function of both police and paramilitary border operations in social control. The charge of feminicidio, in this case, detaches the concept of crimes against humanity from its legal denition as a project of nation-states to address new forms of human rights violations arising with the erosion of the national by global capital. Articulating Mexican womens minimal citizenship to an international sphere emerges as a vital strategy for contesting the ways Mexican womens denationalized subjectivity has been conditioned through the imbrications of sanctioned and unofcial gender violence. Scholars have long noted that the geopolitical border between Mexico and the United States functions as much more than a demarcation of
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political space. La frontera, in its combined operations for policing trade, cultural exchange, labor, and migration, also acts to regulate Mexican womens rights. The violence produced as an effect of the borders regulatory function makes Mexican women vulnerable to a spectrum of gender violence that includes sexual and labor exploitation, rape, and domestic assault, as well as legal control of womens fertility, labor, political status, and mobility (Lubhid 2002). As gender violence appears in other border cities of Nogales and Agua Prieta, the killings tend to exploit the cultural geography of the urbanized frontier space. Not only does the desert landscape make it easier for perpetrators and victims to disappear, these cities contain a transient population of migrants whose very presence at the international boundary is itself a product of other submerged histories of violence. How Mexican women may exert rights in the border space is thus fundamentally an international, not a national problem. By this I mean that the implementation of human rights conventions is not simply a matter of remaking the Mexican state but of addressing the global processes that make Mexican women convenient targets for discrimination, exploitation, and assault. As I have shown, the concept of postnational citizenship seeks to capture the range of social practices that sustain migrant communities in the transnational circuit. Recent scholarship demonstrates how migrants use their new wage-earning power and location to expand their political networks in ways that alter the traditional relationship between the nation and its subjects. In this process, writes Saskia Sassen, the global city is recongured as a partly denationalized space that enables a partial reinvention of citizenship (2003, 43). At the Mexico-U.S. border, the destabilizing effects of globalization on national citizenship offer a markedly different horizon of possibility. The rapid modernization that made the Mexican border an emblem of capitalist globalization has also created institutions within and beyond the state that interpellate poor Mexicans as citizens without rights, without effective nationality. Mexican women are exposed at the northern border to a violence that is distinctly binational in form (American Friends Service Committee 1992; Falcn 2001; Human Rights Watch 1995). While the Mexican and U.S.
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governments tend to depict border violence as a matter of insufcient policing, due consideration of womens rights would lead us to ask whether in fact border policing incites violence against women. Over the last decade, human rights groups and immigrant advocates have reported a rise in the incidence of rape and sexual assault of migrant women at the hands of border patrol ofcers from both countries. Sylvanna M. Falcn (2001) argues that increased border militarization represents a state of war. Within this context, law enforcement ofcers and armed criminal groups routinely subject Mexican women to deliberate acts of gender terror. The broad gender violence evident at the border reminds us that feminicidio is not simply a Mexican problem, and that the weakness of the Mexican response to the crimes relates in part to its dependence on the United States. Citizenship, as a vehicle for rights and as a set of values, practices, and institutions, has never truly been conned to the nation-space but has historically exerted its force across national borders. For residents of the denationalized space of Ciudad Jurez, this means that poor Mexican womens subaltern status has been exported with their labor and conditioned their treatment in the United States. U.S. immigration policies that criminalize the undocumented population have also conditioned migrants exercise of denationalized citizenship. Eithne Lubhid argues that women migrants bodies serve the U.S. government as iconic sites for sexual intervention in the interests of state and nation-making projects (2002, xi). U.S. immigration agencies deliberately police migrant women on the basis of their sexuality in order to reproduce exclusionary forms of nationalism while simultaneously depressing the price of migrant womens labor. The impunity of U.S. border police who assault migrant women demonstrates how the integration between the two countries, occurring in an asymmetrical relation of power, helps to suppress the citizenship claims of migrant women. Studies of migrant Latina domestic labor in the United States suggest that the market for housecleaners and babysitters demands a denationalized, female worker without access to full citizenship rights.28 Mexican women do not occupy this status simply as a result of sheer economic need, but by their subjection to social violence and political marginalization throughout the circuit of transnational migration.
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The nonsanctioned violence of feminicidio must be understood in relation to the ongoing, sanctioned assault on the same population of poor Mexican women as it moves through the border space. Gender crimes of this scale emerge not merely as aberrant phenomena, with a unique social pathology, but as a political symptom of the deliberate and concerted reconstruction of rights within the denationalized space of the border and migration. The feminicidio is the shadow supplement of a binational project to produce a feminized population without rights, readily appropriated for work and service in both legal and illicit labor markets. The cultural production of this subaltern group has entailed the sexualization of poor Mexican womens bodies as a means to sell the bleak and fragile partnership between the two countries. The maquiladoras and tourist industries, which trade so visibly in Mexican womens physical capacities, are only the most obvious sites that eroticize Mexican womens superexploitation. The informal economies of human smuggling, drug trafc, and pornography service and expand the formal economies in Mexican womens labor in the United States. It is not enough to claim that governments are merely complicit in this violence. Gender crimes in fact sustain a binational project of governance and growth. The very notion of the border necessitates violence. The gendered order of the denationalized space serves the interests of global capital, of nation-building, certainly, but also ruling ideas of cultural value, standards of living, progress, democracyin short, all the narratives of development and civilization that require the idea of a border to mask deep social conict. These narratives are likewise invested in a hidden and dangerously eroticized commerce in migrant womens laboring, even material being, for others. Rape at the border sets a price on womens labors in the United States, rendering migrant women available as a exible source of service. Informaleven friendlytransactions over the domestic tasks that other women and men cannot do for themselves are inextricably tied to the impunity of rapists in the desert. The coyotes, small entrepreneurs working the contradictions of U.S. immigration law and its labor demands, know both the value and the availability of the migrant womans body, and how much of it belongs to them. The coyote, as a sexual threat, is just one link in
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a chain that converts poor Mexican women into people without rights in their journey north. To illustrate this point, consider a concrete example of a Mexican womans movement through the denationalized space of undocumented migration. Susana Torres, who cleans houses in the northeastern United States, reports that she can earn sixty dollars for a days work, an unimaginable sum for this displaced campesina from southern Mexico.29 Her family depends on her meager earnings because factory jobs are scarce. It is just possible to imagine that the wages are fair. At any time, however, an employer can impose new terms for her pay. One woman informed Torres that she was unsatised with her cleaning and added laundry and shopping to her duties. What was a matter of convenience to the employer, perhaps even the only means to meet the demands of her own career and motherhood, had altogether different connotations for Susana Torres. In crossing the desert from Sonora to evade Operation Gatekeeper, she had been raped by her coyote. Torres traveled with her nine-month-old son to meet her husband, who had migrated a few months earlier. On their arrival, her husband blamed her for the assault, and their marriage almost collapsed. She did not leave him, she says, in part because she feared she would only face the same hostility from her next partner. Although her family has asked her to return to Mexico, Torres argues she cannot afford to give up her residence in the United States. She has never received treatment for the rape, nor has she reported the crime. Because of the cultural stigma attached to sexual assault, she has not told friends or family what she suffered. Her nine-day experience of gender terror controls her mobility within the denationalized spaces of undocumented citizenship. Torres has not ceased to act as a political subject, but her experience delimits how she perceives herself as an agent of rights. She speaks of achieving state goods and services for her son and minimizes her own entitlement, admitting that she has little claim on the United States without a visa. In her narrative, she seemed to present me with the same account of bodily dispossession that Rosalba Robles has found among battered women in the colonias of Ciudad Jurez, that of occupying a body made for violence (Robles 2003).
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Susana Torres reports that the coyote told her not to complain, that she was nothing special, and she was one of a series. That may just be what the perpetrators of feminicidio tell their victims in Ciudad Jurez.
BORDER VIOLENCE AND THE D E N AT I O N A L I Z E D S P A C E O F R I G H T S The challenge of defending Mexican women from gender violence has prompted feminist movements in both the United States and Mexico to appeal to international human rights organizations for assistance. International human rights discourse, itself a factor in the reconstruction of state citizenship by globalization, may provide an effective instrument for addressing the complex of gender violence targeting poor Mexican women at the border. And yet the legal framework for conceptualizing womens rights does not necessarily coincide with the organic discourse of rights incipient in the movement of subaltern women from the colonias. (Sex workers in Ciudad Jurez do not necessarily adopt a view that formalized labor rights and equal citizenship will enfranchise them as political subjects.) The grassroots movement in Chihuahua cannot be certain that human rights organizations will prove better than states at recognizing the distinct political formation of women at the margins of nations. Feminist activists and scholars argue that any legalistic response to the violence will remain inadequate if class stratication and the culture of male dominance remain intact at the border. Violence against Mexican women has taken new forms, rather than disappeared, as border states have incorporated new codes for female citizenship. Despite signicant increases in penalties for crimes against women, prosecution of such assaults remains negligible throughout Mexico. How, then, to contest the gender discrimination and sexual violence so pervasive in the border industrial cities? If we understand gender violence as a central feature of both nation-formation and capitalist development, rather than seeing it as an expression of their failure, then the legal protections of womens rights should address how modernization has made women vulnerable to acts of aggression. Thus, we must be particularly
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cautious of emancipatory discourses that link the protection of women from male violence to their integration into development. Current legal frameworks for protecting womens rights commonly fail to address the material logic promoting the use of gender violence as a technique of political repression and economic exploitation. As juarenses take the case of feminicidio to the United Nations, they must refashion their narrative of wounding to t the abstract universal frameworks of international law. Because the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women is primarily concerned with establishing womens equality before the law, it conceptualizes womens rights in largely negative terms, as freedom from violence, discrimination, and cultural impediments. Even as human rights institutions seek to expand beyond a liberal framework of rights, the concept of discrimination remains anchored in a limited concept of the female subject. Human rights agencies are just beginning to articulate an intersectional discourse that can recognize the racial, class, and cultural dynamics that expose poor women of color to exploitation. The feminicidio demonstrates the need for a rights regime based in the kind of economic redistribution and political reform that will more effectively address the global forces that incite gender violence. Human rights institutions have limited instruments for addressing the particular problems of migrants within a global division of labor. Denationalization, as I have shown, is a concern not only for transnational migrants but also those that capitalist development and state policy have displaced within countries. In Jurez the two types of migrants reside together. The lack of a legal framework that recognizes the transnational nature of capital and population ows severely hampers the efforts of human rights advocates working at the Mexico-U.S. border region. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch publish separate national reports about Mexican corruption in the feminicidio and U.S. abuses of Mexican migrants, neglecting to address that both cases concern the same population and, very often, the same space. The state-centered nature of current human rights discourse severely curtails the promise of the postnational as a vehicle for transforming Mexican womens citizenship. Human rights instruments may help grant
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legitimacy to subaltern womens claims, but they ultimately depend on the offending state for their redress. Although CEDAW has provided a powerful instrument for imagining new forms of womens citizenship, it has little to offer by way of enforcement. Mexicos ratication of CEDAW may actually serve state interests at the expense of popular protest, by extending formal legitimacy to the very government that has refused to enforce the codes of universal equality already enshrined in the national constitution. Finally, the state-centered nature of political thought cannot address the combined international forces that may be responsible for the violations of womens rights in the border space. How we understand the nature of the violation the feminicidio represents has profound implications for how we conceptualize justice and restitution for the women and children of Jurez.
CONCLUSION: MANY FEMINICIDIOS Stories of captive labor and captured sexuality reverberate throughout the conictive history of Mexican womens travels in the border space. The abuses Mexican women suffer in the international division of labor entail the decomposition of the integral body into its constituent parts: head, hands, arms, breasts, trunk, and legs. Repetitive labors of assembly and service are themselves forms of institutionalized gender violence that seek to detach womens critical agency from their bodily functions. For women in the border region, the feminicidio distorts and mirrors the sanctioned theft of their bodily integrity in migration and at work.30 As early as the mid1950s, members of the Community Service Agency in San Jos, California, responded to the complaint of a migrant domestic worker who alleged that she was being held against her will by her employers (Pitti n.d.). The archive will not tell us what forms of gender aggression she experienced. The demand for a new rule of law in the border region returns us to the nature of the violation so brutally inscribed on the victims of feminicidio. The missing and murdered young women, no longer present, nevertheless occupy a place in this contest. The crosses erected in the desert require us to nd new ways for thinking about rights from the vantage point of young girls and migrant women, whose new mobility and emergent sexuality
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challenge existing relations between womens bodies, the state, and global capital. Imagining a female life free of violence here demands new narratives of gender power, labor value, and political community, a new culture of citizenshipwithin and beyond the nationthat can carry young womens aspirations and energies out of the border as a space of death.
I
NOTES
I wish to acknowledge the invaluable work of the following scholars and dedicated activists who shaped my thinking for this article: Aurora Camacho de Schmidt, Macrina Crdenas, Kamala Chandrakirana, Esther Chvez Cano, Michael Denning, Melissa Garca, Alma Gmez, Julia Monrrez, Stephen Pitti, Linabel Sarlat, Mara Socorro Tabuenca Crdoba, Elvia Villescas, and Melissa W. Wright. My greatest debt is to the brave members of Justicia Para Nuestras Hijas, to Susana Torres, and to Seora Soledad Aguilar. Any errors in interpretation or reporting are entirely my own. I received generous funding from the Yale Center for Latin American and Iberian Studies, the Program in Ethnicity, Race, and Migration, and the Yale Center for International and Area Studies. 1. My translation: What more is lacking in Mexico for the full exercise of democracy? The ruling class despises what it sees or believes it sees: masses who are ungovernable, irredeemable, indocile and submissive masses, masses governed by the combined marriage between obedience and laxity. At the other extreme, those who practice democracy from below and without asking permission expand their rights by exercising them. I take the term denationalized from Saskia Sassen, who describes how global capitalism in its current phase undermines national state-centered hierarchies of legitimate power and allegiance (Sassen 2003, 41). In this process, critical aspects of social organization become detached from the nation, opening new spaces for political practice in a distinctly denationalized eld of action. However unstable or informal, these new political arenas permit the emergence of new political subjects. Jefferson Cowie (1999) offers a remarkably helpful and succinct history of the industrialization of Ciudad Jurez in Capital Moves: RCAs Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor. For a discussion of Mexican neo-liberalism, see the collected essays in Gerardo Oteros (1996) volume Neoliberalism Revisited: Economic Restructuring and Mexicos Political Future, and Geref, Spener, and Bair (2002), Free Trade and Uneven Development: The North American Apparel Industry After NAFTA. See Susana Rotker, ed., Ciudadanas del miedo (2000). The following works inform my discussion of current analyses of postnational citizenship and globalization: Linda Basch et al., Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects,
2.
3.
4. 5.
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6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
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Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-States (1994); Rainer Baubock, Transnational Citizenship: Membership and Rights in International Migration (1995); Seyla Benhabib, The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era (2002); Linda Bosniak, The State of Citizenship: Citizenship Denationalized (2000); Stephen Castles and Alastair Davidson, eds., Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging (2000); Richard Falk, The Making of Global Citizenship (1994); Ulf Hedetoft and Mette Hjort, eds., The Postnational Self: Belonging and Identity (2002); David Held, Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance (1996); David Jacobson, Rights Across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship (1998); Saskia Sassen, The Repositioning of Citizenship: Emergent Subjects and Spaces for Politics (2003); Yasemin Nuholu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe (1994); and Pnina Werbner and Nira Yural Davis, eds., Women, Citizenship, and Difference (1999). Most of this literature, written from the United States, Canada, and Europe, does not cite the expansive debates on citizenship written in the postcolonial countries where global migration originates. The full argument reads as follows: The same human rights that came to be secured over the centuries in national constitutions as the rights and privileges of a proper citizenry have now attained a new meaning and have become globally sanctioned norms and components of a supranational discourse. It is within this new universalistic discourse that the individual, as an abstract, human person, supplants the national citizen. And it is within this new universalized scheme of rights that nonnationals participate in a national polity, advance claims, and attain rights in a state not their own. The expanse and intensity of concepts of personhood predicate a broadened, postnational constellation of membership in the postwar era (Soysal 1994, 164). For a related critique of this literature, see Stasiulis and Bakan (1997), Negotiating Citizenship: The Case of Foreign Domestic Workers in Canada. The authors argue that Yasemin Soysal disregards temporary migrants in her assessment of postnational claims to rights and membership in Europe. They describe how the female domestic workers commonly experience human rights abuses because of their exclusion from the protections of the nation-state. The actual statistics for these crimes are far from certain. The numbers of deaths and disappearances have been the subject of contention among government authorities, victims advocates, and nongovernmental organizations. In the absence of rigorous investigation of the crimes, the scope of the problem cannot be determined. Given the interest of government ofcials in obscuring the problem, I have chosen to rely on the ndings of Amnesty International. The Amnesty International report (2003) reinforces the accounts of local nongovernmental organizations about the origin and development of the feminicidio. The colonias are likely underrepresented in the ofcial gure of 1.3 million residents. Figures come from the 2000 Census conducted by the Instituto Nacional de Estadstica Geograf a e Informtica (INEGI), www.inegi.gob.mx. For a compelling study of the postnational situation of Mexican migrants living in
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Ciudadana X Ontario, refer to Tanya Basok (2004), Post-national Citizenship, Social Exclusion, and Migrant Seasonal Workers in Canada. My source here is a caseworker from Jurez who provides counseling to prostitutes through a womens nongovernmental organization. For reasons of security, she chose to remain anonymous. See also Castillo, Rangel Gmez, and Delgado (2002), Vidas fronterizas: mujeres prostitutas en Tijuana. For studies of the maquiladora industries in Jurez, consult the following: Jorge Carrillo Viveros and Alberto Hernndez, Mujeres fronterizas en la industria maquiladora (1985); Mara Patricia Fernndez-Kelly, For We are Sold, I and My People: Women and Industry in Mexicos Northern Frontier (1983); Jefferson Cowie, Capital Moves: RCAs Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor (1999); Devon Pea, The Terror of the Machine: Technology, Work, Gender, and Ecology on the U.S.-Mexico Border (1997); and Leslie Salzinger, Genders in Production: Making Workers in Mexicos Global Factories (2003). In the context of the feminicidio, government authorities and the popular media have deployed a moral discourse in response to the crimes, cynically depicting the victims as licentious women whose risky behavior is to blame for the murders. Feminist activists and scholars argue that this discursive strategy deects attention from the complicity of the state in creating a social climate that permits the violence to occur and multiply with impunity (Monrrez Fragoso 2000; Tabuenca Crdoba 2003a). In a related study, Saskia Sassen describes cross-border circuits in which the role of women, especially the condition of being a foreign woman, is crucial to the operation of what she terms alternative circuits for survival, for prot-making, and for securing government revenue (2004, 1). Because these networks exist at the margins of the ofcial economy and often include illegal activity, Sassen describes these international linkages as alternative circuits of globalization. Although I coincide with her assessment of migrant womens status, I prefer not to disarticulate the processes described as alternative circuits from the more formal global political economy. The widespread practice of illegal labor recruitment through subcontractors, for example, is so central to the transborder economy linking Mexico and the United States that it is hardly distinguishable from the legal operations of parent companies. See Saskia Sassen, Strategic Instantiations of Gendering in the Global Economy (2004). My primary source for this information is Deputy Sheriff Rick Castro of the San Diego County Police Department. Castro has been a leading force in drawing attention to sex trafc between Mexico and the United States, and has presented testimony to law enforcement and government agencies in both countries. His involvement in this issue has an interesting history: as one of the sole Spanish speakers in the San Diego police force, he began interviewing children and women apprehended for prostitution more than 20 years ago. Most of the sex trafc he sees services the male migrant population involved in farm labor. He has been cited for his interventions on behalf of trafcked women, for adding a humanitarian response to the otherwise routine criminal justice policy toward prostitutes and undocumented people. I am extremely thankful to Deputy Sheriff Castro for sharing his expertise with me. Our interview took place on 26 February 2004.
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Alicia Schmidt Camacho 17.
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22. 23. 24.
Filmmaker Lourdes Portillo advances this theory in her documentary lm Seorita Extraviada (Portillo 2001). Activists circulate the lm as a primary organizing tool for the solidarity movement. My translation: The sense of devalued citizenship is aggravated by the impunity of assaults: in Mexico, for example, its known that 97 percent of reported crimes go unprosecuted. Rotker takes this extraordinary statistic from Elena Azaola Garrido, Notes on Juvenile Delinquency in Mexico: Programa de Accin Nios en la Calle, paper presented at the workshop Rising Violence and the Criminal Justice Response in Latin America: Towards an Agenda for Collaborative Research in the 21st Century, University of Texas at Austin, 69 May 1999. This statistic originates in a 1997 study by Guillermo Zepeda Lecuona, Inefciency in the Service of Impunity: Criminal Justice Organization in Mexico, reprinted in Transnational Crime and Public Security: Challenges to Mexico and the United States, ed. John Bailey and Jorge Chabat. Local activists have argued that state institutions deploy feminist language to manipulate the victims of the feminicidio in order to deect criticisms of state inaction, while refraining from pursuing a just solution to the murders. The appointment of a new national commission on violence against women, led by the human rights lawyer Mara Guadalupe Morf n Otero, represents a new federal initiative to resolve the feminicidio. Although Morf n has a strong record in prosecuting human rights violations in Jalisco, activists in Jurez are unsure whether she will have the necessary autonomy to address their demands. Although this subject resembles the homo sacer, Giorgio Agamben (1998) does not address the way subalterns alternately contest and exploit their status as targets of arbitrary or sanctioned violence. Agamben describes the process by which sovereign powers mark particular groups for violence by disqualifying them from the normal protections of the law. He uses the case of the concentration camp to account for how the law legitimates the killing of the homo sacer, one who may be killed but cannot be sacriced (8). For Agamben, this term for the sacred man of ancient Greece pregures the modern target for extermination, what he calls the life that does not deserve to live (136). This tract has been inuential in recent studies of state violence and political theory. In this analysis, I am indebted to a critical account by Marcelo Bergman and Mnica Szurmuk of a similar case of national controversy over gender violence in Argentina. See their article, Gender, Citizenship, and Social Protest: The New Social Movements in Argentina (Bergman and Szurmuk 2001). Where the authors see continuity in this case between the anti-authoritarian campaigns of Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo and new subaltern mobilizations in protest of a recent sexual murder, I am not at all certain of the ultimate outcome of the current campaigns for justice in Mexico. My translation: We knew that they took her by force, because although Claudia wasnt timid, she was very distrustful. My translation: Now, with the help of other women, I am learning that I have rights and that I can ght. Testimony of Seora Soledad Aguilar, New Haven, 15 April 2004.
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Ciudadana X 25. 26. My translation: The actions of local groups and other parts of the Republic and abroad . . . have made a living out of exploiting the local violence. This assessment was conrmed by a caseworker for prostitutes in the city who chose to remain anonymous. Interview with author, Ciudad Jurez, Chihuahua, 12 June 2003. My translation: Only one victim, and especially, the description of these killings should be sufcient to provoke our indignation. See works by Mary Romero and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo and the growing literature about global women: immigrant women working in wealthy countries as domestic workers, servants, and prostitutes (Romero 1994; Romero, HondagneuSotele, and Ortiz 1997; Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001; Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2003). I have changed the name and particulars here to protect the subject of the interview. Susana Torres, undocumented Mexican migrant who cleans houses, interview by author, New Haven, Conn., 20 November 2003. Robless (2003) study of domestic violence demonstrates the ways gender terror alienates women from ownership of their bodies, so that they cannot even lodge their consciousness within it. Women workers in the maquiladoras describe a similar strategy of survival for enduring the severe tedium and harsh discipline of the border assembly plants. See interviews with maquiladora workers recorded by Sandra Arenal and Norma Iglesias Prieto during the height of the feminization of the border industrial plants (Arenal 1986; Iglesias Prieto 1985). Devon Pea describes the important ways obreras have resisted factory discipline through the practice of tortuguismo, or slowdowns, a strategy for asserting workers labor power and for reclaiming womens integrity as subjects, as owners of their own bodies (Pea 1997).
27. 28.
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Ciudadana X

ALICIA SCHMIDT CAMACHO

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