On the Problems of the Coinages of Alexander I Sparadokos and the So-Called ThracianMacedonian Tribes Author(s): Margarita Taeva Source:

Historia: Zeitschrift fr Alte Geschichte, Vol. 41, No. 1 (1992), pp. 58-74 Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4436224 . Accessed: 07/05/2011 13:27
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ON THE PROBLEMS THE COINAGESOF ALEXANDER I OF SPARADOKOSAND THE SO-CALLEDTHRACIAN-MACEDONIAN TRIBES In the second half of our already retreatingcentury the historiography concerningthe Antiquity,includingthe historyof the Balkanland, has many achievementsin the differentareas of research.They have changed many formulationsthat were inherited from the 19th century and had become classical,even those based on monographic otherstudiesconductedboth and beforeand afterWorldWarII. In manynumismatic studiesthe old inertiahas been overcome to a great extent', but not with respect to the coinage of AlexanderI and the so-called"Thracian-Macedonian" Thracian and coinage connectedwith it. Whatis more,the inaccurate definition"Thracian-Macedonian" seems to have a chance of being totallyreplacedeven in the futureby a "Macedonian"2, concepttotallydevoid of any grounds.Actually,the contribution of the ancient Macedoniansto the 5th centuryBC coinage should be limitedto the establishing the traditional of Thracian imageof a warrior with a broad-brimmed and two spearsneara horseor on horsebackas a charachat teristicfeaturesof the coinageof the Argeadaein the 5thcenturyBC. Thiswas the conclusionreachedby the authoraftera prolongedstudy3of the numismaticheritageof the NorthernBalkanlandsin the firsthalf of the 5th century BC, in seeking the place which should be attributedto Sparadokosas a Thracianrulerand to his coinage.The presentpapershould not be perceived as an encroachmentby a historianon the sovereignscientificdiscipline of numismatics, as the declaredwish for closer contactsbetweenhistorians but and numismatists the sphereof research. my opinion,eventhe errorsof a in In numismaticnaturecommittedby a.nonspecialist could be usefulin the future researchof numismatistson the ancient Macedonianand Thracianhistory. Such research could be anticipated afterthe publicationof manymuseumand private collections in the past decade or so, containingmany issues which complementthe scanty informationon the coinage in the investigatedarea and epoch. Of particular importanceis the publicationof the Asyuthoard4 in view of the discussionit evoked. Probablyin the long runthe comprehensive interpretation the Thracian-Macedonian of coinagewill finallyinvolvenumismatistsas well, who will help in the solvingof a numberof problemsrelatedto
' Cf. H. S. Cahn,Asiut, SNR 56 (1977),283. 2 Cf. C. M. Kraay,Archaic and Classical Greek Coins, Univ. of CaliforniaPress, 1976, 138sq.:Macedonia(civic and tribal)- Bisalti,Edoni,Orresciietc. 3 Trakijskijat vladetel Sparadok (Res. The ThracianRuler Sparadocus, 1990,6, 58-70). IPr, 4 M. Price,N. Waggoner, ArchaicGreek Coinage,The AsyutHoard,London,1975.
Historia, Band XLI/l (1992) ? Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, Sitz Stuttgart

On the Problemsof the Coinagesof AlexanderI

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the historyof the NorthernBalkanlands in the 6th-5thcenturyBC, which is not very richin otherhistoricalsources.

1.On the Problemsof the Coinage of AlexanderI of Macedon Many yearsafterthe monographic studyof D. Raymondon the Macedonian regal coinage (1953)5 there are a numberof attemptsat correctingsome formulations establishedin this remarkable book, and this is the naturalresult of the enrichmentof the source base and of the developmentof the research methodsboth in historyand numismatics. my opinion,a big strideforward In was the argumentedsimultaneityof the minting of the Alexander I issues belongingto groups I and 116. I would not rule out the possibilitythis to be provedfor groupIII as well; it is suggestednot only by Raymond'shesitations about some difficult issues in the group II, but also by the possibility of assumingsimultaneityin the mintingof issues with a more sophisticatedor more primitiveexecution of groups I and III. Anotherimportantfact is that the two principalobversesin the coinage of Alexanderexisted even before they were adopted by him. There are no longer any doubts that Ichnae, Derroni,Bisaltae,etc. mintedcoins even aftersome of them were subordinated by Alexander7. Consequently, raisesdoubtsaboutthe attribution all this of anonymousissues to his coinage,which are attributed him. to The firstquestionwhich needs clarification concernsthe initialyear of the issues of Alexanderbearinghis name. The date 480/479 BC, acceptedto this day in numismatic literature, open to seriouscriticism is both froma historical and from a numismaticpoint of view. Discussions on the possible areas offered by Xerxes as a gift or conquered by Alexander himself after the withdrawal the Persiantroopsin 479 BC tend to forgetthattherewereother of political and economic forces as well, which could profit from the Persian at catastrophe Plataia.The Persianpresencein Eion till 476 BC is also forgotten. It probablydid not interrupt coinage of the Bisaltae,or - and this is the certain- that of Getas, basileus of the Edones. This was the only Thracian rulerwho mintedcoins with a royaltitle (basileus)before his name,moreover before the octadrachms bearingAlexander's name8. The indicateddate is usuallyassociatedwith the conqueringof the Bisaltae and of theirsilverby Alexander, morerecentstudiesprovewithincreasing but clarity that this took place relatively later and that the conquests in the
5 D. Raymond, MacedonianRegalCoinage(NNM, 126),New York, 1953.
6

Edoni. 8 Cf. below,p. 62.

7 Cf. M. Prce, N. Waggoner, cit. (n. 4), 28 sq., 39 sq. about the mint of Derroni,Bisalti, op.

C. M. Kraay, The Asyut Hoard:Some Commentson Chronology,NC 107(1977),190-191.

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M. TACEVA

Thracianlands and on the ChalkidikePeninsula,mentionedby Thucydides, expanded or perhapsshrunkin the yearsbetween479 and 432 BC. The date does not seem sufficientlyreliablealso due to what Rosen termed"fantastic" betrayalas a Persianally beforethe accountsof Herodotusabout Alexander's The date is based on uncertainchronologicalassumpbattleat Plataia(479)9. (i. gold statuesin Olympiaand Delphi and the Strymon e. tions of Alexander's Bisaltian)origin of theirgold; on the uncertaininformationin Philip'sletter about Alexander'sconquest in EFon,which Hammondjustifiablysought to whose reliabilitywas denied. In predate'',and on the evidence of Justinus", unconscioustendenthe laterancienttraditiontherealso appearsa frequently as cy, followed by some modern researchers well, which may be compared with the Roman analysts, namely to present the Macedonian state at the beginningof the 5th centuryBC as it becamea centuryand a half laterunder Philipand Alexanderof Macedon.The absenceof a signed Macedonianregal coinage before 479 BC suggests a delayed realization,compared with the rulersof the Edones, Bisaltaeand other Thraciantribes,of the Macedonian political power and prestigethroughissues designatedwith the ruler'sname or an ethnicon. On the other hand, Alexander'schoice of the two obverses, created before him and used simultaneouslyby other rulers and by the Bisaltae,does not suggestthe searchfor evidencethroughcoins in favourof Macedoniansovereigntyor differentiationfrom the barbarianBalkanenvironmentof the Hellenic world'2.Being a vassal of the Persianking afterthe the march of Megabazos"3, Macedoniancourt of Amyntasprobablyminted imageof the goat on the obverse, coins to pay its debts'4, placingthe "canting" called incuse square (which GeiB3 and on the reverse - the quadripartite a "Fensterquadrat"),popularsign in the areaand periodunderinvestigation"5. mina(seriesII of the Mintedusingthe weightstandardof the lightBabylonian system),they easily formeda partof both the so-calledThracian-Macedonian
9 KI. Rose, Alexander 1, Herodot und die makedonische Basileja, in: Zu Alexander d. Gr., Festschrift G. Wirth, Bd. 1, Amsterdam, 1987, 29,38 with the itt.: H. Castriiiis Die Okkupation Thrakiens durch die Perser und der Sturz des athenischen Tyrannen Hippias, Chiron 2 (1972). 1-15. 10Cf. N. U. L. Harnni0omtdf Idem - G. T Griffith, A History of Macedonia, 11.550-336 B. C., in: Oxford, 1979, 102 sqq. Ju.st 7,4,1. 2 Th. R. Martin, Sovereignty and Coinage in Classical Greece, Princeton, 1985, 186 sqq. 3 Herod 7.108,1. 14 Ide,, 6,44,1; 6,45,1. Cf. H. Castrtiu.s op. cit. (n. 9). p. 10 sq. 15 D. RaYniond,op. cit. (n. 5), p. 49 insists that the staters with a goat and a monogram (z, AA or AA) have had a purely local significance. Her assumption that i is a monogram of Edessa should be discarded after the localization of Aegae near the present day Palatica. 57-59 she insists that the tetradrachms on PI. 2,7-9 belong to the mint of a tribal alliance, led by Alexander 1. As for Kraai: op. cit.. 190 this anonymous coins belong to the mint of Alexander 1. Ensuing from the considerations leading to the dating of the reverse discussed here before 480 BC this view cannot be proved.

On the Problems of the Coinages of Alexander 1

61

Aegean and of the Orientalmarket.The closest parallelin this respectcan be found in the issues of Ainaea. The links with them can be explained with Herodotus' informationthat Amyntas possessed Anthemus, offering it to Hippias as a gift'6. squareby its inclusion The evolution of the reversewith the quadripartite withthe nameof the ruler,the coin magnate,the city or the tribein an together incuse square is observed in the issues of Alexander, Getas, the Bisaltae, Akanthosand Abdera.This evolution was perceivedeven in 1966by May17 that his publicationon the coinage of Abderadid not and it is to be regretted precede Raymond'sbook, for which it would have been of greatvalue. Being signed of convincedof the reliability the establishedbeginningof Alexander's coinage ca. 480/479, May hesitatedto announce the earliestintroductionof this reversein the coins of Abdera,which, accordingto his dating,appeared after476 BC, most probablyaround473 BC. The datingof this reverseon the coins of Akanthosis also based on the chronologyaccepted for Alexander's
coins'8.

Recently there is a tendency to predatethe coins of Getas after those of Alexander'9,although Raymond has reliably demonstratedthe opposite throughthe palaeographyof A in the inscriptionsof coins of both rulers20. Undoubtedly,the good relationsbetween the Persiankings and the Edones, Bisaltae and Abdera, whether subordinatedby them or not, suggest their similarfate afterthe battle at Plataia.Their dependence and their links with Abdera the Persiansmust have continued until the fall of Eion in 476 BC21. politicalautonomyby the new reversewith the announcedits newly-acquired The name of the magistrate22. coinage of Abdera, being well attested and seems to me the only subjectto periodizationthroughthe coin magistrates, the reliableway,at least for the timebeing,for establishing relativechronology in the appearanceof the reversein questionon the rest of the coins as well. The startof the new inscribedreversewas most probablygiven by the mintsin the two cities,Akanthosand Abdera,which have had establishedtraditionsin were a the course of decades. I believe that their popularityand prestige23
16

Herod 5,94,1.

F. Mav, The Coinage of Abdera (540-345 B. C.), London, 1966, 86, n. 2. e. to 480/479 - 476/475 (RaYniond, op. cit. [n. 51, 78-79, n. 1-6 85 sqq). Much closer to the Akanthos' reverses seem to be the reverses on the Alexander's issues, dated by Raymond with fair probability in 476/475 BC. 19 C. M. Kraai Archaic. . ., cit. (n. 2). 139: Getas "was presumably a slightly younger contemporary of Alexander 1. who followed the Macedonian example by inscribing his name around the incuse square of the reverse". 20 D. Ravnoncd op. cit. (n. 5), 118. 21 Herod 7,107; Thucw 1,98,1. 22 J. F. Malaloc. cit. (n. 17). n. 13. 23 Coins of Akanthos are founded in half of the discovered hoards, dated till ca. 465 BC, i. e. even more than the Athenian coins represented there, cf. the synoptic table. cit. in n. 37.
18 I.

17 J.

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M. TACEVA

sufficientconditionfor its successiveacceptanceby the Bisaltae,Getas, Alexanderand Mosses-4. The basic and crucialproblemhere is the coinage of Getas with his name on the obverse,which, togetherwith the archaicalpha, marksa firststage in square his coinage, precedingthe stage with the issues with the quadripartite and the legend on the reverse as well]5. Earlierissues are similar in their obverse with those of the Tyntenoi and Ichnae and with respect to their to reverse- with those of Ichnaeand withthe anonymouscoins attributed the This Derroni26. similarityin the imageson the coins suggestsa localizationof the lands or of the coin mint used by Getas closer to the Axios than to the Strymon.If we recall that the Edones inhabitedMygdonia,separatedto the west by the Axios from Bottieisand Ichnae(Her.7,123sq.) and that the river (localizedalong the river) Echeidorosflows throughit, with Sindos,Chalastra and with its rich necropolisdated to the mid-6thcenturyBC27,then it might become possible to date the Macedonian conquest of Mygdonia and to The chronologyof determinethe silver source for Alexander'soctadrachms. to Getas' coins, proposed above as being both precedingand contemporary Alexander,as well as the absenceof Edonianissues afterhim, makespossible the dating of this conquest after 473 BC and does not contradictZahrnt's chronologicalorderingof the Macedonianconquestsmentionedby Thucydides (2,99,4)28.Apparently"the so-called Mygdonia"covered also the lands around Bolbe lake, which were conqueredlater and which were offered by Both the H-seriesof light tetrobolsand the Perdikkasto the Chalkidians29.
24 The cited above Mai's (and Gaehlees) observations on the reverse give grounds for associating the group 11 of Alexander's issues as being contemporary or appearing after the Getas' issues, which actually defines also the approximate order of the mints referred in the text. The same reverse appeared later in the coinage of Berge, Ainaea and Maroneia, cf. MaY, loc. cit. (n. 17). 25 Octadrachms: 1. Head, 201; Weher, P1. 72, 1853, cf. KraaY;Archaic.. ., cit. (n. 2), 139, P1. 26,483 - obv. Naked man with causia conducting two oxen. NOM1IXMA EAON EON BAEIAE0X FITA; rev. Wheel in incuse square. 2. Gaebler, 144,1-2 - obv. The same. BAXIAE[YJ HAQNEQN; rev. Quadripartite incuse square. [ETA BAX/IAEY HAQNEQN. 26 Reverse "wheel in incuse square": Ichnae - Weber, P1.71, 1846; SNG V, P1. XLII. 2267: anonymous (Derroni'?) - SNG III, P1. XXIV, 1279; Reverse "wheel with axle crossed by two transverse bars" in incuse square: Ichnae - SNG V, P1.XLII, 2266; Tynteni - SNG V, P1.XLIV, 2394: Doki(mos) - Head. p. 200: anonymous (Derroni?) - SNG 111 XXIV, 1278. The obverse is similar. 27 Before the Macedonian occupation Chalastra and Sindos were Thracian cities (cf. St. Byz. S. V. XaXX6CnTPa,Ytv6ovCaot), cf. Aik. Despoini, Eiv6og. KcxaTXoyos T? 'EKRkaco5, Athens, 1985, 12. 2x M. Zahrnt, Die Entwicklung des makedonischen Reiches bis zu den Perserkriegen, Chiron 14 (1987), 341 sqq. The Thucydides' passage discussed by him is to be understood, in my opinion. as follows: Initially Mygdonia was conquered, i. e. Mygdonia up to Therme (Her. 7.123,3) in the east, the so-called Mygdonia reflecting the time of Perdiccas when his reign was expanded to Bolbe lake, cf. KI. Ro.sen,op. cit. (n. 9), 36. 29Thuc. 1,58,2.

On the Problemsof the Coinagesof Alexander1

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mintingof the mysteriousoctadrachmsof group II Nos 45 and 46 of Raymond, which Kraayjustifiablyconsidersto have been mintedsimultaneously with group I30,can be associated with this conquest. The intensity of the coinage of group II issues, combined with that of group 1, was possible preciselyafterthe heavyblow againstMygdoniaand the conquestof the lands at the mouth of the Echeidorosriver,along which the preciousmetals were probablytransportedfrom the lands of the Krestonaioi.The taenia on the appears again, accepted by broad-brimmedhat of Alexander'shorseman3' Hammond32 a sign of his royal power. Perhapsit was preciselythe victory as wish to place of the basileusGetas overthe EdonesthatprovokedAlexander's the royal insigniaon his issues. The subsequentconquestof the lands of the Bisaltaecould not have caused such a boom, insofar as it was undoubtedlypartial:the traditionalissues of the Bisaltae did not stop, in addition to the uninscribedparallels and the Accordingto Raymond,the above mint testified to an coinage of Mosses33. but anti-Athenianunion underthe aegis of Alexander34, the historicalsituation offers no proof in this respect. Moreover,the Athenian campaign of Kimon in 465/464 BC for conqueringEnnea-odoiin the Edonianlands was accordingto the evidence of crushinglydefeated by the "unitedThracians", that Thereare assumptionsin the literature the Odrysae Thucydides(1,100,3).
with Sparadokos were also among these Thracians35. After this event the

issues of AlexanderI sharplydiminishedand the Macedonianroyal coinage probablywith the death of this energeticruler.His successor was interrupted, Perdikkasrestoredthe coinage around 451 BC with light tetrobolsand the traditional Alexander's rider - with the heavy tetrobols minted arou'nd 443 BC36.

31 D. RaYinond, op. cit. (n. 5); Group 11, octadrachms 45, 46, 48; anonymous tetradrachms 60-62: Group Ill, Il 1. 32 N. G. L. Hamm0ond, op. cit. (n. 10), 109. 33 The obverses of the Mosses' issues resemble those of Alexander's group 11, but have a sligthly differing reverse, where the ruler's name is around a smooth and not a quadripartite square. Cf. the same square on the octadrachm of Alexander, SNG V, P1. XLIV, 2407 and the coins of Abdera (Maf, op. cit. [n. 17]), Group LIl, P1. VIl, P. 108-109 (ca. 473-449); cf. Raop. cit. (n. 5), 115. r?ond 34 D. Ravymond, op. cit. (n. 5), 119.The suggested participation of Alexander I in the conflict in 464 among the Thracians is not to be undertaken. 35 See n. 3 and below, 69 sqq. 36 Cf. D. RaYmond, op. cit. (n. 5).

30 D. Ravznond4 op. cit. (n. 5), 112 sqq; C. M. Kraai, The Asyut hoard, cit. (n. 6), 190 sq.

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of 2. Pelasgianor MycenaeanCulturalCharacteristics the Coinagein the NorthernAegeanArea Researchersgenerally adopt two approachesto the so-called ThracianMacedoniancoinage:
- an international - economic or military - organization is sought in the

generalweightsor symbols; - the identificationand localizationof unknowntribesor rulersare sought in their relations with some cults through the religious or mythological images". These approaches are justified, but they fail to take into account some between such as: the need of distinguishing ratherimportantconsiderations, the differentissues from a commercialpoint of view, or for the identification of the coin or coin-likeproduction,intendedas the dues to the Persianking afterthe conquestof Megabazos;the possibilityof the existenceof coin mints, Thracianor Hellenic, which served different institutions;the multivariant functionsascribedby the Thracians the deitiesworshippedby them and the to reliable areas of propagationof one and the same impossibilityto identify cult; the developmentof the coin images and the importanceof the royal period for the power preservedby the Thraciansafter the Sub-Mycenaean long life of the inheritedculturaland historicaltraditions.On the basis of these considerations,the author has tried to demonstrateand substantiate some possible solutions: with two spearsand with a broadThe male naked figure,most frequently and connectedwith a horse or brimmedhat (standing,riding,or charioteer, of ox) is most closely associatedwith the Pelasgianpast. It is characteristic the lands from Pelasgiotisin Thessalyto the ThracianChersonesosand personifies the links between the royal and the religious power, preservedin the Samothracian cult of the Kabeiroiand in the cult of Hermesas a Thracian royal cult (Her. 5,7). This phenomenonis consideredto containthe roots of ThracianOrphismas a religious-political doctrineof the Thracianbasileis38 who outlivedthe Mycenaeanones. of Centauror Satyrwith Nymph reflectsthe older Dionysianreligiousness the Balkan agrarianpopulation. If they are compared or opposed to the
37 Ibidem, 48, n. 14; 44. The coinage of the Orrescii is a typical example of the impossibility to link definite tribes with definite deities, having obverse dies connected with three different cults images. Many authors accept one of the two opinions expressed mainly in historical and not in numismatic literature, which has a duty to modern historiography. An encouraging example in this respect is K. Liompis paper at the 5th Symposium "Ancient Macedonia", Thessaloniki, 1989. Although it was delivered in modern Greek, a language unfamiliar to most of the participants, the perspective of her study was clear from the table to the study, which was circulated among them. This synoptic table accurately shows all coin hoards discovered so far from the Northern Aegean area. 38 Al. Fol. Trakijskijat orfizam (Res. Thracian Orphism), Sofia, 1986.

On the Problemsof the Coinagesof Alexander1

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precedingtype, they should be associatedwith the existenceof communities to or tribalunions, not subordinated the power of the Thracianbasileis.Such or have been attestedin the ancient traditionby the name of "autonomous" i. "abasileuontes", e. withoutkings. The bull in some coin types could testifyto inheritedideas fromthe ancient Cretanreligion,but to me more probableseems to be the connectionwith the island of Euboea or at least the influence of the Euboean (not Chalkidian) coin types. The currentchronology in numismaticliteratureconcerningthe coinage consideredhere permitsin fact to seek the economic or politicalties between the differentinstitutionsthat minted coins with similar or identical images, standardsor symbols, assumed in the specializedliterature.However,this is not sufficient, because numismaticanalyses are still lacking and it is not possible to establishthe generaland the specific featuresin this coinage in a verticalor in a horizontalplan. This is the only basis on which it would be possible to draw historical conclusions about the Pentecontaetiain the NorthernBalkanlands, for which there are practicallyno sufficientconcrete source data. For the time being, it would be possible to assume some objectivedependence - political or economic ties, common mints, etc. - among the coin emissions of: Getas, Ichnae and the Tyntenoi; the Bisaltae,Akanthos and Mosses; the Orreskoi,Lete and Dokimos; the Derroni,Bisaltae,Sparadokos and Abdera39. this approximatepictureit is possibleto add more certainty In aftera new studyof the issues withoutlegends,which are identifiedto this day withoutany substantiated generalview. Still today, only the localizationof Ichnaeand the Bisaltaecan be considered as being reliable,because there is concrete evidence about them in the sources. The lack of informationabout the Orreskioi,Derroni and other ethnicaor names in the legendsof coins fromthe NorthernAegean coast and near Pangaionin Herodotus,Thucydidesand their logographicsourcesdoes The not speak in favour of some modem attempts at their localization40. search should be directedtowardsthe lands of mainlandThraceand of the Paiones,as well as aroundthe silverand gold ore depositsbetweenAxios and Nestos4'. The stylisticanalysis of the issues minted before Alexander,contained in
39 The indicated links have been made on the basis of the observations presented in this part of the paper. with the exception of those of Doki(mos) and Sparadocus, which will be discussed below. 40 Exempli causa D. Sanlsak.i Les Peoniens dans la val6e du Bas-Strymon, Klio 64 (1982), 341 sqq., where old views elaborated through linguistic arguments are resurrected. 41 Cf. N. G. L. Hammonod,op. cit. (n. 10), 69 sqq, Idem, The Lettering and the Iconography of Macedonian Coinage, in: Ancient Greek Art and Iconography, Madison 1983, 16 sqq, where not all of the localisations are shared by the author of this paper.

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Raymond (P1.II), suggests that the two images used on his obverses (I horsemanwithtwo spearsand a broadbrimmed and II - male figurewith hat, two spearsand a broadbrimmed behind a horse)were alreadyin circulahat tion throughBisalticand anonymousissues. Perhapsthe earliestappearance of the coin image of the horsemanthus describedcan be seen in the issues of Larissa,minted intermittently between 500-479 and 465-447 BC42. Simultaneously with the firstperiodtherewas also mintingof similarcoins attributed to the mintsin the ThracianChersonesos,which probablyhave some connection withthe Bisaltae43. lack of a reliablestandaboutAlexander's The mintsin numismaticliterature this day is a greatobstaclein confirming observed to the connections between his issues and their contemporary earlierparallels. or The interpretation given above of the reversewith the quadripartite square with the name of Akanthos,Abdera,the Bisaltaeor Alexandersuggeststhe importanceof the mintin Akanthos,being the closest to the Bisaltae,Alexander (and later Mosses), having long traditionsand international prestige,if Alexanderdid not make use of Larissa,which was closer to his lands. The assumptionis also based on the observedhiatusin the issues with the horseman of this city in the period between 479 and 465 BC, i. e. the time of Alexander'scoinage. The links between Alexander'sand the Thraciancoinages are also suggested by the helmet used on the reversesby Orreskioi,Derroniand Dokimos. The helmetappearedas a symbol of the obversealso for the Derroni,Mosses and Sparadokos4.These links have been interpreted a military as anti-Athenian allianceled by Alexander,though it seems more reliableto accept it as a sign of a mint used by all of them, either independentor subordinatedto Alexander.One should not forgetthe expansionof his aggressionto the east, its chronologicalfinale coveringthe lands of Anthemus,Crestoniaand Bisaltia45.

The considerations expressedso far,togetherwith the data from the sources, are contraryto the currentdefinitionof the examinedcoinage as "ThraThe Macedonians,unand even less as "Macedonian". cian-Macedonian",
42 Brett P1.48,875; 800. 43 Ibidem, P1.47,847-848, cf. AthelL Xl, XII 520 (Loeb). 44 Chronologically the issues suggest that the helmet as a symbol on the obverse is later than

its image on the reverse, judging from the issues of the Derrones, Mosses and Sparadocus. The helmet appears on the reverses of the anonymous tetradrachms, attributed by Ralmonod to Alexander's group I (P1. 4, 8 and 12). In spite of the undoubtedly professional stylistic analysis of the author, this attribution is not indisputable, cf. the cited links of the crested helmet with the coinage of Paeonians and Thracians (op. cit. [n. 51, p. 91 sq. with lit.), not more discussed till present day. 45 Thic. 2,99,6. Cf. M. Zahrnt, op. cit. (n. 28), 334; KI. Rosen, op. cit. (n. 9), 36 sq., n. 29,33. who compares the evidence given by Herodotus (5,94,1) with that of Thucydides (2,99,6). There is not certainty, however, that the Macedonian kings reigned over Anthemus during the entire period fromSllto431 BC.

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known in Homer's epic works, reached in their aggressionfrom the inner Balkanlands to the coasts of Pieriaand Bottieis,and remarkably soon after the Persiandisasterin 479 BC they joined the culturalcommunityof Greeks, Paionesand Thracians betweenthe riversAxios and Strymon'. This community shows the preservedculturalheritagefrom the Pelasgiansto the Mycenaean koinenot only in the facts pointed out so far, but also in anothervery important symbol:the armament with two spears,whichwill be consideredin greaterdetail below. The recentlyused definition "coinageof the Northern Aegean area"indicatesa tendencyto correctthis error.This definitionactually avoids the error,but deprivesthe phenomenonof its ethnic and cultural and characteristics content.This is why, perhaps,the term"Thracian-Paionian coinage"seems most suitablefor the time being, insofaras it reflectsnot only the situationduringAlexander'sreign,which is defacto a partof it, but also the precedingand the subsequentperiods. 3. The Armament with Two Spears This armamentof a male figure (either naked or of a warrior)either on horsebackor neara horse(or oxen) occursnot only on the obversesof coins of Larissa,the ThracianChersonesos47, Bisaltae48, Orrheskioi49, the the Alexander, Mosses50, Sparadokos and Perdikkas51, also in the black-and red-figubut red vase paintings,on reliefs of Darius from Persepolisand Naks-i-Rustem; on paintingsof the Thraciangoddess Bendis, called by Hesychius "Dilonchos", i. e. with two spears,etc. To the best of my knowledge,in the specialized and non-specializedliterature thereare no argumented views or hypotheses. There is an opinion that the two spears on the obversesof Alexander's coins are huntingspears52, specialistsin classicalarchaeologyfail to see in but them a manifestation culturalor religioussymbolism.I was temptedto seek of such symbolismby two royalThraciantombs dated to the second half of the 5th centuryBC, in which two spearshave been added to the burialinventory but separatelyfrom the armament53. one of these tombs there was also an In Attic red-figuredhydriafrom the last quarterof the same century,featuring probablya ThracianOrphicinitiationwith a theoxeniaof the Kabeiroi-Dioscuri,armedwith two spearseach54.
46 Here the Paeones are mentioned everywhere separately from the Thracians, although the author accepts the theory of their ethnic and cultural community. Insofar as the counter-arguments are not sufficiently overcome, they are not attributed here to the Thracians. 47 Cf. n. 42-43. 48 Cf. D. Ray monid, op. cit. (n. 5), for the obverses of Alexander I and the Bisalti. 49 Head, 195, fig. 112; SNG-R, Pi. 6,252 (without spears). 50SNG-R P1. 11,475,476; SNG IV 1887,1888. 5l See below, p. 70 sqq. 52 N. G. L. Hammond, op. cit. (n. 10), 109: the spears are presumably for hunting. 53 B. Filoi; Die Grabhugelnekropole bei Duvanlij in Suidbulgarien. Sofia, 1934, Fig. 79,128. 54 Ibidem, Fig. 95-99, Taf. XIV. The whole interpretation used here is to be found in the

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M. TACEVA

Homer'sepic worksdescribethe throwingof one or two spearsduringthe that in combatsbetweenthe noble participants the TrojanWar;the Thracians came from the Hellespontos fought with long spears (II. II, 844-850); the Paionian hero Asteropaioscame out of the riveragainst Achilleuswith two spears which he could throw with both hands, and the Paiones also fought of with long spears(II.XXI, 139sq.).The warriors unidentifiedethnicbelongvessels are also armed with two spears ing on 8th centuryBC black-figured each55. 6th centuryarchaicpaintingExekiasdepictsAchilleus,Aias and the In In Dioscurialso with the same armament56. the 5th centuryBC the two spears and the attributeof Bendiss7the Dioscuri-Kabeiroi, were a characteristic in of Thracians58 the red-figuredpainting. Representatives the people of in Skudraare also depicted with two spears,as subjectsand gift-bearers the In reliefs from Persepolis and Naks-i-Rustem59. the latter relief they are represented separatelyfrom the "lonians with a petasos",i. e. the conquered NorthernAegeanThracianand HellenicpopulationuntilThessaly(including the Macedoniancourt,if we can trustHerodotus'evidencethatAmyntaswas Skuof Hellenicorigin and hyparchosof the Macedonians60). Consequently, dra was the HellesponticThracians,Bisaltae,Orrheskioiand Paiones along the lower courseof the Strymonriver,conqueredby Megabazos. The conclusion reachedon the basis of these observationsis that the two bound of spearswerethe armament the Thracianand Mycenaeanaristocrats, in by the Pelasgian(?) Orphiccult of the Kabeiroi.The royalpowersurviving featureof the dynast'srule Thracepreservedthem as a divine characteristic Bisaltaeand othertribes,or ratherof the heirsto among Paiones,Orrheskioi, the throne,judging by the significanceof the Dioscuri during the Roman Imperialperiod,or by the armamentof the two companionsof the delegate of perceiving the two spearsas armament fromSkudrain Persopolis.Probably on Alexander'sreversesis also reflectedin the images of his contemporary Whilein his earlyworksthe spearsare the armament "the Penthesileaartist". of men wearingThracian clothing,one of the latervesselsfeaturesa horseman devoid of such an ethnic characteristic6". Obviously, through Alexander's
author's study: Eine Bestattung in Thrakien - Methodenaspekte und Synthesis, in: SchliemannTagung in Berlin, 1990 (in print). 55 See Neues Bild der Antike, Bd. 1, Leipzig, 1934, p. 48 sq, Abb. 74; p. 80, Abb. 7. 56 W. Schindler, Mythos und Wirklichkeit in der Antike, Leipzig, 1987, Abb. 16 - Achill Brettspiel; Abb. 17 - Heimkehr der Dioskuren; Abb. 37 - Rinderraub der Dioskuren (Sikyonierschatzhaus in Delphi). 57 C Waizinger, Die griechischen Vasen des Archaologischen Instituts in Tubingen, Reutlingen, 1924, 166 - an attic skyphos from the end of 5th sent. BC. 58 H. Diepolder, Der Penthesilea-Maler, Leipzig, 1936, Taf. 7,9 etc. 51 G. Wal/ve; Die Volkerschaften auf den Reliefs von Persepolis, Berlin, 1966: Apadana, Falttaf. 2, XIX Delegation; Naks-i-Rustem - Falttaf. 1, No. 25 Skudra, No. 26 lonier mit Petasos. 60 Herod 5,20,4. 61 H. Diepolder, op. cit. (n. 58). cf. P1.7 and P1.24.

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issues the warriorarmedwith two spears lost his Thracianethnic characteristics. 4. The ThracianRulerSparadokosand his Coinage According to a recently published brief paper in Bulgariannumismatic literature, Sparadokosis an Odrysianruler,precedinghis brotherSitalkeson the throne,who ruled ca. 445-435 BC. Fortyissues from three nominalsare indicatedin this paper: 1. Tetradrachms (16.50-17.10 of Attic weight standard.Five issues are g) known,but the numberof the anvil-and punchdiesis not indicated. Obv.- a horsemanin easy ridingpace to the left, withtwo horizontal spears, with a shortcloak and tall boots, and wearinga small hat (alopekis,according to the publication);in my opinion, the image suggests rathera pilos, the characteristic of the Dioscuri. hat Rev. - eagle holding a snake in its beak to the left and in an incuse square;
XHAPAAOKO.

2. Drachms (3.70-3.97g), series III of the Thracian-Macedonian system. Ten specimensare known,but the numberof dies has not been indicated. Obv. - horse to the left with raised foreleg, beside him the inscription ElAP/AA/OKO in three horizontallines, sometimes retrogradely written, borderof dots. Rev. - eagle holding a snake in its beak,in incuse square. 3. Diobols (1.00-1.35g), followingthe sameweightstandardas the drachms. Twenty-fivespecimensare reportedas being known,withoutdataon the dies. Obv. - horse'spromoteto the left; borderof dots; EHA. Rev. - Eagleto the left with a snake in its beak in incuse square. On the basis of the stylisticand iconographicanalysisit is assumedthat the coins of Sparadokoswere minted in the big Chalkidicianmint of Olynthos, from which the types of the nominals were borrowedand which was at his disposal, owing to this ruler'sgreat influence in SouthwesternThrace.The horsemanin the tetradrachms defined as the "imageof the Odrysianruler is himself"- an image that was ratherunusualfor Olynthos,but also different from the horsemanon Alexander'scoins62. Apartfromthe lack of data on the numberof the known dies, which would give an idea about the scope of Sparadokos'coinage, the paper also fails to mentionsome importantcharacteristics the imageson the coins. For examof ple, on one of the tetradrachms additionalsymbol - the crested helm an appears on the obverse63; some of the diobols also have the letter E (also retrogradely) the obverse'. The links between the coin types and the on
62 /. Yoroutko'a Parvitemonetis ime na odriskiviadetel(Res. Lespremieres monnaiesavec le nom de souverainodryse),Numismatica(Sofia), 1988,2, 3-8, fig. 1-6. 63 Babelon,PI.CCCXXX,fig. 1, No. 1283. 64 SNG-D, P1. 40,95,1;SNG-R. P1.21, 1065-1067.

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or Thracian-Paionian Macedoniancoinage have not been sought, although such links reallyexist. pointconcernsundoubThe mainproblemwhichshould serveas a starting Olynthos,the existence of which in the indicatedperiod is tedly the mint in ratherdoubtful. The obverses of the issues bearing the name of Olynthos manifesta numberof differenceswith respectto the drachmsand diobols of Accordingto Raymond,the eagle on the obversesof the coins of Sparadokos. Olynthosis the final unit in a traditionof the NorthernAegean mint,whose issues are usually associated with Chalkis of EuboeaK5.But there are some of differencesin the obversesand in the weight-standards the coins with the and diobols)'. name of Olynthosand those of Sparadokos(drachmas issues:it The eagle is obviouslythe linkingelementamong all Sparadokos' occupiestheirreversesin differentpositions,with or withouta preyin its beak. issues it is detected only on the coins of the Among the Thracian-Paionian Derroni,whereit appearedas a symbol on the obverseafter475 BC, usually
carrying a snake, lizard or turtle as a prey67. Consequently, the significance of

the eagle in the coins of the Derroniafter475 BC was similarto that of the crestedhelm (see above) in the earlierissues and suggeststhe linksof Sparacoinage. dokos and the Derroniwith a definite mint or allied (subordinated) The cult and religiousmonumentsfromthe Roman Age in Thracecontain There preservedinformationabout earlierperiodswith aniconicmonuments. of the Zeus cult,whichcould also explainthe coin image are such monuments of the eagle. The monuments from the upper and middle course of the Strymonriverprove the propagationof the cult of Zeus and Hera,as well as the existence of a cult centreof the Thraciandeity Zbelsourdos,syncretized In with the GreekZeus68. the religioussymbolismof the same epoch in Thrace and Phrygiathe eagle, the snake, the lizard and the turtle appearedin the monumentsof Sabazios,syncretizedwith Apollo or with Zeus. Sabazioswas Thracian the the god to whom Orpheusaddressedhis solarprayers, legendary betweenthe chthoconnectedwiththe syncretism kingand religiousreformer, it Consequently, is nic and solar religionin Thraceduringthe BronzeAge69.
65 D. Ravmnonda Northern Horses on Coins at Olynthos, in: Studies presented to D. M. Robinson, 11, 1953, 197 sqq. 66 The most important dissimilarity is to see in the weight standards. They are also anonymus "olynthian" diobols more similar with these of Sparadocos, cf. Weber, P1. 73, 1904; BMC p. 87, No 4. 67 N. MuStnov;Anticnite moneti na Balkanskija poluostrov i monetite na balgarskite tzare. Sofia, 1912, No. 6221; T Geravsitnov.Dekadrachma na trakijskoto pleme deroni, IAI 20 (1955) IGCH 690. 68 Cf. lGBulg IV 2216-2218 and the study of the author, Anticnije kul'ti dolini verhnej i srednej Strumi, in: Spartacus. Symposium rebus Spartaci gestis dedicatum 2050 a. Sofia. 1981, 109 sqq. 69 The Cult of Sabazios in Thracia is interpreted in my book, Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia, Leiden (Brill), 1983, 162 sq.; 187 sqq.

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not necessaryto seek the influenceof the Greekreligionand the sanctuaries of Zeus throughChalkisor Elis in the 6th centuryBC, when the contactbetween Thraciansand Hellenesin the NorthernAegeanzone alreadyhad a centurieslong traditionand realization. In additionto this distinctivefeatureon the reverse(the eagle),the coins of Sparadokos had another sign which can be associated perhaps with the possible mint, namely the letter E on the obverse of the diobols. In the numismaticliterature lettersEN are connectedwith the settlementof the the i. Edones Enneaodoi70, e. "The Nine Roads",near which the Atheniansunsuccessfullytried to form a colony in 465/464 BC, but were repulsedby the united Thracians7'. This legende is indeed known from issues discoveredin this area,but with an obversewhich suggeststheir originfrom Euboea or the northern-west Balkanlands72. The settlementEnnea-odoiis localized nearthe present-day lake Tachino, which was named Kerkinitis the antiquity73. localization,similarto the in Its relatedoronymKerkineknown only fromThucydides74 a frequentproblem is in the literature. In the linguisticliterature the ancientBalkanoro- and hydronymyI am on not familiar with any study on the origin of the root Kerkin-,which is apparentlyconsidered not to be Indo-European.In the modern Bulgarian languagethereexiststhe word kerkenez, designatedas Turkishin the dictionaries,for whichthe followingmeaningsare given:griffin,eagle,falcon,hunting dog, mineralsource. Even the first meaningsuggeststhe Persianvocabulary compositionof the Turkishlanguage,the remainingmeaningspoint to royal characteristics: hunting with falcons and dogs, as well as cult places near springsand forests75. The eagle'sname could turninto an adjectivefor a mountainor lake,which should not be necessarily in geographic proximity, as is most frequently sought in the discussions. If for the lake Kerkinitis along the lower Strymonit is possibleto assume a
70 SNG-A III, Pi. XLIII, 2263-2265, attribution suggested by Sir E. Robinson.

1,100,3. standing with calf'. This image belongs to the issues of Apollonia (Illyr.), Dyrrhachion, the Illyrian king Monunius, Carystus and Eretria. 73 This is the most accepted localization. E. Borsa in the Bulletin of the Ancient History, 1989 believes that Tachino is to be identifided with Prasias lake (on the basis of Arr. 1,1,5). F Papazoglou. Les villes de Macedoine a l'epoque romaine, Paris, 1988, 355, n. 21; Kerkinitis must have been the present-day Butkovo. In these opinions usually the closeness to the mountain Kerkine is sought, but this does not follow from Thucydides' text about it (2,98,1). For more details see my paper at the 5th Symposium "Ancient Macedonia", Die politischen Beziehungen zwischen Thrakien und Makedonien im V. Jh. v. u. Z. V, 1989 (in print). 74 Thuic. 2,98,1. 75 D. Klkkian, Dictionnaire turc-franqais, Constantinople, 1911, 1021; Lexicon Nafisi, IV, Teheran, 1948, p. 2787, s. v. kerkine.

7 Thuc. 72 Cow

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M. TACEVA

name obtained from the Persiansduring the march of Megabazos,this assumptionis groundlesswith respectto the mountainbetweenthe lands of the probably Paiones, Sintoi and Maidoi. Its name was known to Thucydides76 throughthe messageof the Athenianmilitaryleader Hagnon,who accompanied Sitalkesin his campaignthroughthis mountainto Doberosand Axios. In to this case the root Kerkinshoud be attributed the Thracianglosses, as no Persianconquestshave been attestedin that partof Thrace. On this basis of the above observationsthe coins of Sparadokosoffer can informationwhose geographicintersection be localizedin the areaof the Bisaltae and Edones along the lower reaches of the Strymon river near Ennea-odoi.The coins mintedfrom local silverbore the sign of the eagle as a or characteristic featureof the mint of a Thraciansettlementnear Kerkinitis, the firstletterof its Greekname Ennea-odoi(?).Thereis no doubtthatthe ore mines near this settlement,which withstood the repeatedaggressionsuntil 436 BC, when Athens finally founded and for a short time ruled over the colony of Amphipolis,was somethingworthwaginga war for. And if Sparadokos indeed succeededin reachingthe lower Strymonand mintedhis regale with the Alexander'sobversein Ennea-edoi,this was coins, the tetradrachms possible only after Kimon's defeat in 464 BC. and as a tribut for him77. of Sparadokos'conquestin the lower Strymonareaand the hinterland Abdera78 seems to be at the expense of Alexander's rule there.An indirectindicathe tion in this respectcould be found in the coins of Sparadokos, Derroniand Mosses, with a crested helm as a symbol on their obverse, as well as the already discussed decline of Alexander'scoinage ca. 460 BC. The heavy with tetrobolsof Perdikkas79 the imageof the horsemanwiththe two spearson had the obversefrom443 BC onwardsuggestthatSparadokos alreadylost the - political and economic - to place him on his tetradrachms. possibility Consequently,Sparadokos'coinage had its reasonableboundariesbetween 464 and 444 BC. in coins, proposedby a non-specialist addition This datingof Sparadokos' could provokeeithera discussion to the presentednumismaticobservations, For or a silent neglect on the partof numismatists. the historianswho would
76

Th7u,2,95,3. c

77 Cf. the opinion expressed by the author, I Pr. (1988), 1 p. 9 sqq, that the name of the

Thracian rulers on the obverse of the coins produced by the Greek citymints should be a sign of their issues minted for the tax to these rulers, guaranteeing the good relations among them. In this sense it could be assumed that coins with the name of the Thracian ruler both on the obverse and on the reverse, e. g. those of Getas or Medocos, mean actually the issues minted on behalf the ruler and the twofold legende is possibly result of the use of a ready punch-die with a new anvil-die, prepared for his own coinage. '8 The head of an eagle apears on the obols of Abdera during the third period, cf. Malv op. cit. (n. 17). P1.Vill, 123-125. 79 For the rise of Perdikkas cf. R. J. Hof/mnawkPerdikkas and the Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, GrRBST 16 (1975) 4,359 sqq.

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like to use the proposedchronologyit is possibleto add two more considerations, extractedfromthe texts of Herodotusand Thucydides. 1. Thucydidesknew about Sparadokosonly that the latterwas the brother of the OdrysianSitalkes,king of the Thracians,and the fatherof Seuthes I, who inheritedSitalkes'power8. Sparadokoswas not known to Herodotus. The lack of evidenceabout the politicalactivityof Sparadokoscan be explained preciselyon the basis of the proposeddating.In Herodotusthe information concerningThraceis before 464 BC: the expelling of the Persiansfrom Doriskos near the river Hebros,which took place after the text of book VII was written.Thucydides'infonnationwas better,being due both to the narrative of Hagnon about the activitiesof Sitalkesduring the third year of the PeloponnesianWarand to the disputesin Athensconcerningthe originof the mythicalking Tereus (probablyin connection with Sitalkes'march)and his links with Teres, the father of Sparadokosand Sitalkest1. information, His however, was not sufficient to explain the reasons for the talks between Sitalkes and Perdikkason the eve of 431 BC. Thucydides only knew that Sitalkespenetrated foughtin Macedoniaand in the ChalkidikePeninsula and in order to revenge on Perdikkasfor not keeping his promises82. After the localization presentedhere of Sparadokos'aggressiontowards Lower Strymon and the subsequentrestorationof the Macedonianpower of Perdikkas there,it became clearthat Sitalkesmust have wantedto restorethe Odrysian power in the possessionsof his brotherSparadokos,lost around444 BC, the
latter being a paradynast or co-ruler83 of the Thracian king in the newly

conqueredlands. This is also supportedby the fact that Thucydidesdoes not mention Bisaltaeand Edones either as allies of Sitalkes,or as objects of his march,or among those who were frightenedby his campaign. 2. Again from Thucydideswe can conclude that Sparadokosbelonged to Alexander's generation,althoughhe was a littleyoungerT. Thusthe middle of the 5th centuryBC proved to be a watershedin the historyof the Northern Balkan lands. Alexander,Mosses, Dokymos, Sparadokosand other anony5"Thuc. 4,105,5: 2,101,1. xl Thuc. 2,29,2-3. S2 Thuc. 2.95,2. 3 For this phenomenon and its historical roots cf. my paper at the fourth Congress for Thracology, Zu einigen Problemen der Geschichte des mykenischen Thrakiens, Contributions au IVe Congres Intern. de Thracologie, Sofia, 1984, 74 sqq. 84 Following Thuc. 2,101,6; 4,101,5 - the stemma seems to be: TERES SITALKES SADO S SADOKUS SPARADOKOS SE I SEUTIHES I AMYNTAS ALEXANDER I 1 II TI PERDIKKAS II STRATONIKA

00

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M. TACEVA, the problemsof the Coinageof AlexanderI On

mous rulersdepartedfrom this worldto give an opportunity other Balkan to forces to profitfrom the politicalvacuum. of University Sofia Abbreviations
Babelon Brett Gaehler Head IAI lGBulg lPr SNG IV SNG V SNG-D SNG-R Weher SNG Ill McClean E. Babelon. Trait&des monnaies Grecques et Romaines, 11Partie, t. IV, fasc. V. Paris, 1932. A. B. Brett. Catalogue of Greek Coins. Boston. 1955. H. Gaebler. Die antiken Munzen Nordgriechenlands, 111,2. Berlin, 1935. B. V. Head. Historia numorum. Oxford, 1911. lzvestija na arheologi6eskij'a institut. Sofia. G. Mihailov. Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae. Sofia, I - IV, 1956-1966. lstori6eski pregled. 1945-1989. Sofia. SNG IV, 11(L[ake and General collection). Sicily-Thrace. London, 1972. SNG V. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Part Ill. Macedonia. London, 1976. SNG Deutschland, 2. Heft, T6ibngen. Berlin, 1982. SNG. The Royal Collection of Coins and Medals Danish Nat. Museum. Thrace and Macedonia. New Jersey, 1982. The Weber Collection, II. New York, 1975. SNG 111, Part (Lockett collection). London, 19572. 11 S. V. Grose. Catalogue of McClean Collection of Greek Coins, 11. Chicago, 1979.

Margarita Taceva