The Impact of Religio-Cultural Norms and Values on the Education of Young South Asian Women Author(s): Tahir Abbas

Source: British Journal of Sociology of Education, Vol. 24, No. 4 (Sep., 2003), pp. 411-428 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3593312 . Accessed: 13/09/2011 11:40
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British 2003 Journalof Sociology Education, Vol. 24, No. 4, September of

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on TheImpact Religio-cultural Normsand Values the of Education Young South Asian Women of

TAHIR ABBAS, University Birmingham,UK of

and ABSTRACT This paper is a discussionof how the educational attitudes, perspectives experiences SouthAsian womenin schoolsand collegesin the city of Birmingham,UK, are affectedby ofyoung domestic social class and the different normsand values. Takinginto consideration types religio-cultural the to schoolstheyattend, and SouthAsian womenwere interviewed surveyed ascertain effects of young of religionand cultureuponeducation.The empirical findings show that all young SouthAsian women had supportive who activelyencouraged them in education,irrespective religion.Foryoung of parents Muslim womena strongbondbetween religionand individualwasfound, butfor Hindus and Sikhs it was more tentative. young working-class For SouthAsian women,Hindus and Sikhs also regarded as less significant their lives, butfor Muslims it was again seen as crucial-but certain in religion For and thereby young South practiceswerearguedto be moreculturalthan religious, problematic. some that theyalso originate Asian Muslim women,it leadstofurthermarginalisation education, in from given lowersocial class positions.

Introduction The norms and values of religion and culture are powerful forces in the lives of people, families and communities all over the world. Young South Asian women in England's education system are no exception. This paper is a study of the educational aspirations and motivations of young South Asian women and how they are shaped by religion and culture. It is distinct in that it does not consider the effect of religion and culture within the school environment as that warrants a separate discussion. To discern the influence of social class and ethnicity, a specific consideration is whether there are differences between young Bangladeshi, Indian and Pakistani South Asian women. Indeed, over the past few years there has emerged much research on the educational experiences of young South Asian Muslim women (Basit, 1997a; Haw, 1998; Ahmad, 2001), but precise differences between Indians (Sikh and Hindu) and Muslims (Bangladeshi and Pakistani) remain uncharted. The aim of this paper is to develop a more complete understanding of the ways in which different young South Asian women experience education and, in Ltd ISSN0142-5692(print)/ISSN 1465-3346 (online)/03/040411-18 2003Taylor& Francis ? DOI: 10.1080/0142569032000109341

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particular, how their aspirations and experiences are affected by religion and culture-as influenced by the domestic sphere. The broad position of existing research in this area is elaborated upon before expounding on the methodology and empirical findings. The conclusions summarise the salient arguments that have been raised with directions for further research in this field. Young South Asian current debate Women and Education: historical development and

The Education Act of 1944 provided a system of education for every individual in society based on the principles of meritocracy. Throughout the twentieth century, on the other hand, it is clear that educational success has remained strongly related to social class (Halsey et al., 1980; Heath & Clifford, 1990; Goldthorpe, 1996). There are, in addition, persuasive indicators to propose parent education levels are also important factors to consider, especially for higher education entry (Burnhill et al., 1990). A review of early post-war research on educational inequalities found 'children from middle class homes were more likely to succeed at school' because their domestic spheres provided them with an environment conducive to learning. Working-class homes, on the other hand, lacked certain fundamental characteristics, particularly if one parent was unemployed (Flude, 1974). Since the early periods of post-war immigration from South Asia and the Caribbean by economic migrants, followed by settlement and the formation of diverse communities in England, education has remained an important issue for ethnic minorities as well as for policy-makers (Rose et al., 1969; Department of Education and Science, 1981, 1985). Early research on ethnic minorities in education suggested 'intellectual capacity, family structures, cultural differences, disadvantage and social background, language problems, low self-esteem and racial prejudice as explanations' for their educational underachievement (Tomlinson, 1991, pp. 125-126). Throughout the past few decades, since ethnic minority immigration, research on educational inequality has found achievement directly related to the social class of pupils. Young South Asian women in education, however, have remained hidden as a field of study during this early period. It was during the late 1980s and 1990s that the educational experiences and realities of young South Asian women became a more distinguishable concern within the realm of qualitative and ethnographic social science research, leading to an interest in the differences between South Asian groups in the current period (cf. Gillborn & Mirza, 2000). In general, past research has tended to focus on the positions of a single South Asian group, with few studies taking into consideration the different experiences of the three main South Asian groups. Indeed, there appears to be an inordinate amount of attention paid to the experiences of young South Asian Muslim women (mostly Bangladeshis and Pakistanis). Shaikh & Kelly (1989), in a study of the educational attitudes of South Asian Muslims from the North, found that parents regarded single-sex education as fundamentally important for their daughters, especially fathers. Mothers were more likely than fathers to consider education for the purposes of suitable employment, although both parents viewed education positively. Higher education was also regarded as a favourable outcome (cf. Ahmad, 2001). A similar study carried out in the city of Birmingham found that mothers had a high commitment to their daughter's education, irrespective of whether it is in Islamic or state schools. The opportunities provided to daughters as a result of the education they receive per se were considered more important and valuable than not having any education beyond school leaving age at all (Osler & Hussain, 1995).

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Overall, research has showed that both parents and daughters are at one-convinced of the value of education. Religion appears especially important for young South Asian Muslim women who perceive their experiences of education almost entirely from the point of view of the religio-cultural domain in which they live. It has important implications for how South Asian Muslim women rationalise their positions in education (cf. Dwyer, 1999). Recent studies on young South Asian Muslim women have continued to find parents placing much emphasis on their daughters obtaining an education. Some parents are nevertheless worried about the 'perceived corruptive influence of a largely secular society'. As such, although schools are thought of as a mechanism to help realise upward social mobility, they are also a sphere that may 'threaten their pubescent daughters' (Basit, 1997b, p. 426; see also Afshar, 1989; Basit, 1997a). Similarly, young South Asian women are increasingly being allowed to seek employment after education; however, parents want to ensure that it does not 'corrupt' them in any way. Parents wanting to educate their daughters, and although not directly influenced by the wider community structure in which they live, are careful to avoid any potential embarrassment or ostracisation (Basit, 1996). In general, it appears that young South Asian Muslim women are willing to adapt and adopt to the host society, but only to a limited extent. They are developing increasing levels of confidence, becoming surer of the directions they want to take in education and life, and have the full support of their parents. However, there appears to be a limit to how far this acculturation occurs as it is tempered by the operationalisation of domestic religio-cultural norms and values inhibiting educational progression beyond a certain point. In relation to young Indian women in education, Bhachu (1985, 1991) has carried out one of the few distinctive studies on the education of young Sikh women. This study suggested it was 'parental education strategies' that shaped how their Sikh daughters interacted with the education system. The belief in education transcends traditional division along lines of class and 'caste' such that it permeates every Sikh, irrespective of what occupational or social class positions they had in the sending regions before migration. In addition, Sikh mothers, who are more likely to be in employment than Muslim mothers, impart values onto their daughters that encourage them to attain higher education and subsequent professional employment. Somewhat earlier migratory periods have resulted in Sikh women with more established economic and social positions compared with South Asian Muslim women. This directly impacts the experiences of young Sikh women in education, who become inculcated to the notion that joint-income households allow for higher standards of living as well as respect in the community. In relation to other Indian groups, research on young Hindu women has been conspicuously absent. Often it is conflated when considering young Indian women in general. All the available evidence suggests that young Hindu women tend to perform exceptionally well, in relation to other South Asians as well as whites, and it is often stated that this is a function of, on average, higher social class status, higher parental education levels, and greater acculturation (Ghuman, 1997), but there is little, if any, consideration of the impact of the Hindu religion itself on education. In general, British-born South Asian Muslims (Bangladeshis and Pakistanis) are affected by an array of cultural and religious factors often analogous to their Indian (Hindu and Sikh) counterparts--which may impact, for example, constructions of identity, or the degree to which groups are seen to have 'assimilated' in educational settings (Stopes-Roe & Cochrane, 1990; Ghuman, 2002). As such, one of the distinctive ways in which young South Asian women are 'different' rests on religio-cultural norms

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and values that apparently lead to such positions. How young women rationalise their positions as English-born South Asians as well as being a Muslim, Sikh or Hindu are important considerations in the study of their experiences of the education system.

Methodology In attempting to understand the experiences of ethnic minorities in the education system, quantitative studies in the past have tended not to be broad enough to incorporate significant subsamples, nor has every qualitative study been sufficiently detailed in its subgroup elucidations. There continues a need to ask more sophisticated questions, to determine the causes of educational inequality more precisely and to explore subgroup processes in greater detail (Gaine & George, 1999). This study is based on the need to understand more fully the experiences of young South Asian women and their educational lives. The voices of different young South Asian women must be heard and better understood (Millen, 1997). Indeed, it is true that women per se are now performing better than men in education. Implicit in this generalisation, however, is the notion that all South Asian women are performing equally as well. In reality, it is accurate that social class status and the effectiveness of schools affects the ability of all South Asian women to perform; however, it is argued that because of religio-cultural practices on the part of certain South Asian Muslims, educational experiences for some young women are negatively impacted. The methodology used to investigate this hypothesis is presented in the following. The findings presented in this paper are part of a wider doctoral research study, exploring the processes of educational achievement for different South Asian groups in the city of Birmingham (Abbas, 2001a). South Asian school pupils were interviewed, college students surveyed, parents interviewed, and white and ethnic minority teachers interviewed and surveyed. A specific element of the research design, however, was the omission of a white pupil/student control group as a great deal of comparative, albeit more quantitative, research exists in the field (Maughan & Rutter, 1986; Kysel, 1988; Nuttall et al., 1989; Smith & Tomlinson, 1989; Drew, 1995). The current research focuses on determining the nature of difference between young South Asian women.

ResearchSetting The city of Birmingham has had many ethnic minorities settling within it during the post-war period and remains an important 'test case' on the state of British race relations (Back & Solomos, 1992). Birmingham is historically significant as it is the place where the late Enoch Powell made his 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech. Over time, the city has become an importance location for academic study in the field of race relations research (Rex & Moore, 1967; Rex & Tomlinson, 1979; Ward, 1983), identifying discrimination in housing and employment on a systematic basis (Abbas & Anwar, 2003). Furthermore, since 1982, Birmingham Local Education Authority has been committed to a 'strong multicultural/antiracist/equal opportunity perspective', with equality of education given high priority (Coles, 1997, p. 12). It is important, therefore, to consider the experiences of young South Asian women within this wider race relations framework, and the city of Birmingham provides a useful opportunity in which to situate this study. Soon after initial periods of settlement, 'Sparkbrook became a largely Pakistani area, the Handsworth area became the Caribbean centre of Birmingham, alongside the Soho

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area which was overwhelmingly Indian' (Rex, 1987, p. 104). The 1991 Census found that Birmingham contained 7% of all ethnic minorities in Britain. At the time, 22% of the city's population was of ethnic minority origin, with nearly twice as many South Asians in comparison with African-Caribbeans. Pakistanis constituted the largest single ethnic minority group, comprising 7% of the city's population. Furthermore, 57% of Birmingham's ethnic minority population was located in seven of the city's 39 wards (i.e. Handsworth, Soho, Sparkbrook, Sparkhill, Small Heath, Sandwell and Aston). Almost one-half of the city's African-Caribbean groups were found to be living in six wards (i.e. Handsworth, Soho, Aston, Ladywood, Sandwell and Sparkbrook). Also, over 70% of South Asians were found to be living in eight wards (i.e. Aston, Handsworth, Sandwell, Small Heath, Soho, Sparkbrook, Sparkhill, and Washwood Heath). In particular, Indians were found concentrated in the Handsworth area, with Pakistanis in Small Heath, Sparkbrook and Sparkhill. Bangladeshis were found mainly in Aston and Sparkbrook (Birmingham Economic Information Centre, 1993). Present-day community concentrations are an accentuation of early settlement patterns. SouthAsians in Birmingham As identified from the 1991 Census, Pakistanis are the largest single ethnic minority group in Birmingham. Pakistanis in Birmingham almost exclusively originate from the Mirpur district of Azad (Free) Kashmir (which is annexed to Pakistan). A number of British Pakistanis also originate from the Punjab region of Pakistan but have settled largely in the industrialised inner cities to the North of England (Anwar, 1979; Werbner, 1990), or in the South-East of England. Before migration, many of the Pakistanis in Birmingham lived and worked in rural areas (Ballard, 1994). The socio-anthropological study of a Pakistan community in Oxford by Shaw (1988) has shown how the village-kin network was strong among Mirpuris before migration and has remained relatively intact as part of their adaptation to Britain. The Indians in Birmingham, comprising Sikhs in the main, with fewer Hindus, are more affluent than their Bangladeshi and Pakistani counterparts and are not restricted to the same inner-city areas. The Indians tend to be occupationally more mobile and are more likely to be engaged in entrepreneurial activity. Indians in Birmingham have originated from the Punjab and the Gujarat areas of India, from a combination of urban and rural settings, or even via East Africa. These East Africans have arrived via Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, bringing with them also the acumen for entrepreneurship (Mattausch, 1998). The Indian economic success is also related to struggles experienced in the labour market, leading to self-employment as a form of escape or potential upward mobility (Metcalf et al., 1996). Finally, Bangladeshis in Birmingham are a group almost exclusively originating from the Sylhet region of Northwest Bangladesh. The largest British concentration is found in the deprived neighbourhoods of the East End of London (Eade, 1989). Birmingham contains Britain's second largest Bangladeshi community. As with Pakistanis, Bangladeshis live in close-knit communities, with strong local community structures. Bangladeshis also share with Pakistanis a desire for the Islamisation of second and third generations (Eade, 1990). Present-day second-generation South Asian Muslims (Bangladeshi and Pakistanis) are increasingly questioning their ethnic from their religious identity Jacobson, 1997). The nature of Islam among groups is questioned and re-examined in the light of generational development (Modood, 1990; Samad, 1998). Young Bangladeshis experience a similar reality to Pakistanis as the re-evaluation of their

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individual identity has necessarily involved a return to more literal Islam (Beckerlegge, 1989; Gardner & Shukur, 1994). SampledSchools,Collegesand Respondents To determine most effectively how different South Asians perform in education, incorporating the variables of social class, ethnicity and gender, it was felt important to allow for a wide variation in the sample of schools and colleges to be used for the interviews and surveys. These educational institutions were 'selected on an opportunity sampling basis' (Tomlinson, 1997, p. 71), with the aim of discovering processes in vastly differing educational institutions, the basis of study resting on the comparability of South Asians, invariably, in polarised settings. Originally eight study schools were deemed suited for the study, but only six took part (three selective (one fee-paying) schools, and three comprehensive schools). A boy's selective and fee-paying school, in particular, did not wish to participate, even after determined efforts to encourage the head (of 'Omega High for Boys'). The equivalent Omega High for Girls School, on the other hand, positively collaborated with the researcher. Rosebud and Psi Grove schools were matched for grammar school status; the first a girl's school and the second a boy's school. New Heath, St Aiden's and Longlake schools are all multi-ethnic, inner-city comprehensive schools. By first approaching parents with letters from the author and school, pupils returning completed reply-slips were interviewed within the school. In total, 89 pupils were interviewed (of the 52 young women: 37 were Muslim, eight were Hindu and seven were Sikh; or 28 were Pakistani, 17 were Indian and seven were Bangladeshi) [1]. All the interviews were tape recorded and transcribed by the author. Table I profiles the study schools and respondents. To supplement the study of school pupils, and to develop upon their views and aspirations, a survey of college students was carried out. Four hundred and three college students were randomly sampled from two further education colleges (Cherrywood and James Watt) and one sixth-form college (St Margaret's). Each college was asked to provide the contact details of 150 South Asians, varying by ethnicity and gender. In the case of St Margaret's College, the entire upper sixth was used because of its smaller size in relation to others. Students were sent a questionnaire (multiple choice attitude-scale) with a reply-paid envelope (Oppenheim, 1992). Respondents were asked to reflect upon their specific experiences of school, relations with teachers, the effect of religion and and TABLE Sampled status location and schools pupils: I.
Age

range
School Ward Entry status Gender (years)

Boys
(%)

Girls
(%)

Total
(%)

Omega High Rosebud Psi Grove Longlake St Aiden's New Heath Total

Edgbaston Handsworth Aston Moseley Small Heath Small Heath

Selective and charging fees Selective Selective Comprehensive Comprehensive Comprehensive

Girl's Girl's Boy's Mixed Mixed Mixed

11-18 11-18 11-18 11-18 11-18 11-18 -

6 (100) 24 (46) 12 7 7 11 37 (100) (64) (58) (46) (42) 4 5 13 52 (36) (42) (54) (58)

6 (100) 24 12 11 12 24 89 (100) (100) (100) (100) (100) (100)

Source: Adapted from Department of Education and Skills (2002) (www.dfes.gov.uk).

Norms and YoungSouthAsian Women Religio-cultural

II. TABLE Economic activity of parents of South Asian college students Bangladeshi Employmentstatus Full-timeemployed Part-timeemployed Unemployed Retired Homemaker Self-employed Total (%) Mother -

417

Indian Mother 17 (47) 3 (8)

-

Pakistani Mother 1 4 (2) (8) Father 16 (33) 15 (31) 9 (19) 7 (15) 48 (100)

Father 2 (15) 6 (46) 4 (31)

Father 22 (61) 5 (15) 4 (12) 4 (12) 33 (100)

2 (13) 12 (80) 15 (100)

2 (6) 10 (28) 3 (8) 36 (100

2 (4) 39 (80) 2 (4) 49 (100)

13 (100)

culture on their lives, the role their parents play in their education as well as to write down any additional comments. Altogether, 109 responded from the three colleges (an overall response rate of 27%; with St Margaret's, 47%; James Watt, 34%; and Cherrywood College, 19%) (of the 59 young women: 36 were Muslims, 16 were Hindus and seven were Sikhs; or 28 were Pakistanis, 24 were Indians and seven were Bangladeshis). Seventy-three per cent of Indians in the sample (26/36) were born in Birmingham, compared with 65% of Pakistanis (33/51) and 56% of Bangladeshis (9/16). All 15 (one case missing) of the overseas-born Bangladeshis originated from the Sylhet region of North West Bangladesh. Other overseas-born Indians and Pakistanis came from more diverse parts of South Asia. Table II presents the employment status of South Asian college students' mothers and fathers. High employment rates for both Indian mothers and fathers were found, contrasting with relatively low levels for Bangladeshi and Pakistani fathers, and almost negligible rates of economic activity for Bangladeshi and Pakistani mothers (Brah & Shaw, 1992; West & Pilgrim, 1995; Modood et al., 1997). Almost every respondent to this survey had been to a comprehensive school in the city of Birmingham (89%). In a sense, the sample of college students remained largely homogeneous along the lines of social class status and type of school they had attended (see Abbas, 2002). It contrasts with the school pupil sample, which allowed for a wider selection of respondents from different social class backgrounds. Indeed, in this study, the type of school an individual attends (selective or comprehensive) is considered a strong indicator of the social class of the person concerned. Therefore, when discussing the findings, in effect, a comparison is being made between middle-class South Asians that attend middle-class schools and working-class South Asians that attend working-class schools-although it is important to realise that the values South Asians bring towards education are often middle class in nature and orientation.

Interview Dynamics:genderand sharedethnicity It is important to elaborate upon the gender and the ethnicity of the researcher. A South Asian Muslim male studying the educational experiences of young South Asian women potentially constitutes a dilemma for social science research. To eliminate the potential for disparity, extra care was taken during the data gathering process to remain aware of the power dynamics inherent in the interchange of information, to remain sensitive of exploring religio-cultural issues when respondents felt it too difficult to discuss, to avoid

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discussing sexuality and identity issues, and to not use the process itself as an act of politicising, problematising or sensationalising the research question. As such, by concentrating on a phenomenological methodological approach, to ensure that the voices of young women are used to disclose their own stories impartially and perceptibly, respondents have been able to present accounts of their life histories incorporating a range of perspectives and aspirations that help to inform impartial research on the nature of experience for different South Asian women. Nevertheless, although there are important factors to take into account in the dynamics between the researcher and the researched because of different genders, there are positivities that can be taken into consideration based on shared ethnicity. Shared religious, cultural and linguistic characteristics allow for a more efficient, detailed, informed set of revelations, while at the same remaining 'ethnically correct' (Brar, 1992, p. 195). This paper, therefore, aims to determine the more complex assessments of educational experience, based on the recognition of individually and situationally deterministic settings for different young South Asian women. It examines differences between groups more carefully with caution taken to avoid concentrating on the experiences of ethnic minority subgroups at the expense of others (cf. Debnath, 1998; Haque, 1999). The Impact of Religion and Culture on Young South Asian Women

The empirical analysis presented is based on in-depth interviews with school pupils and survey returns from college students, in relation to the effect of religion and culture upon their education. Religion and the way in which parents affect practice as well as attitudes towards education are discussed such that the impact of religion and culture on young English Muslim and non-Muslim South Asian women can be discernibly understood. The views of young South Asian women from selective schools are considered first, followed by those from comprehensive schools and colleges. Case study examples are used to highlight the significant features of the particular young South Asian woman group under observation (Yin, 1994). SchoolPupils in Selective Schools School pupils from selective schools, who for the most part were middle class based on both parents being in professional or managerial occupations, were asked to describe the nature of religion in their lives. On the whole, young South Asian women from middle-class backgrounds were more likely to suggest that religion had little, if any, impact on their lives. It was especially the case in relation to non-Muslim South Asian women from selective schools, but for young middle-class Muslim South Asian women Islam was felt to have greater importance in their lives. It appears that the bond between individual and Islam remains strong despite the effects of social class. The connection between individual and Hinduism or Sikhism was less likely to remain. The reason for this stems partly from the nature of the various religions; for example, for Muslims contact is less permissible with non-Muslims, whereas for Sikhs and Hindus people of other faiths are not as excluded. The other main factor is the effect of social class. For non-Muslims, higher levels of social class generate economic and social opportunities, allowing for improved integration and ultimately greater acceptance by the host society. For Muslims, higher social class does not always provide access to non-Muslims because of restrictions imposed by the religion. Moreover, there is the factor of Islamophobia, which has taken greater hold in recent periods-particularly in the light of the terrorist

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attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon in 2001, and the disturbances in northern England towns during 2001. A young 15-year-old Sikh girl from Rosebud School believed her parents were not very religiously inclined: 'not extremely religious but they are aware of what's going on and what they should be doing or shouldn't be doing'. There is an acceptance of the importance of religion but not necessarily its strict devotional characteristics. Similarly, another young Sikh girl, aged 16, from Rosebud School stated she was not religious; however, adding that: My grandmother is very [religious] and so is my granddad. My mum is kind of going that way now. My Aunt is [who lives the same house]. We don't go to the Gurdwara often ... even though it's only five minutes down the road. I know I should go but I just don't because I am lazy. (Sikh woman, aged 16, Rosebud) Although this respondent lived in a household that contained many generations and extended family members, who appeared to possess greater degrees of religiosity, she did not feel it important to act religiously herself, irrespective of the fact that her local Gurdwara was located nearby. These sentiments were typical of many young middle-class South Asian Indian women in selective schools. Pupils in selective schools acquire a set of norms and values, attitudes and behaviours, as well as knowledge and awareness that necessarily advantages their positions in society. Such sets of conditions encourage children to develop a scholarly rigour, as well as outwardly becoming more confident (Weis, 1985). Religion is important, but education comes first. Although in relation to parents, school and education, in general, a middle-class disposition is found, on observing patterns from young middle-class Muslim women, somewhat different motivations and aspirations are discovered in relation to religion. Distinguishing factors for Muslim respondents are based on the religio-cultural manifestations they experienced and the way in which they believed their religion was of utmost importance. A 15-year-old young Shia [2] Muslim girl from Rosebud School stated, 'I go to the Mosque a lot and ... there are youth clubs there ... and I go out with my friends ... visit the cinema together'. As to her leisure time, she said, 'I really don't have time for anything. I just go to the Mosquea lot ... and I am involved in so many meetings there. I haven't got time for other clubs and stuff. It was asked whether this caused conflict. She responded, 'I don't want to go out anyway'. She would normally attend Mosque from 7.30 p.m. until 10 p.m. or so, and although she tried to get most of her schoolwork completed before she went, she found it difficult: '... but then I do some homework when I come back. I don't go to sleep early anymore'. What is distinguishable from this example is the fact that although schooling is fundamentally important, so is religion. A great deal of time and energy is devoted to both sets of activities, even if it required significant added effort. The nature of this respondent's religious activities was explored in greater detail. She was asked whether she was 'very religious'. She replied, 'I'd say I was yes ... at nine I started doing it properly all the time but before that I'd now and again ... or most of the time or whenever I remembered'. It materialised that the respondent read her five daily prayers (generally when reaching home after school) and that she had been involved in East Africa'. this activity, 'starting when we were kids-before-in faithful to Islam was something that many if not all of the young Remaining middle-class Muslim women alluded to. Not a single young Muslim woman felt they had

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abandoned, or had to desert their religion or culture (cf. Basit, 1997a), but certainly a number possessed more moderate attitudes towards Islam-which included socialising with white friends outside normal school hours. The earlier findings suggest Muslim respondents, as a whole, in selective schools and also of higher social class remained firm to their religion. Non-Muslim middle-class young South Asian women were necessarily less bounded by their religions. SchoolPupils in Comprehensive Schools The values of working-class South Asian women towards education are necessarily affected by their social class status. Pupils in comprehensive schools develop an attitude strongly dependent on the type of school they attend, as do pupils in selective schools. It is also more likely that parents possess working-class employment, although it is well accepted in research that working-class South Asian families tend to posses middle-class educational aspirations in relation to education. A young working-class Hindu woman from St Aiden's School suggested she was not as religious as she ought to be, and the reason for it was because, she believed, preparing for her examinations was more important: I am not very religious ... [but] ... my grandparents [are], but not my parents. I mean they try to be ... go to temples a few times a week. They try to keep up their religion and I learn from them and know about their religion and what things go on on different days and so they do try. I feel that I don't really have much time for religion these days because exams are coming up and so there's a lot of schoolwork to do. Don't have time for things like that. (Hindu woman, aged 16, St Aiden's) For this and other Hindu respondents, it appears that deciding to remain religious was not deemed a priority. It is partly based on the nature of the religion that permits Hindus to be less religiously observant but still remain technically religious (Stopes-Roe & Cochrane, 1990; Ghuman, 1997). The same, however, is not true for Muslims Jacobson, 1997; Hennick et al., 1999) and, to a lesser extent, Sikhs. Young non-Muslim workingclass South Asian women are not as affected by their religions (Hinduism or Sikhism). They regard it as an option they choose to exercise or equally ignore. This finding coheres with the views of young non-Muslim middle-class women, who also felt less close to their religions. It seems, therefore, that young non-Muslim women, whatever their respective social class positions, do not tend to remain close to their religions. A 17-year-old Bangladeshi woman from New Heath School was asked about her experiences of being a Muslim. Her concern, as with many like her, was that although Islam on its own is perfectly amiable, it was its fusion with cultural values originating from the sending regions that were the problem. Patriarchy rendered many if not all of the positive virtues that Islam has towards women completely redundant. She stated: 'culture is the problem, not exactly the religion. Our parents they do not really believe in religion, they think about the culture'. A 17-year old Pakistani Shia Muslim woman from New Heath School elaborated further on the nature of religion. She talked about Islam and the effects of her parent's religio-cultural norms and values: I think a problem is that some people get culture and Islam mixed ... and they think that you are not a Muslim if you don't wear Salwar-Kameez.Now is a and they see that as part of Islam and it's not. I Salwar-Kameez just style

Norms and YoungSouthAsian Women Religio-cultural don't have to show externally that I am a Muslim, though it is obligatory to wear a Hyab, which I will do soon. I have to make sure my intentions are right before I do anything. I am only seventeen but I mean my parents want me to have a stable education. We've been brought up in Britain [and] obviously we are going to be influenced by the Western society. (Muslim woman, aged 16, New Heath)

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For this and other young working-class South Asian Muslim women in comprehensive schools, it was argued that parents had confused Islam with South Asian culture. It impacted on how these women negotiated their educational paths so that they could carry on in education in a way they wished but at the same time respecting their parent's stance of restricting social movements outside of a specific domain (Shaikh & Kelly, 1989; Osler & Hussain, 1995; Basit, 1997a). The position for young Muslim South Asian women was that religion is of overriding importance, and commitment to it ranked highest in their list of priorities. They remained strong followers of Islam, and took all the steps they could to ensure they were living Islamic lives. Notwithstanding, the desire to remain Islamic was strong but it was tempered by a wish to ensure its correct practice.

CollegeStudents Education between the years of 16 and 19 is often a time when a competitive race ensues in the run up to university entry (Ball et al., 1998). Advanced level subjects (A-levels) and other similar qualifications are taken in the hope that access to established higher educational institutions and their courses are gained (cf. Modood, 1993). Research has found ethnic minorities and particularly South Asians far more likely to remain in further education, and proportionately more likely to gain admission to universities compared with their white counterparts (Tanna, 1990; Drew et al., 1997). From the college students survey there were many interesting comments written by South Asian students that included much on the roles of religion and culture. These comments were not affected by the presence of the researcher, helping to negate some of the dynamics that can negatively impact the process of effective interaction between researcher and the researched (see Abbas, 2003). Indian respondents tend to be more concerned with performing well in education. Religion did not appear to compound their educational aspirations, as was found from the statements from Indian pupils of all social classes. The following young Hindu woman from James Watt College stated that her experiences were overwhelmingly positive, aided by supportive and understanding parents. She wrote: 'My religion/culture has no affect on my education. Parents do encourage me to do well. I want to learn as well. My college teachers are brilliant ...'. Young Indian women respondents, on the whole, made few direct comments on the impact of religion towards education. It was likely to be a reflection of the lack of its importance for them-as found with non-Muslim school pupils. Muslim respondents, however, were more vociferous about the impact of their religion and culture. The following respondent felt that her religion empowered her to remain strong in the face of pressures to perform in education. Her parents were supportive and provided her with every level of reassurance and approval. The fact that other members of her familial network had performed well in education is important to consider as it generates wider cultural and social capital that the respondent is able to draw upon (Bourdieu, 1985; Coleman, 1988). She wrote:

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I think that my religion has given a positive side to my education, as religion advises you to gain an education, and my parents and I respect this advice and follow it. My culture, I feel, has supported me in achieving an education, because most people in my family have had educational achievements. (Bangladeshi woman, aged 18, Cherrywood)

The following young Pakistani woman from St Margaret's College epitomises the ways in which certain young South Asian Muslim women are managing to determine their individual and social identities in the face of conflicting pressures emanating from the South Asian domestic sphere. My parents encourage us to do well in education because they feel we will have a better life, but I think it is also connected to status in the community and of course marriage. I personally think it is very important for a young woman to be independent especially in Asian families that are patriarchal [headed by the authority and ruled by men]. Basically I think our culture stinks and has nothing to do with religion, because women are too repressed within their own families. My parents are very understanding and broad-minded therefore I have no problems but many of my friends experience this. They are not allowed to do many things but their brothers are which is unjust and unfair, and it really annoys me! Islam is a beautiful religion which respects women, and honours women, but people especially men make rules which suit them and disadvantage women in many ways. Most Asian parents do not realise that in India and Pakistan people are 'modernising' their ways, and Asians in Britain are 'left behind' holding on to 'old' traditional values, which are not important. (Pakistani woman, aged 18, St Margaret's) Reinforcing these sentiments, a young James Watt College Bangladeshi Muslim woman stated her experiences were problematical necessarily as a result of wider religio-cultural factors. Reasons for estrangement were based on her parents' understanding and practice of religion and culture, preventing her from exploiting all the opportunities available. In these circumstances, working-class and poorer South Asian parents tended to have a narrower view of their lives in the UK (because of racism and discrimination on the one hand and of bonded solidarity on the other) and, combined with notions of patriarchy, these South Asian women had to fight especially hard to remain engaged in education beyond a critical point. The following individual returned to education after an earlier negative experience caused her to be removed from it: It is difficult to go through education if you are born of a generation who have immigrated to this country. You are torn between two cultures. In my culture, women are regarded as being of marriageable age as soon as they are 16 years of age. That is when the most important part of the education starts. My parents got me married at 19. I did not get any kind of qualification to get a job. All you hear is 'you can't do this' and 'you can't do that', 'the religion does not permit it', or 'the culture does not permit it', or 'what will people say'. I felt torn between cultures. I even hated my religion, my culture, parents. But they were only like that because they had been brought up like that. Young women are restricted so much that some rebel against their parents. But I gave up and did what they wanted me to do.

Norms and YoungSouthAsian Women Religio-cultural Now after all these years I have the opportunity to further myself and it is a great feeling. (Bangladeshi woman, aged 29, James Watts)

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The findings from the college student sample suggest that, for some young Muslim women, religio-cultural norms and values infused with notions of patriarchy and community cause certain Muslim women to become marginalised in education. All the other young non-Muslim South Asian women in the sample felt their parents and the wider community in which they lived provided with them with the necessary support, encouragement and security to educationally improve themselves. Invariably, South Asian families wishing to empower their daughters so that they could obtain more from the labour market, and perhaps also the 'marriage market', fuelled much of this drive (Berrington, 1996). It was a very small minority of South Asian Muslim women who felt they could not carry on in education unless prepared to face hostile parents (invariably fathers) or suffer exclusion from the community (cf. Afshar, 1989). Nevertheless, it appears from this study and other more recent studies that this tendency is decreasing over time, with parents and families beginning to understand the holistic benefits of their Muslim daughters receiving an education.

Discussion This paper has explored some of the salient differences between young South Asian women in education, having taken into account different types of schools (selective and comprehensive), different South Asian groups by nationality, and the three leading religions that they tend to practise. Imaginably, these constituents have their own set of important delineations, such that the impact of religion and culture on an individual is affected not only by social class, but also by the effectiveness of schools. There are other distinctions too, such that social class strongly affects the type of school a person attends and how religious an individual remains within that school. The overall findings suggest how important Islam is for Muslims and how seemingly less important Sikhism and Hinduism appears to be for Indians. In essence, such differences are manifest based on the ways in which religion is expressed and articulated in various ways. The spiritual dimension of Hinduism does not tend to impact in the same way as Islam in the lives of young Muslim women. Furthermore, in relation to clothing practices, freedom of movement, varying interpretations of Purdah,the ability to socialise with young men and others outside of their faith (see Hennick et al., 1999), and the issue of alcohol all impact on the Muslim domestic sphere and who South Asian parents and their children socialise with. Many of these and other factors impact the ways in which Hindus and Sikhs tend to be more positively recognised than Muslims [3]. Young Muslim women in this study actively questioned cultural tendencies observed in how their parents practised Islam, wishing it was less patriarchal and contained a greater degree of Islam-proper. Non-Muslim young women did not seem to take such an active interest or involvement in their respective religions, conceivably reflecting greater freedom provided--allowing them to take greater advantage of a wider set of educational as well as potential occupational opportunities. Using polar extremes, this paper does make a discernible attempt to explore the reasons for difference based on certain distinguishable and observable religio-cultural norms and values, ascertained empirically through in-depth interviewing and open-ended survey responses. A great deal of social science interest in the education of South Asian women has materialised in the past few years. Studies have looked at the experiences of

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Religiosity

Social Class Status class High middle

schools Low- workingclass

Hinduism Skhism Indian

Lowreligiosity- high acculturation

Islam
Bangladeshi

Pakistani

High religiosity- low acculturation

schools

Low religiosity highacculturation

religiosity lowacculturation High

FIGURE 1. A typological analysis of the impact of religio-cultural norms and values on young South Asian women

in education.

secondary schooling (Brah & Minhas, 1988; Basit, 1997a; Haw, 1998; Bhatti, 1999) as well as higher education (Ahmad, 2001). At a time when widening polarities between rich and poor have also affected divisions in relation to schooling (Gillborn, 1997; Tomlinson, 1998), it is young South Asian non-Muslim women that have continued to remain ahead of their Muslim counterparts, particularly in relation to higher education entry (Modood, 1993; Demack et al., 2000). The findings from this study reflect those emanating from recent research in this area. South Asian women are continuing to improve their positions in education by co-operating with parents, enhancing their community status, ultimately helping to improve their labour market positions, leading to later marriages (cf. Bhopal, 1997). Nevertheless, there is still a certain group of South Asian women that continue to remain marginalised. They are Muslim and working class in status, living with uniformed parents who seek to apply a more culturally defined interpretation of Islam. Non-Muslim South Asian women, whatever their social class, did not remain close to their religion. The converse is true for South Asian Muslim women-a strong bond was found irrespective of social class. More importantly, although higher social class young South Asian Muslim women are found to be close to their religion, they do, however, tend not to experience the negative culturally defined interpretations of Islam that affects their lower social class counterparts, which ultimately remains a specific problem. Figure 1 shows a typological analysis. What it demonstrates is that, irrespective of social class status, Indians tend not to be as religious as their Muslim counterparts. This finding has important implications for practitioners and policy-makers operating in this field. Religion impacts the lives of Muslims in distinct ways, and often there are added pressures on young Muslim women unbeknown to others. For working-class Muslims, it is the operationalisation of certain negative religio-cultural norms and values that inhibits the progression of a certain few. For middle-class South Asian Muslims, there is every level of expectation as there is for non-Muslims, with educational achievements equally as high. Greater religiosity has negligible effect on performance when the forces of social class are greater than that of culture. Nevertheless, it needs to be stated that what is elaborated upon here are based on fine nuances-the overwhelmingly majority of all South Asian women continue to perform better than all South Asian men-and often better than whites in comparable settings. This paper has contributed to this growing area of education research and has identified some of the key religio-cultural characteristics for each of the young South Asian women groups in their respective social class positions. However, further research is needed in this area as the knowledge of such differences is at an early stage. Greater understanding is required of the ways in which the roles of religion and culture impact on young South Asian women in education, taking a wider perspective by looking at the

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question based on a range of different schools, localities and greater numbers from different social classes and South Asian ethnicities.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank the anonymous referees for making valuable comments on an earlier version of this paper. I would also like to thank Fauzia Ahmad of the University of Bristol Department of Sociology and Andrew Zurawan of the University of Surrey Department of Sociology for their observations and suggestions. Dr Correspondence: Tahir Abbas, Department of Cultural Studies and Sociology, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham B15 2TT, UK. E-mail: tahirabbas@hotmail. com / Tahir.abbas@lcdhq.gsi.gov.uk

NOTES
[1] Eight of the respondents classified as Indian were part of families that had also spent time in East Africa before migrating to the UK. Similarly, four of these Indians were also Muslim, an equal combination of

Shiaand Sunni.
[2] It is important to state the significance of Shia status for this respondent, and others like her. The majority of all Muslims across the globe are Sunni. Only Iran has a majority Shia population. Everywhere else, Shia Muslims are marginalised and oppressed in majority other domains as much as other minority religions. This distinction is important to contextualise. [3] Other factors include negative media representation of South Asian Muslims in the British press, effectively ever since the Iranian Revolution of 1979 (see Abbas, 2001b).

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