Sowing Seeds of Hope and New Life: The Role of Music in Social Awareness and Change in Peru and

El Salvador
Christopher Wemp
Santa Clara University Honors Program May 2012

Abstract From 1980-1992, Peru and El Salvador struggled with violent uprisings that involved terrorism and military oppression. The Peruvian and Salvadoran poor were forgotten and marginalized as political, economic, and social events spiraled beyond their control and into chaos. For each moment that their voices werent heard, their realities worsened. They were the true bearers of suffering, and those with the power to help them responded, and still respond, with indifference. How can the poor acknowledge their current reality, organize as a community, and demand justice in the form of political action? Peruvian composer Gilmer Torres offered an answer by creating Grupo Siembra. Siembra comes from the Spanish verb sembrar which means to sow. This band vowed to sow the seeds of lasting change by composing music that served as an invitation to social action, awareness, and community organization in the context of religion. Salvadoran composer Guillermo Cullar planted his own seeds of justice in El Salvador, albeit amidst a different political climate and historical context. Regardless, the two musicians share strong similarities in their purpose for creating music and their style of composition: they believe that music is paramount in strengthening personal and communal social awareness, and in motivating communities to bring about the change they wish to see in their countries. For these composers, music was not an abstract art form meant to be interpreted outside of social realities music was meant to be a practical, unifying force of mobilization. Furthermore, it was meant to challenge the status quo, the institutionalized churchs theological practices, and structural inequity, all while remaining singable and harmonically beautiful. Gilmers and Guillermos music was, and still is, controversial, provocative, and radically honest in its declaration of

injustice and in its declaration that God calls us to love one another as members of the same human community. By examining Peru and El Salvador in relation to these musicians, the author defends Guillermos and Gilmers claim by arguing that music has played and continues to play a critical role in raising social awareness and inspiring change in both countries, mainly through educating and building the interpersonal trust required for communities to organize politically. This papers research is mainly derived from personal interviews conducted while visiting Peru and El Salvador in 2011 and 2012, respectively, and is in conversation with literature from religious studies, political science, history, and ethnomusicology.

Before dawn on November 16th, 1989, a loud banging woke Salvadoran composer Guillermo Cullar. He answered the door and found himself staring at a military commander who had recently received orders to kill him. I was convinced that I would be exterminated, Cullar later recounted. But something happenedI cant explain whatbuthe didnt recognize me. We spoke for a few minutes and then he left with his soldiers without ever entering the house (Cullar 2012). It was nothing short of a miracle; Cullar was one of several key individuals wanted by the Salvadoran military for allegedly spreading subversive and communist propaganda in Guillermos casemusic. The house where Guillermo confronted the commander wasnt his own, but rather a safe house he fled to when he realized his life was in danger. He would later learn that the soldiers had searched the neighborhood all night for himCullar had literally escaped death by the slimmest of odds. Guillermo wasnt writing communist music, nor was he threatening the fabric of democracy as the military claimed he was. He composed msica religiosa popularpopular religious musicmusic that announced social injustices and called for a response in the context of religion. If taken seriously by the oppressed, then the music held the power to inspire massive uprisings against the military. El Salvador had been engaged in a bloody civil war since 1980 that pitted the military and a group of rebels against each other in a series of the most violent combat episodes Latin America has ever seen (Palumbo, 2010). By 1989, the military was on the brink of collapseall it needed was a small, final nudge to lose everything (ibid.). That was why the military feared Guillermos music, and why the composer was almost murdered on that fateful morning. As El Salvadors war raged on, Peru was locked in its own violent struggle. A terrorist organization called Sendero LuminosoShining Pathbegan a series of attacks against the

government and innocent civilians in 1980 that wouldnt end until the groups leader was captured in 1992 (Salas, 2011). With explosions, kidnappings, and murders, Shining Path terrorized Peru in the name of acting out against the government. Yet as these statements of violence dominated the political climate, a quiet voice rose to challenge them. In LimaPerus capital citya man named Gilmer Torres had the vision to create a band that addressed social injustices in Peru and called for change in the name of human dignity through provoking social awareness and building trust in the context of the newly emerging liberation theology. The band would be called Grupo Siembra, and would be a beacon of hope in the darkness of terror. Gilmer and Guillermo had both arrived at a crucial point: the Peruvian and Salvadoran poor were forgotten and marginalized as political, economic, and social events spiraled beyond their control and into chaos. For each moment that their voices werent heard, their realities worsened. They were the true bearers of suffering, and those with the power to help them responded, and still respond, with indifference. Where, then, does this leave the poor? How can they acknowledge their current reality, organize as a community, and demand justice in the form of political action? Gilmer offered an answer by creating Grupo Siembra. Siembra comes from the Spanish verb sembrar which means to sow. This band vowed to sow the seeds of lasting change by composing music that served as a radical invitation to social action and community organization in the context of religion (Torres 2011). Guillermo planted his own seeds of justice in El Salvador, albeit amidst a different political climate and historical context. Regardless, the two musicians share strong similarities in their purpose for creating music and their style of composition: they believe that music is paramount in strengthening personal and communal social awareness, and in motivating communities to bring about the change they wish to see in their countries. For these composers,

music was not an abstract art form meant to be interpreted outside of social realitiesmusic was meant to be a practical, unifying force of mobilization. Furthermore, it was meant to challenge the status quo, the institutionalized churchs theological practices, and structural inequity, all while remaining singable and harmonically beautiful. Gilmers and Guillermos music was, and still is, controversial, provocative, and radically honest in its declaration of injustice and in its declaration that God calls us to love one another as members of the same human community (Cullar 2012). By examining Peru and El Salvador in relation to these musicians, I will defend Guillermos and Gilmers claim by arguing that music has played and continues to play a critical role in raising social awareness and inspiring change in both countries, mainly through educating and building the interpersonal trust required for communities to organize politically. I will address each country separately by discussing Gilmer Torres, Grupo Siembra and its active members, and Guillermo Cullar, respectively, and how their compositions fit into their countries historical context and political climate (Note: Gilmer is no longer an active member of Grupo Siembra. The current members will be discussed in addition to Gilmer). Then, I will closely analyze several of their most important musical works, and argue for their role as educator, interpersonal trust builder, and motivator for political action. My research is mainly derived from personal interviews conducted while visiting Peru and El Salvador in 2011 and 2012, respectively, and is in conversation with literature from religious studies, political science, history, and ethnomusicology. Political Mobilization in Latin America: A Quantitative Analysis Before the later half of the twentieth century, Latin American political systems were dominated by authoritarian regimes. Even when democracy began to take hold in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, political participation was relatively low amongst the working class, leaving

political decisions and policies largely in the hands of the dominant class. In present day, popular political participation is moderate at best in Latin America when compared to first world countries around the world. Why does this disparity exist? Researchers have been investigating this issue with the intention of better understanding what promotes political participation amongst the nonelite members of Latin American society. If political participation is encouraged and increased, then there is a greater chance that the voices of the oppressed will be more greatly heard and perhaps become an integral part of socio-economic change that brings justice to marginalized individuals and communities. One of the leading theories on this topic is that social capital is essential in promoting political participation in a democratic country. Social capital can be defined as our relations with one another, which can include social networks and interpersonal trust that allow citizens to collectively work towards communal goals (Klesner, 2007). Klesner, for example, uses the 2005 World Values Survey data set to show that social capital is directly proportional to political activity in Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Peru. Some scholars go a step further and argue that while social capital is important, economic factors are a critical part of increasing political participation (Bellinger, 2011). This idea is greeted with dissenting opinions amongst scholarssome believe that collective protest increases in response to economic liberalization, while others claim them to be inversely proportional (Schnwlder, 1997). Bellinger, for instance, argues that social forces can take advantage of political forces rather than feel they are held captive by the current system. In other words, political participation can increase due to economic liberalization. Another key idea is that interpersonal trust is important in promoting political participation. Current literature typically agrees that low levels of trust in Latin America are linked with

moderate levels of participation, which serves as an explaining factor as to why political participation isnt very robust (Klesner, 2007). I desired to prove this claim by conducting quantitative research using the World Values Survey. The 2005-2008 World Values Survey (WVS) is a database that is a product of a worldwide network of social scientists studying changing values and their impact on social and political life (worldvaluessurvey.org). According to the databases website, the WVS carried out representative national surveys in 97 societies containing almost 90 percent of the worlds population. These surveys show pervasive changes in what people want out of life and what they believe (worldvaluessurvey.org). WVS has been cited as the only source of empirical data on peoples beliefs and values covering a majority of the worlds population, which has been used in thousands of scholarly publications (worldvaluessurvey.org). The units of analysis are individual humans. As the dataset measures 88% of all countries, I isolated Spanish speaking Latin American countries so that my results were tailored specifically to my region of interest. Because the WVS doesnt include a single political participation variable, I constructed an index that calculated the mean of six variables that served as indicators of political participation. I titled this index political participation. The indicators within this index measure a respondents interest in politics, and whether or not the respondent ever signed a petition, joined a boycott, or participated in a lawful/peaceful demonstration. Essentially, this index served as my dependent variable, which I used in relation with my aforementioned independent variables (town size, interpersonal trust, age, and socioeconomic status) to gain a clearer picture of what affects political participation in Latin America. The general distribution of the index is as follows:

Amount of Participation in Average of all 6 Political Actions

Average of all 6 Political Actions

Table 1: Measures of Central Tendency for all Measured Independent Variables 9

Standard Mean Deviation Political .26 Action Index Size of Town Age Interpersonal .43 Trust Highest Level of Education Attained Scale of 3.51 Income
Source: World Values Survey Notes: Controlled for Spanish speaking Latin American countries only

Minimum .218 2.516 15.859 .237 0 1 17 0

Maximum 1 8 93 1

5.7 39.26

1.74

.902

2.318

10

The histograms range is 0 to 1, with 0 represents a lack of participation and 1 representing active participation in politics in Latin America. The mean is .26, which demonstrates that the typical person is less inclined to participate in politics. The mode of the data falls on 0, which means that the majority of the surveyed population would never participate in one of the six measured political actions. This is a disappointing conclusion as the measured political actions are relatively easy to engage in (e.g. signing a petition, attending a lawful demonstration). If people are unwilling to participate in activities as simple and risk free as these, then there is little hope for participation in more serious political affairs. However, it may be risky or even dangerous to sign a petition, for instance, in certain contexts. Thus, it isnt valid to associate each of the measured political actions with an unchanging easy or risk-free label. Still, it is disheartening to see an unwillingness to participate in relatively straightforward and legal political actions that wouldnt

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typically lead to serious repercussions (e.g. arrest). Gilmer and Guillermo wrote the bulk of their music knowing very well that political participation was low in their respective countries (Torres, 2010). Could their compositions change this? How? I brought these questions directly to Grupo Siembra when I traveled to Peru in July 2011. Lima, Peru, and San Juan de Lurigancho When I arrived in Lima, I was greeted by Yns Franco Ochoa, who is one of three active members in Grupo Siembra. After weeks of email correspondence, we finally met each other face to face. This would be a recurring theme during my five weeks in the countrymy correspondence with Siembra and Gilmer Torres had left me anxious to meet them in real life, not only for the purposes of my research, but because our conversations revealed incredibly genuine people whose greatest satisfaction came in serving others. I climbed into a battered taxi with Yns and we began our journey to my new home: the sprawling Peruvian town named San Juan de Lurigancho. I would be told over and over again by a number of Peruvians that Peru was three countries in onedesert, mountains, and jungle. Lima was built on the desert and is the crowded home of about 8 million people (CIA World Book, 2009). During the winter months, a blanket of fog permanently coats the city in a light drizzle. Barren hills made out of rocks and dirt are sprinkled throughout the city, creating an austere backdrop against endless traffic, clouds of pollution and noise. Economic contrasts were blatantly stark. For every developed building I saw, whether it was a bank or a store, there was a crumbling wall, or an old structure missing windows, or children playing in a muddy street while a bicycle carried food that the owner would later sell.

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As we entered the outskirts of Lima, we passed by Cerro San Cristbal, which was a mountain that towered above the city. It was absent of color save for dark brown. But at the base of the mountain, there were housessmall houses painted in bright colors. They stacked almost to the top of the cerrothe mountaincreating a collage of development that was unsettling in its fragility and poverty.1 San Juan de Lurigancho is not only the biggest town in Lima, but the biggest town in Latin America. Its also one of the poorest. Home to over a million people, the towns appearance can be characterized by its underdeveloped roads, tiny, basic houses, and overwhelming amounts of garbage. The main roads were filled with the chaos of aggressive drivers, ramshackle buses, and the endless crowds of people. A five-minute drive could change the environment completely, rendering a quiet suburban development. Gilmer Torres lived in one of these neighborhoods, down a street called Cerecitas. Yns took me there five days after I landed, and we knocked on the front door of a two story cinderblock house surrounded by an iron gate. From the moment I set foot in Peru, I had always heard Gilmers name. You must meet Gilmeryou have to meet Gilmerhes the one behind Grupo Siembra. Hes the one who had the dream to create the group, and to write the songs, and to bring the music to the community. Thus, it was made known to me that at the root of popular religious music in Peru, there was Grupo Siembra, and at the root of Grupo Siembra was Gilmer. And finally, after all this time, he opened his door to me. I hope you dont mind, the fifty-eight year old man said, motioning to his sweat pants, that Im in my pajamas. Im just here watching the soccer game. He smiled, shook my hand, and then hugged me. Its so good to finally meet you outside of emails, he said. Please, come

See Figures 1 and 2 in the Appendix

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inside and sit down.2 Gilmer was a humble man, who lived in a humble home with his wife and two teenage children. He laughed, told jokes, and asked me many questions as we sat with his wife and Yns around their dining room table, eating animal crackers and drinking tea. Just by appearance, or by character, one could never guess that this man, this genius of a man with short white hair and a face wrinkled with age, was the author of so many beautiful songs, and was the one who had the idea to start something incredible: Grupo Siembra. Gilmer Torres, Grupo Siembra, and Liberation Theology Gilmer was born in the northwestern city of Trujillo, Peru, in 1953, to parents who cut sugar cane for a living. When he was very young, he underwent a religious transformation.
I remember that in first grade, I wanted to become a priest. The teacher told me that I was too young and didnt know what I was talking about. But after [ongoing] contact with religious organizations, I continued to have this desire until, at last, I left for Lima to study with the Dominicans. I was there for eight years, which included the time of Vatican II. Unfortunately, Vatican II excluded Latin America, which was full of protests against government institutions. This contributed to the formation of liberation theology. I was eventually disillusioned by the turn of events and left the Dominicansnot just me, but many from my generation and from different branches of Christianity (Torres, 2011).

Though he didnt know it at the time, Gilmer was part of a massive religious movement that would happen in conjunction with Vatican II, and would provide the foundation for Grupo Siembras inception. As Gilmer walked out on his formation as a Dominican, a friend and resident of San Juan de Lurigancho named Gustavo Gutierrez was developing a new theology that would quickly spread throughout all of Latin America: liberation theology. Liberation theology represents an attempt to accept the initiation of Pope John XXIII and the Second Vatican Council and interpret this sign of the times by reflecting on it critically in the light of Gods word. (Gutierrez xxi). Gutierrez observed that in the years 1960 to 1965, there
2

See Figure 3 in the Appendix

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were significant breaks in the history of the church and the history of Latin America (Gutirrez 38). A new willingness was emerginga willingness to embrace the world and the growing resolve of Latin AmericansandChristian believers, to challenge the injustice of the societies in which they lived (ibid.). The Second General Conference of the Latin American Episcopacy (CELAM) was partly responsible for the development of liberation theology. Members of the conference, which was held in Medelln in 1968, as a response to the Vatican Council II, expressed joy at the churchs new openness to the worldthe three year Vatican Council called for a reemergence of the bible and the acknowledgement that churches needed to switch from mirror churches to source churches. To be a source church would be to represent the culture of the country and the needs of its people instead of regurgitating the values of a foreign European church that wasnt aware of the ever changingand ever differentneeds of various communities around the world. Paul VIs Octogesima Adveniens (1971) stated:
To utter a unified message and to put forward a solution which has universal validityis not our ambition, nor is it our mission. It is up to the Christian communities to analyze with objectivity the situation which is proper to their own country, to shed on it the light of the Gospels unalterable words...It is up to these Christian communitiesto discern the options and commitments which are called for in order to bring about the social, political, and economic changes seen in many cases to be urgently needed (Sobrino and Ellacura 19).

But CELAM also noticed a gap between the optimistic language of the Council and the reality of Latin America (ibid.). CELAM desired not only a source church but a pastoral option for the poor, one that continued to draw on scripture but also applied scriptural themes to modern day realityparticularly that of the poor and suffering. While John XXIII did call a church of the born into being one month before the start of the council (idem 85), the concept wasnt as fully addressed during the actual council as the CELAM had hoped it would be. Thus, liberation theology movement was born in Latin America, jointly using the momentum of the Council as well as the ambitions of developing further what the Council had yet to fully incorporate in its structural

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changes. It is a theology that quickly spread beyond Latin America and is now practiced globally, including parts of the United States that are more interested in a God of the community rather than a God of the private self (ONeill 2010). Jon Sobrino and Ignacio Ellacura, two other significant theologians and leaders in liberation theology, state that liberation theology is integral, treating all of the positivity of faith from a particular perspective: that of the poor and their liberation (idem 115). It interprets the gospel as being historically liberative, and develops themes of the liberation and oppression of the poor. Examples of this include economic production, shared power, [and] democracy (idem 116). Sobrino and Ellacuria stress that the theology of liberation is a faith and a history that focuses directly on the experience of the oppressed. At its root is the word of God (objective faith), but also present is subjective faith, which is precisely the perspective of the oppressed. In conjunction with this perspective, Liberation theology represents a world waking up to knowing that the poor are poor because of the structures in which they live. It is unique because it bears the concrete question of the social emancipation of todays oppressed (ibid.). The atrocities of World War II forced followers of faith to reevaluate their definition of God and, consequently, the role of religion in the world. How could an all loving and all-powerful God allow something like the Holocaust to happen? Gottfried Leibniz, a philosopher in 1710, tried to justify Gods ways in a painful world through the study of theodicy, but this viewpoint was rejected after World War IIthere was simply no way the death of so many innocent people could be justified (Johnson 52). How could it be said that God still loved all those who suffered unjustly? In response, a movement towards a death of God theology developed, drawing not just on the Holocaust but other horrific demonstrations of absolute suffering, including the Rwanda

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genocide. But as Gutirrez says, liberation theology does not accept this death of God mentality. Instead, it states that God is the God of the poor, and that the God of the poor draws close to, and can most clearly be seen by, those who find a way to draw near the poor (Gutirrez and Nickoloff 45). (It is important to note that while WWII affected most of the world, it didnt impact Latin America nearly as drastically. Yet Latin America still took the lessons and realities of the war and used them in conjunction with its own reality to stimulate the conversation around liberation theology.) Gutirrez continues by saying that if the poor and persecuted figure of God is one of us, we are confronted not with the evaporation of Gods transcendencebut with the transcendence of our captivity (ibid.). Essentially, God is not dying through the process of the liberation of humanity as God is not an oppressor. As Paulo Freire wrote in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, to be truly liberated from oppression is to rise above the oppression without transforming into an oppressor (Freire 126). Theodicy and liberation theology are not compatible as liberation theology states that God walks with the people. Liberation theology, then, provides new a language for speaking about God. It is a faith that is
inseparable from the concrete conditions in which the vast majority and, in a sense, even all the inhabitants of Latin America liveHow is it possible to tell the poor, who are forced to live in conditions that embody a denial of love, that God loves them? This is equivalent to asking: How can we find a way of talking about god amid the suffering and oppression that is the experience of the Latin American poor? (Gutierrez xxxiv).

When John II became Pope, he stated again and again that the theology of liberation was necessary for the church, and that in addition to a theology done on the behalf of the poor, liberation theology must also address the personal, social, and eschatological (Sobrino and Ellacura 116). The bible began to be read in this context, drawing on scriptures such as the Beatitudes in new light. The Exodus speaks of the liberation of slaves when they leave Egypt with 16

a God who accompanies their every step (idem 123). The book of the Prophets champions the lowly and their importance and significance in the world (ibid.). The Gospels speaks of Jesus and his actions of liberation and his great sacrifice for the world, and the historical significance of his being (ibid.). The Acts of the Apostles portrays an ideal of a liberated Christian community (ibid.). And the Book of Revelation verbalizes the immense struggle of the persecuted people of God against all the monsters of history (ibid.). Indeed, the word of God is used to draw on the social consequences ofa salvific truth, or reflect on such and such a concrete problem (hunger, [death]...and so on) in the light of faith. Without that wisdom sourcethat pool of faith to draw from, there is the danger of this theology running out of gas and coming to a halt (idem 117). Theologian Clodovis Boff compares liberation theology to a tree: The roots are the Christian communities; the trunk contains the pastors and other ministers; the branches are the professional theologians (idem 119). The sap that runs through the branches of the tree is the same that runs through the trunk, rising from the roots of the tree in the secret recesses of the earth (ibid.). While this image is flawed in its vertical attributes, it succeeds in demonstrating the great connectedness between the poorest of the poor to the smartest and most privilegedpeople who are not in an ivory tower but have one foot in the center of reflection and the other in the life of the community (ibid.). Liberation theology is an intersection of religion, politics, and social justice designed to serve as the preferential option to the poor (ONeill 2010). If it could be taught and reinforced amongst economically depressed regions of Latin Americacommunities that lived on one to five dollars a day, for instancethen perhaps its call to action in the context of religion could inspire the poor to create change (ibid.). This idea was fresh in Gilmers mind when he retired from the Dominicans and moved to San Juan de Lurigancho. In a small parish named San Cristbal in a

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small town named Caja de Agua, Gilmer aligned himself with a priest who had entered a movement of priests and Christian communities that desired a more popular way to interpret God in the context of current military and social issues (Torres 2011).3 Soon after, Gilmer formed Grupo Siembra. With the help of his friends Eduardo Salas and Yns4 Ochoa, both of whom would become cornerstone members of the band, Gilmer began to write music designed to sow the seeds of liberation theology in the hearts of the Latin American poor. Msica Popular Religiosa (Religious Popular Music) Grupo Siembra songs are unique because they fall under the rare genre of religious popular music (Torres, 2011). This refers to music that raises awareness about social issues and calls for change in the context of religion. In addition to this role as educator and organizer, Siembra songs help [Peruvians] to reflect on past injustices or actions of terrorthey allow [them] to ask, Why did this happen? They provide a space for reflection and a way for [them] to remember (Salas, 2011). For example, the album El Dios de la Vida (God of Life) was written to
to share the news [with our communities] that the time of Jesus wasnt centuries ago, but is now, here in Latin America, here in Peru, here in San Juan de Lurigancho, or in El Salvador, or in those towns where there are groups of people that dont live in the way God desires; they dont live with the dignity of having their basic human needs met. We must endeavor to live [in a way that] all can have access, at the minimum, to health, education, and a roof to warm themIn this context, Siembra makes songs so that the community lives them, feels them, and uses them as an answer of action; not only that the songs are merely heard, but that they act as an injection for action (Ochoa, 2011).

Take, for example, Gilmer Torres song El clamor de los pobres (The Cry of the Poor):

Del fondo del pecho de este pueblo, sube un clamor creciente, gritando a los cuatro vientos: No seremos esclavos para siempre.
3 4

Es la voz de los pobres, de un pueblo sufriente y herido, que busca en la esperanza, un camino donde pueda forjar su destino.

See Figure 4 in the Appendix See Figures 5 and 6 in the Appendix

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Nuestras voces se repetirn como ecos en la cordillera, volveremos de nuevo a cantar, anunciando la patria nueva. Y los pobres se levantarn, entonando gritos libertarios, y aunque callen, siempre se oirn, con la fuerza de un clamor popular. Ya estamos cansados de morir; queremos vivir sin temores, con todo nuestro amor compartir el fruto de nuestros sudores. Mirar tu rostro hermano, sentir tu sangre en mis venas, y juntos poder construir un pueblo libre y sin fronteras.

always hear, with the strength of a popular cry. Were tired of dying; we want to live without fear, with all our love sharing the fruit of our labors. Look at your face, brother, feel your blood in my veins, and together we can construct a community that is free and without borders.

Germina de nuevo la vida, susurra el viento en las montaas, el da le cuenta a la noche, que el clamor de los pobres se ha escuchado. Y ahora nos queda avanzar, por el camino ya trazado, con la sangre de los que cayeron por la patria grande que ganaron. Germinate life once again, Whispers the wind in the mountains, The day tells the night, That the cry of the poor has been heard. And now we remain advancing, through the path already plotted, with the blood of those that were silenced for the great patriotism that they won.

From the bottom of the chest of these people rises a growing cry, shouting to the four winds, We will not be slaves forever. It is the voice of the poor, of a wounded and suffering people, that through hope, searches for a path where it can forge its destiny. Our voices will repeat like echoes in the mountains, we will come to sing a new song, announcing a new patriotism. and the poor will raise themselves up, sounding liberating shouts, and although they may be quieted, they will

Gilmers text contains three main components: annunciation of current issues, religion, and a call to action. He begins by stating that the poor are tired of oppression and injustice. He then writes about the cry of the poor, which is adapted from a passage in Psalm 34 (The righteous

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cry out, the LORD hears and he rescues them from all their afflictions) (New American Bible). In specific, this passage references the exodus, and claims that the cry of the poor in the bible is maintained by the people who suffer today (Torres, 2011). He concludes by urging the poor to join together and create a unified popular cry that calls for the construction of a community rooted in justice. This is the heart of Grupo Siembras music: it is liberation theology combined with a call for social action. El clamor de los pobres asserts that God does not ignore the suffering of the mortal earth, but rather walks with the people and inspires them to bring about the change they long to see in the world. After discussing this song with me, Gilmer said something I will never forget. Some people call faith an opiate to societythis cant be the case. Faith cant be a drug [to sedate and comfort us amidst preexisting injustices]it has to mobilize us to do something because the message of Christ is to enter into new life through service and love to others (Torres, 2011). In realistic terms, this service and love to others can be manifested through political mobilization and constructing interpersonal trust. Interpersonal Trust For the purposes of this paper, I define interpersonal trust as whether or not an individual makes daily decisions in a way that exhibits trust for other community members or distrust for them. In the WVS, the interpersonal trust variable measures how much people trust one another in Latin America. Current conventional wisdom is divided in its opinion on the directional relationship between interpersonal trust and political participationsome say that as interpersonal trust increases, political participation increases, while others say the opposite. Before conducting my own analysis, I hypothesized that that low interpersonal trust is associated with low political

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participation, and that high interpersonal trust is linked with higher political participation (see following page).

Interpersonal Trust in Latin America

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Interpersonal Trust

(See Table 1) The data is on a 0 to 1 scale. A score of 0 means that someone dont trust his or her community at all, while a perfect score of 1 means that the person completely trusts his or her community. The reported mean is .43, which means that the average respondent is less likely to trust his or her community peers. In real world terms, this number is disappointingly low, as it demonstrates that there is a general lack of interpersonal trust amongst Latin American individuals. From a human standpoint, it is disheartening to think that the average person finds reason to distrust his or her peers. Beyond that, how does interpersonal trust affect political participation? I conducted a regression analysis to investigate. As stated before, conventional wisdom is divided on the role of

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interpersonal trust and political participation. The regression analysis reported a P value of .001, which means that the generated data only had a .01% chance of being created if interpersonal trust and political participation were in fact unrelated. This provides grounds to reject the hypothesis that interpersonal trust negatively affects political participation. In fact, the analysis shows that interpersonal trust has a small, positive effect on political participation in Latin America. The slope coefficient tells us that for a completely untrusting person, he or she would have a political participation score of .2, which means that he or she would likely participate in roughly one political action out of the six actions in the index. If a person was completely trusting of others, then he or she would be likely to participate in roughly four political actions. This demonstrates that interpersonal trust is positively related with political participation. Even if someone were to have an interpersonal trust score of .5 (their trust of others is neutral), they would participate in about three political actions, which is already more than one political action. How then, can interpersonal trust be built? Trust begins when structures of support are built, typically when like-minded are put into contact with each other (Nepstad, 1996). If members of a parish community, for instance, hear a Siembra song that deeply resonates in them, and if that mutual feeling is communicated, then familiarity begins to increase. Familiarity then turns into trust, which serves to strengthen the community. People who trust one another are more likely to organize people who are suspicious and wary of their neighbors. Having said that, revolutionary movements need a strong base in the poor massesa place where the central themes of trusting in and serving one another are firmly present. The Catholic Church has great potential to serve as this space, provided that a given parish is willing to embrace liberation theology (Nepstad, 1996) and promote not only a personal relationship with God, but intentional community living that seeks to find God in the neighbor. Because of their religious implications, Siembras songs are strong

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assets for celebrations of this specific kind. However, their songs need to also be universal enough to draw in people from a diverse range of backgrounds and current social realities. Furthermore, Siembra desired their songs to enter the soul the soul of each Peruvian[so that they didnt] recognize that they [were] Siembra songs, but rather the songs of San Juan de Lurigancho [and] those of Lima (Ochoa, 2011). There is a piece that serves as strong evidence of this claima song that is now played not only in Latin America, but also around the world. Antes de formarte te conoca (El Profeta) I Knew You Before You Were Born (The Prophet) In 1973, three years before Grupo Siembra was formed, Gilmer Torres wrote Antes de formarte te conoca (El profeta), a song that is now Siembras most well known piece and one of the most often-sung compositions in Peruvian parishes. Gilmer began his discussion with me about the song by saying, Its a vocational song that draws on encounters as moments with God. The mission is to modify human conditions and inhuman conditions, as God is not content when Gods creation is feeling violated in terms of its rights. All deserve to live with dignity. The conditions need to change (Torres, 2011). His way of calling people to rethink and reform their ideas of justice, and how preexisting structures prevent[ed] many people from entering the great table that God has made was by writing this text (see following page):

Antes que te formaras, dentro del vientre de tu madre, antes que t nacieras, te conoca y te consagr (consecrated). Para ser mi profeta,

de las naciones, Yo te escog; irs donde te enve, y lo que te mande proclamars. Tengo que gritar,

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tengo que arriesgar (to risk); ay, de m, si no lo hago! Cmo escapar de ti, cmo no hablar si tu voz me quema dentro? Tengo que andar, tengo que luchar; ay, de m, si no lo hago! Cmo escapar de ti, cmo no hablar si tu voz me quema dentro? No temas arriesgarte porque contigo Yo estar; no temas anunciarme, porque en tu boca Yo hablar. Te encargo (entrust) hoy mi pueblo, para arrancar (tear out) y derribar (knock down), para edificar (construct), destruirs y plantars. Deja a tus hermanos, deja a tu padre y a tu madre; abandona tu casa, porque la tierra gritando est. Nada traigas contigo, porque a tu lado Yo estar; es hora de luchar, porque mi pueblo sufriendo est.

you will go where I send you, and will proclaim what I command. I need to shout, I need to risk; oh my soul if I dont do it! How can I escape from you, how can I not speak if your voice burns from within? I need to walk, I need to fight, oh my soul if I dont do it! How can I escape from you, how can I not speak if your voice burns from within? Dont be afraid to risk, because I will be with you; dont fear to announce me, because I will speak in your mouth. Today, I entrust to you my people, to tear out and knock down, to construct; You will destroy and plant. Leave your brothers, leave your father and your mother; abandon your house, because the crying earth is present. You will bring nothing with you, because I will be at your side; it is the time of fighting, because my suffering people are here.

Before you were formed within your mothers womb; before you were born, I knew you and consecrated you. I chose you to my prophet for the nations;

The song heavily quotes from Jeremiah 1:4-10, down to the radical verse that says, I entrust youto tear out and knock downYou will destroy and plant. El profeta fits into the Popular Religious Music definition by citing scripture, naming suffering, and calling listeners to

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action. Gilmer said he cannot keep track of the number of people who have approached him to say, You have no idea how important El Profeta was in helping me determine my vocation. Foreigners who visited Peru and heard the song took it back to their own countrieson a tour in the 1990s, Siembra visited a parish in Russia that played El profeta for them with Russian lyrics. The songs themes are truly universal; its seeds have now flourished in the hearts and minds of countless Peruviansand in other parts of the world. Why is this song so successful? Yns suggested that it, amongst other songs, spread not just because of the lyric content, but because the fibers of the notes were woven into our Latin American rhythms (Ochoa, 2011). The song opens with instruments exclusive to Latin America: the zampoa (panflute), the quena (resembles a wooden recorder), and the charanga (a small guitar that looks like a mandolin) that play in free rhythm before settling into a march-like pulse. The three countries of Peru are heardthe zampoa resembles the wind of the Andes mountains, the quena depicts Machu Picchu; the charanga is the desert where Lima is built. The instruments weave these distinct geographies into one universal Peruvian sound, which is not only beautiful but culturally respectful. There is no cheapness or question of authenticity around the soundit was created by Peruvians with the intention of reaching out to Peruvians. Furthermore, the song strikes a pristine balance between specificity and universalityit calls general problems to mind and leaves it up to the listener to determine how the song speaks to him or her personally. Additionally, the song, while idealistic in its desire to organize people through music, also acknowledges that religion and politics exist simultaneously and cannot be adhered to without mention of the other. As Gilmer said,
Faith has to be lived in the context of current political environments. We cant avoid this. We live in a city, we have a social system. Democracy means to respect peoples inherent human rights. Our faith has to be lived in this context, because we cant realistically separate ourselves from it. That would be to live a double life, which doesnt have to be the case. We have two optionsone to live in a way that were honest with the real world and with the theology that

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we follow, or to manipulate God. Our faith has to be lived in the context of coexistence and the political environment (Torres, 2011).

It goes without saying that the misinterpretation of this song could have severe and even violent consequences, especially if it is examined in a strictly literal manner. That is why, as Gilmer urged, Siembras songs must be sung in the context of liberation theology, so that the themes of love and service to the neighbor always remain in the forefront of musical proclamation. Acknowledgement and Reconciliation When Gilmer retired from Grupo Siembra in 1991, Eduardo Salas became the new director. Born in Cusco, he is a prolific composer with more than sixty Siembra songs attributed to his name. Now in his fifties, he is a natural leader with a gentle, humble demeanor and gift for teaching. The words for his songs pour from his dedication to social justice; his beautiful guitar playing and singing voice bring the music to life. Eduardo told me that in order to understand his compositional journey, I needed to understand one of Perus darkest times in recent history: The uprising of Sendero LuminosoShining Path. Sendero Luminoso was founded in 1970 by Abimael Guzman, then a professor of philosophy at the National University of San Cristbal de Huamanga in Ayacucho (McCormick 3). It was formed out of a response to struggles within the Peruvian Communist Partya political group that had vowed to take a substantial role in the struggle for [governmental power] (ibid.). The party split in 1967 when the movement's leadership was not moving decisively enough to initiate an armed revolt and again in 1970 when Abimael Guzman and his followers were expelled from the group for ideological heresy and occult- ism (ibid.). Upon his expulsion, Guzman founded Sendero Luminoso, which maintained a low profile between 27

1970 and 1977) (ibed 4). From an ideological standpoint, the movement was an interpretation of Chinese Marxism that called for a new socialist Peruvian state, starting with workers and peasants among Peru's traditional Indian populations (ibed 5). Throughout the 70s, and before it made its first move against the Peruvian government, Sendero Luminoso built a large network of supporters that ranged from isolated highland farming communities and the slum dwellers of the capital city (ibed 6). It eventually became the largest and most effective armed opposition group in the country for its difficulty in targeting and its skill in maintaining a national base of support (ibid.). Sendero has manifested a high degree of organizational discipline and group cohesion. Until its leader was captured in 1992, Sendero was able to operate in large areas of the country with little to no interference from either the police or the armed forces (ibid.). On May 17th, 1980, the day before democratic elections were to be held, Sendero Luminoso attacked polling places in peasant villages in Ayacucho (ibed 15). In the following months, it attacked the symbols of the fascist state" throughout large areas of the department, including police stations, government offices, and various nationally sponsored development projects (ibed 16). The government ignored the attacks at first and downplayed the developing insurgency through the end of 1980 (ibid.). The attacks, however, persisted with enough frequency that in 1981, the government passed a broad antiterrorist law, imposing stiff penalties against any person or group that willingly aided or cooperated with terrorists, followed in

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October with the first declared state of emergency in Ayacucho (ibid.). Meanwhile, Sendero Luminosos attacks continued growing, and now targeted government infrastructure such as bridges and transmission lines (ibid.). The group also conducted people's trials to punish landowners, money lenders, corrupt officials, or village merchants (ibid.). In the first three months of 1981, it is estimated that Sendero Luminoso carried out between 300 and 400 individual operations throughout Peru (ibid.). In 1982, the government deployed military forces against Sendero Luminoso (ibid.). Its response, however, was highly flawed as reports of military abuse began to rise. Six months after the military intervention, the death toll in Ayacucho numbered almost 1000 (ibed 17). Amidst this violence, the poor continued to suffer. Members of the armed forces acknowledged that many of those arrested and killed were probably unconnected with Sendero. As one ranking officer was quoted as saying, however, if the army kills 60, at least 6 can be expected to be Senderistas (ibid.). Essentially, the officer acknowledged that many innocent people were caught between the abuse of Sendero Luminoso and the abuse of the military. They couldnt trust anyone, and were persecuted by both sides of the war. In the 1990s, the Peruvian government changed hands to Alberto Fujimori, who is now considered a quasi dictator (Ritter 4). In 1992, he staged a self-coup, disbanded Congress and the judiciary, and rewrote the constitution to give the executive branch greater power and allow him to run for office again (ibid.). He claimed these actions were necessary in the war against terrorism, which was bolstered when, in 1992, Guzman was captured and Sendero Luminoso was

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flung into a state of dormancy (Manwaring 158). Even without Guzmans leadership, however, Sendero Luminoso still demonstrates a militant commitment to a long-term government [that] provides militant reformers [and] disillusioned revolutionaries with a more orthodox and sophisticated Marxist-Leninist-Maoist model for the conduct and implementation of a successful people's war (ibid.). The current Peruvian government, led by the Humala administration, is facing the groups possible resurgenceSendero Luminosos opposition to the government continues to live. Meanwhile, Fujimori exerted a rule of oppression until the fall of 2000, when the corruption of the regime was definitively exposed in a series of videotapes showing Fujimoris chief of intelligencepaying off members of the main opposition parties (Ritter 5). Fujimori fled to Japan in exile (ibid.). In 2001, under the new Alejandro Toledo government, Peru conducted a series of truth commissions which served clarify processes, acts, and responsibilities of terrorist violence and violation of human rights between 1980 and 2000 (ibid). Amidst this sweeping history, Siembra remained with the poor, writing songs that combined political and social realities with the presence of God and that inspired hope without creating illusion (Salas 2011). The refrain of Padre (Father), one of Eduardos compositions written in 1998, captures that spirit: Aceptanos; el fro cubre nuestra piel. En tus brazos acogenos. Padre, tu cario nos hace vivir. Renuevanos, infunde tu espritu creador. Danos vida otra vez, Padre, que tu pueblo queremos ser. Accept us; the cold covers our skin. In your arms, admit us. Father, your affection makes us live. Renew us, Fill us with your creating spirit. Give us live again, Father, We want to be your people.

As the truth commissions were conducted, Siembra felt unsatisfied. What about the poor,

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isolated villages that wouldnt have access to the documents the commissions produced? What of those that were illiterate, or whose education level prohibited them from reading and understanding the outcome? Furthermore, as the commissions would gradually fade into history, Siembra recognized the need for an ongoing social space where the wars history was addressed. Out of this concern, the group created its own community based truth commission by composing the album Kjuyarikusum (Reconciliation). The album has three parts, which Eduardo described:
First, it presents how Shining Path massacred a community of farmworkers. Next, it presents how the military assassinated innocent people[and asks] Why did this happen?, [while] deal[ing] with the role the government played. The third part addresses all the victims, and is about hopeforgiveness, and reconciliation. It says Receive us. This includes all the victims, those whose backs were turned on. It recognizes the sin of people who were aware of the assassinations but didnt do anything. The war revealed racism in the countrythe people in the capital city didnt care about the people in the countryside. It was only until the war entered the city that there was any kind of public reaction. Next, the music [addresses] people who were disappeared and were never found (Salas, 2011).

The final piece is titled Comunidad (Community), whose chorus reads: Together we are life, together we are strength; God calls us all to live. This is our reign, this is our heaven; our God is here (Salas, 2011). Siembra performed the album in its entirety during a concert in 2005 to a crowd largely made up of Shining Path victims. Eduardo said that the response after the concert, people approached him to give personal testimony of how important the music was for them in helping to reflect on what had happened. One man, whose son was assassinated by Shining Path, said that before the concert, he didnt want to even think about his sons death. Siembras music, though, created the space to invite him to think about what happened and to reconcile (Salas, 2011). This was but one of many testimonies given by people who had lost family during the violence. Siembra had successfully created a space in which people could acknowledge the painful memory of what happened, and reflect on the importance of continuing to live as a community. As the final

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song says, Together, we are community.

Institutional Response While Siembras music was whole heartedly embraced by poor Christian communities, the government and institutional Catholic felt threatened by the groups liberation theology and urge for the poor to organize. The Fernando Belande Administration (1980-85) and the Catholic Church, for instance, banned some of the music on the premise that Siembra was a communist group trying to infiltrate the country (Salas, 2011). When Gilmer submitted a set of songs to the bishop of Lima in the 1980s, every single song was criticized; none would be accepted unless they were heavily censored (Salas, 2011). One line of lyrics in particular was: America wakes up above her mountains that throw [at us] a new morning. The bishop claimed this was a subversive text referencing Shining Path throwing bombs (Salas, 2011). This was but one of many challenges Siembra faced. The members had to hold other jobs to support themselves and the band, as they couldnt realistically charge poor communities any more than they could afford for concerts, albums, and workshops. Yns told me that the group verged on the point of collapse more than once. She said,
20 or 25 years ago, we spoke of a vision we had; we, the young, were called to change the countrywe were going to mobilize our brothers and sisters. And after 20 years, were no longer young, and very little has changed. But, we say, though nothing has changed, we are still making steps and we are still part of one community. Still we havent reached our goal, which makes us doubly responsible to continue in this journey (Ochoa, 2011).

Siembras songs are still banned in the large cathedrals in central Lima, which favor music that focuses on personal relationship with God. Yet Siembra continues to compose, creating music that works to influence the conscious of the people and fill their souls with social awareness and liberation theology. For those that refuse to listen, Siembra maintains that their invitation will 32

always remain open. Regardless of this institutional conflict, Siembras songs have elicited strong responses, sometimes in other countries. One of Gilmers first pieces, for example, is titled Buenas nuevas pa mi pueblo (Good New Beginnings for my People). The first verse is: Caern los que opriman la esperanza de mi pueblo. Caern los que coman, su pan, sin haber sudado. Caern con la violencia, que ellos mismos han buscado, y se alzar mi pueblo como el sol sobre el sembrado. Those that oppressed the hope of my people will fall. Those who ate without having worked will fall. They will fall by the very violence that theyve searched for, And my people will rise up like the sun above the sown field.

The song made its way to Santiago, Chile when authoritarian leader Augusto Pinochets repression was particularly intense. Students gathered in the streets shouting the first verse until the police came. Then they would go another street, sing, and disappear. The songs presence was so strong that the minister of Education declared that anyone who sang that song in Chile would be thrown into prison, and that the composer was a traitor to Chiles patriotism (Salas, 2011). Fortunately, no one knew that Gilmer was the composer, who stayed happily anonymous in Peru. As Eduardo put it, the song is meant to announce the good news of change that will rise from the pits of violence, that the moment for the poor to come into the light will soon be realized. This mindset was very popular in this time, and served to inspire Chilean youth to organize (Salas, 2011). In 2011, Peru elected Ollanto Humala to be the first left President to ever serve in Peru. In his first speech, he said, We want the term 'social exclusion' to disappear from our language and lives foreverEconomic growth and social inclusion will march together (Merco Press). This was the message Siembra had been waiting to hear for thirty-two years, back when Gilmer,

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Eduardo, and Yns were still young and idealistic about the change they could bring to Peru. When I asked Eduardo about the election, and then about Siembras future, he was silent for a long time. Finally, he spoke.
Were going to find ways to continue accompanying our pueblo. As you can see, were not young anymore, and weve dedicated a big part of our life to the popular project, which well continue doing. Now we have a new government, of which we feel proud because I know that our work at least partially allowed this government to be realized. I dont know how much. It would be ridiculous to say that we were the only reason. But our work had an impact. And we do desire to continue accompanying (Salas, 2011).5

El Salvador Though Salvadoran composer Guillermo Cullar6 wasnt in Peru during Shining Paths violent conquest, he grappled with his own countrys Civil War during the same exact time period of 1980-1992. His and Gilmers music are similar in their popular religious music slantthe composers were and are still friends, and are familiar with each others more popular works (Cullar 2012). Despite living in different countries and in different cultural contexts, there are strong similarities in their musics radical call to social awareness and community action in the face of recent and violent oppression. Even before its staggeringly violent civil war, El Salvador was in severe economic and social turmoil. In the late 1970s, for example, the wealthiest 5 percent of the countrys families cornered 38 percent of the national income; the poorest 40 percent [had] 7.5% (Bonner 17).7 Only 6 percent of the population earned enough for a market basket of basic needs per month (ibid). Medical care was equally strainedin some provinces, there was only one doctor for every 90,000 peasants (ibid). Bonner says that it was cold statistics such as these that helped spawn a
5 6

See Figure 7 in the Appendix See Figure 8 in the Appendix 7 See Figure 9 in the Appendix

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revolution (ibid). There were far too many people living in extreme poverty, says Bonner, for the planted seeds of the peasant revolution to not take root (ibed 22). The real increase in violence in El Salvador dates back to 1979 which was the time the Sandinistas took over in Nicaragua and began o increase their aid to the guerrillas in El Salvador. (ibed 15) Successive military governments in El Salvador, going back nearly half a century, blamed all the countrys turmoil on the CommunistsPeasants who demanded a piece of land, and workers who wanted to earn more than $1 a day were Communists. (ibed 14) Peasantswere singled out for murder by government forces. (ibed 7) The Matanza was another example of graphic violence before the civil war. In 1932, the military killed as many as 40,000 indigenous people on account of government declared communist revolts (ibed 23). With so many dead, and with so much land now vacant, the richest families expanded their already vast agricultural collections, using them to turn even more profit as they used their money to befriend the military and keep the peasants in line (ibed 27). The final straw came when, in 1972, the military fraudulently stole political victory from Duarte and Ungo. Both Bonner and Duarte ascertained that the powers ruling El Salvador would never permit votes to defeat them. Change had to come by other means (Duarte 91). With special attention to peasants, the people of El Salvador had reached a breaking point. They had lived through years of numbingly violent repression; they suffered extreme poverty and lost what little land they had to the few rich families that jointly controlled the country. Had the people had the chanceor even the abilityto seek help from a source outside of the government, perhaps a war could have been avoided. But due to the high amounts of illiteracy and lack of education, many people werent capable of organizing themselves. When a first and, in some ways, last chance for change finally presented itself in the form of Duarte and Ungos Christian

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Democratic party, the government stole the vote in a blatantly fraudulent vote. This was the last straw for the people of El Salvador. They were essentially faced with an ultimatum: revolt or suffer generations to come. A guerrilla group called Farabundo Mart para la Liberacon Nacional (FMLN) formed and began to fight back (Palumbo 2010).8 Amidst the violence stood a voice of peace, liberation, and justice: Archbishop Oscar Romero. He hadnt always been a revolutionarythe church, in conjunction with the government, had installed him as Archbishop because his submissive and conservative personality would be easy to control. As military-backed murders, disappearances, and other forms of violence continued in El Salvador, Romero remained silent (Palumbo 2010). On March 12th, 1977, Romeros close friend, Father Rutilio Grande, was murdered by a death squad on account of his outspoken opposition to the militarys repression (Palumbo 2010). This death marked a turning point in Romeros thinking. His eyes were opened to the needs of the poorthe community that the military continued to torture and kill with sadistic indifference. He had been transformed, and would become El Salvadors voice for the voiceless. He visited the poor; he walked with the poor. He used his homilies to inspire the poor, and to command the military to stop killing. When he received death threats, he refused to accept a body guard unless everyone could have one. He used liberation theology to assure the lowliest of Salvadorans that their kingdom was on earth, and that it was their right to live with dignity.9 Guillermos music was present during this time of transformation. He wrote three songs in honor of Rutilio Grandes death: Vamos todos al banquete (Let Us Go to the Banquet), El banquete ya est listo (The banquet is ready), and Padre Rutilio Grande (Cullar 2012). These pieces were directly inspired by a homily Grande delivered one month before his assassination,
8 9

See Figure 10 in the Appendix See Figure 11 in the Appendix

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which spoke of a table for everyone (Grande 1977). Grande then used the phrase cada cual con su taburete (each person with his stool), to announce that all people had a place to sit around the table (Grande 1977). Cullar modified this phrase in the opening of Vamos todos al banquete: Vamos todos al banquete, a la mesa de la creacin; cada cual con su taburete, tiene un puesto y una misin. Let us go to the banquet, to the table of creation; each person with their stool, each has a place and a mission.

He used the rest of the song to inspire community engagement by developing themes of interpersonal trust: Hoy me levanto muy temprano, ya me espera la comunidad. Voy subiendo alegre la cuesta voy en busca de tu amistad. Dios invita a todos los pobres a esta mesa comn por la fe, donde no hay acaparadores y a nadie le falta el con qu. Today I arise very early, The community already awaits me. I happily go climbing the mountain I go in search of your friendship. God invites all the poor to this common table through faith, where no one is greedy and no one lacks the how. Dios nos manda hacer de este mundo una mesa de fraternidad; trabajando y orando juntos, compartiendo la propiedad. God commands us to make a table of fraternity in this world; working and praying together, sharing their support.

Vamos todos illuminates Guillermos hope for peace amidst moments of violence. He said that this songs hope, in particular, is derived from the resurrection that comes after blood is spilledChrists resurrection (Cullar 2012). Like Grupo Siembra, Guillermo was often invited to play concerts in El Salvador on account of this song, which was part of his larger, well La misa popular Salvadoreo (Popular Salvadoran Mass). He often received personal testimonies from community members on account of how his music helped people realize the importance of constructing the reign of God (Cullar 2012). In another parallel to Grupo Siembra, Guillermos

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music educated, built interpersonal trust, and called for social change in the context of liberation theology (Cullar 2012). Even more importantly, the music was a catalyzing force that would not only inspire the community, but Archbishop Romero. Guillermo and Archbishop Romero When Guillermo was twenty years old, he worked for Archbishop Oscar Romeros office. Romero showed a strong affinity to him, particularly on the basis of Guillermos musical compositions. On three separate occasions, Romero extracted verses from Guillermos songs and presented them as parts of his homilies, which were heard by the communities. Though no one knew Guillermo had written the music, he served to strengthen the social justice oriented themes of Romeros homilies. Romero, however, was critical of Guillermos text. Before presenting a verse to a community, he would carefully read it and, if it felt it was too radical, request that Guillermo tone it down (One of Guillermos piecesPadre Netowas too controversial because it contained the phrase sierras uniformadas [uniformed mountains]. For Romero, this was reminiscent of the FLMN camps in the mountains) (Cullar 2012). Guillermo often found himself in disagreement with this policyhe felt his text would lose authenticity if the message were distilled. Romero, however, didnt want to create revolt amongst the congregation, nor profoundly anger the military, which was already closely watching him (Cullar 2012). His highest priority was to promote peace (Cullar 2012). Guillermos Gloria setting from his Misa Popular Salvadoreo (Popular Salvadoran Mass) is an example of this tension. When he finished writing the fourth verse, he was almost positive Romero would reject it for its controversial content:

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Pero los dioses del poder y del dinero se oponen a que haya transfiguracin; por eso ahora Vos, Seor, sos el primero en levantar tu brazo contra la opresin.

But the gods of power and money oppose the fact that there might be transfiguration; for that, you now are, Lord, the first in raising your arm against oppression.

He submitted the text to Romero on a day when the Archbishop was particularly busy. He quickly glanced over the text and told Guillermo that it was fine. I thought he made a mistake, or was too busy to read the text carefully, Guillermo later told me. There was no way he could have approved of that verse (Cuellr 2012). That Sunday, right as mass was about to start, Romero announced that the congregation would sing a new song that day. He read the first two verses, and then said, The third verse is very pretty. Pay close attention to it (Cullar 2012). This was the controversial verse Guillermo had been worried aboutthe one he thought Romero hadnt noticed. When Romero finished reading it, there was a loud applause (Cullar 2012). The community had already embraced this piece of popular religious music. Influence on Romero Why did Romero read that verse, especially after his prior resistance to Guillermos often radical text? Did the music influence him to rethink his perspective and enter more deeply into a life of intense social justice? What was Guillermos role in Romeros formation as a liberator of the poor? Guillermo offered his own thoughts on the matter:
For me, Romeros change was his own personal decision to listen to the people. The principal actorthe primary subjectthat was responsible for changing Romero was the Salvadoran people. I dont think a single person can support the idea that for my book, for my song, Romero changed. For him, the grand teacher was the Salvadoran people (Cullar 2012).

Guillermo didnt discredit his own impact completely, though. In order for the community

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to act as a source of inspiration for Romero, it needed its own source of rejuvenation and energy. The people consist of a grand collection of energy that doesnt have an owner or boss. The communication in this great collective energy is based in emotions and feelings; not so much in logic, ideas, nor academic theories. Music, thus, is a cornerstone (Cullar 2012). Guillermo compose[s] songs as a member of the community; [he] absorb[s] the energy of the community and applies it to his song writing. Take, for example, a song he wrote in 1979 titled Cuando el pobre creer en el pobre (When the Poor Believe in the Poor) 182. Guillermo said, I believe a basic condition is that the simplest people feel that they are listened tothat their shout is key to rebuilding trust (Cullar 2012).i Romero agreed, as evidenced by an excerpt from his homily on July 10th, 1977:
Everyone can contribute much that is good, and in that way trust is achieved. The common good will not be attained by excluding people. We cant enrich the common good of our country by driving out those we dont care for. We have to try to bring out all that is good in each person and try to develop an atmosphere of trust, not with physical force, as though dealing with irrational beings, but with a moral force that draws out the good that is in everyone, especially in concerned young people. Thus, with all contributing their own interior life, their own responsibility, their own way of being, all can build the beautiful structure of the common good, the good that we construct together and that creates conditions of kindness, of trust, of freedom, of peace. Then we can, all of us together, build the republicthe public concernwhat belongs to all of us and what we all have the duty of building (Brockman, 17).

For the cornerstone role Guillermos music played in continuously inspiring the community, emphasizing Romeros messages of social justice through song, and for his persistence in writing text that challenged Romero and ultimately aided in his transformation, Guillermo was an undeniable architect of peace. Peace, however, couldnt feel further away as military oppression and subversive activity increased. On March 24th, 1980, just months before

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the civil war started, Archbishop Romero was assassinatedii.10 I had to flee the country on account of my music, Guillermo told me. They killed Romero in March and I left [for Mexico] in June. I returned in 1983 to work in the [guerrilla] radio Farabundo Mart in Chalatenango. I worked there for three years until 1986. Then, I fled again [to Nicaragua and Canada]. By 1989, Guillermo was once again in El Salvador. On November 16th, he talked his way out of death. Later that morning, six Jesuits, along with their pregnant cook, were found murdered outside the Jesuit Residence at the University of Central AmericaEl Salvadors most prodigious private school and liberation theologys academic home. Cullar knew the Jesuits intimately, as they had been his high school teachers and friends. Their death was a major blow not only to him, but to the country and the world. The violence had reached a mind-numbing level of atrocitythe military would spare no one in its rampage. During our interview, I asked Guillermo how he felt when he realized the Jesuits were assassinated. He was quiet for a long moment, allowing the outside chatter around the donut shop to swell into our booth. Finally, he looked up. Over time, I felt anger. This anger hasnt disappeared. He paused again. It hasnt disappeared. But in your songs, I said, one doesnt encounter angerone only encounters faith. Yes. [Thats because] I dont believe anger is the path of expression. Ive always had the idea of projecting an image that was painful but, in the end, carried a message of hopethe message of Jesus. After their death, Cullar wrote songs that not only honored the Jesuits killed that day, but the various priests who had been assassinated over the last decade. In Padre Octavio Ortiz, he wrote Father Octavio has left this earth, crushed by beasts. Prophets go to heaventhat is the
10

See Figure 10 in the Appendix

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hope that is raised with blood of gloryThe martyrs of awakening are calling us to keep fighting and to never abandon our ideals (Cullar, 2012). In Padre Rafael Palacios, he wrote, Although they have destroyed your body, you will live with the Lord, and those that have heard you will resurrect your love. A cross ahead invites us to walk, a bright torch illuminates our path (Cullar, 2012). Discussion This paper is by no means an exhaustive report of the music that inspires and accompanies social change, awareness, and the building of trust in Latin America. Further research deserves to be done on other msica popular religiosa composers that made important musical contributions to their respective countries. Guillermo, for instance, is now finishing production on an anthology that collects songs from artists who wrote for martyrs, liturgy, youth, and social issues (Cullar, 2012). One song in particular, written by the now deceased Miguel Cavada Diez, has a chorus that says, You shall not kill, you shall not kill by God, by the people I order you: You shall not kill (Cullar, 2012). In Peru, a composer named Ricardo Dolorier wrote a song in response to a policeled massacre in the small region of Ayacucho in 1984 (Salas, 2011), which became an important agent of reconciliation and acknowledgement. I chose to focus on Grupo Siembra and Guillermo Cullar because of their vast collections of original compositions, for their pioneering of popular religious music, and for their intimate connections with the founding of liberation theology and with Archbishop Oscar Romero, respectively. In a more extensive research paper, other artists would be examined more carefully. Another area of further research would be to examine the current state of music in Peru and El Salvador. In Peru, Grupo Siembra told me that public schools simply didnt offer music

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programsunless an elite family sent its son or daughter to a private conservatory, then the child was unlikely to receive any kind of formal music education (Ochoa, 2011). When I met with the Minister of Culture in El Salvador (he himself is a guitarist and popular liturgical music composer), he told me that the government completely cut funding for public school music education. Private schools are currently the only places that offer formal music education Marroqun, 2012). This impacts the liturgical music that is composed for poor Christian-based communities in terms of harmonic progression, rhythm, and style. More research needs to be done to examine patterns in those progressions, and how a lack of formal music education might limit not only compositional quality, but also performance and presentation quality. While the World Value Surveys was useful in providing data about interpersonal trust, it would be helpful to have access to similar data that measured popular liturgical music so that it could be statistically analyzed in relation to trust. This, however, would require extensive fieldwork on the part of the World Value Surveys organization. More quantitative evidence would help solidify the arguments made in this paper. Final Thoughts On August 4th, 2011, I shared a final supper with Grupo Siembra. We sat in the corner of a warm, crowded restaurant, eating thickly layered ham sandwiches and ginger ale. Yns held up her glass saying Toast, toast. We toasted, and we talked, we joked, we laughed. The tables around us, deep in their own conversations, roared with laughter, poured themselves another drink. The happiness in the room was almost as tangible as the food itself. I looked at the three people sitting across from me, these three blessed people with so many gifts and so much hope for the world. Although my time in Peru had ended, this friendship with Siembra was just beginning. It

43

doesnt have to end here. Let us take the seeds and sow them, and let them grow. Siembra wants to start a music school for the poor so that youth may be better equipped to serve their Christian-based communities through music. The group needs publicity, though, if they are to have any hope for raising the required funds. With Siembras permission, I am currently working on transcribing their strongest songs so that they can be shared with the United States. As Gilmer, Eduardo, Yns, and Jaime get older, someone will have to continue the legacy of Siembra. May these composers, and the marginalized people of their country, never be forgotten. Even more importantly, may their message of peace, justice, and liberation be taken seriously and be acted upon, especially as Perus new government continues to establish itself. Perus social and economic problems still persist, as do those of El Salvador. The tiny country is in economic turmoil, and is now troubled more than ever by a strong gang presence that exerts power even over the government (New York Times, 2012). Outside of Christian-based communities and the occasional radio interview, Guillermos music is virtually ignored (Cullar, 2012). While trust is critical in bringing about change, it cannot begin until people start listening to each otherright now, the rich are not listening to the poor (Cullar, 2012). The music must live on, and must maintain the open invitation for conversation and engagement that can bring about social and economic change that acknowledges the plight of the poor. Scholars agree that public circulation of music is an important way of organizing collectives, especially in the conditions of societal change (Tucker 2), as the imaginative work behind composition can be a gateway to imaginative thinking in shaping social consciousness and change both in El Salvador and Peru (ibid.). Though these two contexts are similar, El Salvador deals with the history of killing nearly all of its indigenous population, while Peru confronts racism against currently living populations

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(Salas 2011). El Salvador also had Oscar Romero, amongst other priests, who is now a martyr permanently engraved in the countrys collective historical thought and acts as a source of inspiration for many musical compositions (Palumbo 2010). The two countries intersect, though, in that their respective poor populations were caught in the middle of violence and were stripped of their dignity. This painful history deserves to be remembered not only for the purposes of acknowledgement and reconciliation, but to question the preexisting systems that allowed for the events to ever happen. As Siembra stated, music has the ability to reach people that truth commissions, press releases, or other forms of literature cannot by providing a consistent, simple, and memorable message that can be shared virtually anywhere and amongst anyone, regardless of educational, cultural, and geographical barriers. This is, however, reliant on one thing: that people are willing to listen. Grupo Siembra and Guillermo Cullar are now dear friends to me; I believe wholeheartedly in their mission. It is a missionthey told methat will not bear fruit in their lifetimes. Change inspired by music comes in two parts: it must first be internalized, and then must be acted upon (Torres, 2011). Siembra and Cullar believe that the music, even after thirty years of existence is still being internalized. The seeds have been plantedit is in the hands of future generations to see that these seeds bear good fruit.

Acknowledgements I would also like to thank the Santa Clara University Jesuit Community and the Santa Clara University Markkula Center for Applied Ethics for their financial support in regards to conducting interviews in Peru and El Salvador. I would also like to thank Dr. Christina Zanfagna and Dr.

45

Dennis Gordon for their invaluable suggestions and comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Finally, I would like to thank Gilmer Torres, Grupo Siembra, Guillermo Cullar, the Casa de la Solidaridad Study Abroad Program, and the many others who welcomed me to their countries unconditionally and offered me their time, support, and friendship. Appendix

Figure 1

San Juan de Lurigancho, Peru

Figure 2

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An example of economic division in San Juan de Lurigancho, Peru Figure 3

Yns Ochoa and Gilmer Torres Figure 4

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San Cristbal Chapel, where Gilmer Torres was inspired to found Grupo Siembra Figure 5

Eduardo Salas, current director of Grupo Siembra

Figure 6 48

Grupo Siembra and myself playing a concert Figure 7

Grupo Siembra from left to right: Yns Ochoa, Jaime Montoya, Eduardo Salas

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Figure 8

Guillermo Cullar playing guitar (photo used with permission) Figure 9

Downtown San Salvador, El Salvador

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Figure 10

Chalatenango, El Salavdor, where guerrilla oppostion forces camped and planned attacks against the military Figure 11

A mural of the Salvadoran poor, one of whom holds a picture of Archbishop Oscar Romero.

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Figure 12

Divina Providencia Chapel, where Archbishop Romero was assassinated. Romero often presided in small, humble chapels such as this one.

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Talticpac, a Salvadoran band that incorporates Mayan instruments into its music, agrees that trust is essential in creating social awareness and change: There are people who arent representedthere is corruption and indifference, people who wont vote. I think that music of this kind calls us to be better people. You can do this in an individual manner with your own character in your own neighborhood. You can have actions of change without being in a political party. The most important part is how you personally change and how this change influences those around you; this is more important than the political party youre associated with (Guillen, 2012).
ii

Romero was well aware that his life was in danger. He regularly refused the service of bodyguards unless all members of poor communities had access to them as well. Before his assassination, Archbishop Oscar Romero said the now famous words, If they kill me, I shall arise in the Salvadoran people (ONeill, 2010).

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