The Arab Spring: Lessons from Tunisia and Egypt

By: Suffyan Othman

The images that permeated from the world and social media in late 2010 and early 2011 of young people gathering en masse to demand for social change left an indelible mark throughout the world. The voices of these people grew so loud that the newsmagazine TIME named The Protestor as the most important person of 2011 due to the sheer presence of those who are brave and stood up for what they believe in. Most importantly, it is the idea that not everything is alright with the world and that people can create and be the change that they want to see. From 2010 onwards, the growing dissatisfaction of young was slowly reflected and began seeping into general consciousness of the population. This was crystallized by various movements and protests that continue to take place around the world. Beginning in the Arab states, where their high youth bulge placed a growing strain on public services such as transportation, education and housing, this sense of disaffection spread to many countries, with a common focus on personal dignity, fairness and a responsive government. Following the spark that is the Arab Spring, the movements and protest can be seen as a chain of events, drawing inspiration from that spark, spreading throughout the world from Europe, to North and South America and even Asia. While these series of youth-based movements are disparate, there is a need to examine the commonalities that exist and the implications that of these to the Singaporean context, specifically to the Malay/Muslim community. There is a need to understand why these movements started and how this can be addressed in Singapore. As most if not all the movements and mass demonstrations & protests that occurred from 2010 can be said to be inspired by the Arab Spring, it is therefore important to look into the causes as to why it was started in the first place. As mentioned earlier, the high youth bulge created a growing strain on the infrastructure, especially on education, employment and housing, and it was the growing discontentment of the young in these countries that triggered these movements and change. However, there are different reasons as to why this occurred and looking into the local context of the Arab Spring is just as important as the commonalities. Tunisia Looking into Tunisia, which started the Arab Spring, it has long enjoyed the Arab worlds best educational system, largest middle class, and strongest organized labour movement.i However, the focus on economic development and growth which can be seen by the GDP gains and Global

Competitiveness Index was not reflected in the lives of the people. The government corruption that existed played a large role in fostering discontent in the lives of the people. The international image as a modern, technocratic regime and a tourist-friendly travel destinationii hid the growing sense of frustration among Tunisians with the challenges they face in reaping the benefits of a country hailed as an example of quick social progress and economic growthiii. The people were simply frustrated and dissatisfied by the lack of basic needs and poor infrastructure while the countrys economy was growing. The tipping point for the people of Tunisia was the self-immolation of the 26 year old Mohammed Bouazizi. The symbolic actions spurred what many refer to as the peoples revolutioniv and led to the downfall of the corrupt government. It was a youth driven uprising, where the high youth bulge found the growing disparity, alienation and lack of opportunities untenable. The role of media leading up to the revolution was integral as it required the attention and a critical mass of people to drive and succeed in the relatively peaceful revolution. In the case of Mohammed Bouazizi, family members and friends used social media to share the news of what was happeningv and overcame heavy censorship and police repression to ensure that their uprising did not go unnoticedvi. The use of social media to create awareness of the uprising was successful as Tunisia has one of the highest internet penetration rates in Africa. International media also aided the initial uprising and subsequent revolution with its coverage, keeping non-internet users aware of what was happening there. It was the spontaneity of the uprising that was most surprising, how it was sustained in light of the heavy-handed state response and brutality to the protestors. It was truly a ground-up movement where the youth where taking the lead to demand for political change. Beyond the critical mass of young people participating in the demonstrations, the support from the middle-class and the elites was also important as the demonstrations moved from just taking place in the outlying cities to the capital, Tunis. Egypt Similarly, in Egypt as in Tunisia, the high youth bulge played a large role in driving the revolution forward. Set in the backdrop of a corrupt government, where its inability to provide basic services and seeming indifference to widespread unemployment and poverty alienated tens of millions of Egyptiansvii, the people took to the streets and toppled the regime. It was the demographic structural issues that the state failed to provide for but instead alienated the youth. Left with no other routes for recourse, it was the streets where the youth took to; to display their discontent and

ask for change. Emboldened by the overthrow of Tunisias Ben Ali, the protests spread to Egypt when on January 25, 2011 where opposition leaders declared it a Day of Rage on which protesters would take to the street against President Hosni Mubaraks 30-year rule. Egypt has a culture of deep communal bonds and trust, which manifested itself in the demonstrators incredible discipline: their sustained non-violence, their refusal to be provoked by thugs and saboteurs, their capacity to police themselves and coordinate their demands, and their ability to organize without any central leadership.viii The protesters included secularists, Islamists and Communists/ultra-left-wingersa veritable whos who of the Egyptian opposition. In this case, a more organized critical mass was achieved, which the marginalized groups working together towards a common goal. This was framed by protests, what the organizers believe as a stand against torture, poverty, corruption and unemployment. The use of social media was even more apparent, where the Internet-savvy protesters used Twitpic, Facebook and YouTube to disseminate videos and photographs and called on Egyptians to protest. Protesters provided minute-by-minute tweets concerning where to assemble in an effort to outwit police. The Egyptian government originally engaged in episodic censorship and videos of protestor violence in a bid to control the anti-state tide, and internet and handphone connections were restricted and controlled. These blunt measures failed to turn the tide and after 18 days of continuous street protests the Egyptian people finally ousted Hosni Mubarak from the Presidency and the process of nation building began again. Conclusion Although the demonstrations in both Tunisia and Egypt were successful in toppling the long-standing Presidents and their governments, the long process of rebuilding their governments and more importantly the nation still continues. The philosophy of non-violent civil disobedience which was exemplified by Mahatma Gandhi and utilized in both Tunisia and Egypt continue to be a useful strategy to enact social change and that moral capitalix lies in the hands of those who are oppressed. Instead of continuing to fear the oppression, these young people instead stood up for something more than themselves and collectively worked together to bring about social change. And although the challenges of nation-building are manifold, the collectivity they displayed during the demonstrations and the common sense of belief and ownership that they have in each other and the community will mitigate these challenges and that they can thrive in the future. The Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore is also experiencing a high youth bulge where over 50% of the population are under the age of 35 and that percentage is growing. The structural challenges

that youth in Tunisia and Egypt face, educational and employment opportunities and housing, are similar to ones that the Malay/Muslim youth in Singapore face, although it is not as acute. It is therefore important to understand and learn from the events that took place both in Tunisia and Egypt. While there are many important lessons that can be further drawn from the Arab Spring, corrupt governments, inequitable economic distribution, demographic structural issues, infrastructural failings, the use of social media to facilitate social change amongst others, the most important lesson for the Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore is that the needs of the youth cannot be ignored. The future of the community and the country are dependent on youths that feel that they are an integral part of the social fabric and that they are nurtured and allowed to grow. Youths, in all their disparateness, provide the colour and energy of the community and it is integral that they are embraced. Beyond this, youth themselves have to feel that they have a say in leading the community forward as the future lies in their hands.

Lisa Anderson. "Demystifying the Arab Spring." Foreign Affairs. 3 Apr. 2011. Web. 11 Feb. 2012. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67693/lisa-anderson/demystifying-the-arab-spring ii Ibid. iii Abu Dhabi Gallup Center. Tunisia: Analyzing the Dawn of the Arab Spring. 2011. Web. 11 Feb 2012. http://www.abudhabigallupcenter.com/148229/tunisia-analyzing-dawn-arab-spring.aspx iv Rania Abouzeid. Bouazizi: The Man Who Set Himself and Tunisia on Fire. Time. 21 Jan 2011. Web. 11 Feb 2012. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2044723,00.html v Yasmine Ryan. How Tunisias Revolution Began. Al-Jazeera. 26 Jan 2011. Web. 11 Feb 2012. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/2011126121815985483.html vi Ibid. vii Anderson, Demystifying the Arab Spring." Foreign Affairs viii Ibid. ix John Kane. The Politics of Moral Capital. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001) pp. 6-26